Transcript of an oral history interview with Harold L. Gilmore, conducted by Joseph Cates on 22 January 2017 as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Harold Gilmore was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1953; his experiences as a student at Norwich University and his post-graduation career path, particularly as an educator, are discussed in his interview. ; 1 Harold Gilmore, Oral History Interview January 22nd, 2017 Home of Harold Gilmore Interviewed by Joseph Cates JOSEPH CATES: Let's record and we can get started. HAROLD GILMORE: All right. Very good. JC: All right. This is Joseph Cates. Today is January 22nd, 2017. I'm interviewing Harold Gilmore at his home. This interview is sponsored by the Sullivan Museum and History Center and is part of the Norwich Voices Oral History Project. To start off, can you tell me your full name? HG: Harold Lawrence Gilmore. JC: And, when and where were you born? HG: Born in Whitinsville, Massachusetts in 1931. JC: Okay. HG: April 30th. JC: April 30th. What is your Norwich class? HG: Class of 1953. JC: Okay. Tell me about where you grew up and what it was like as a child? HG: I grew up in a very unique town. The town of Whitinsville, a village of Whitinsville, in the town of Northbridge, Massachusetts. It was what you'd call a company town. It was a town that was operated fundamentally by the Whitin Machine Works, which was a textile manufacturing company. My father worked there his whole life. My mother worked there part-time at times. It was a town that was written up by the Harvard Business School at one point in time as sort of a socialistic environment. JC: Oh! HG: It was a town that ran the library. It had its own housing for its people. The rents were subsidized so to speak. They maintained those properties. So, it was a very unique environment, something that probably not many people in the United States have ever lived in but was very enjoyable. It was secure and stable 2 employment, good schools. Other resources were all well-made, fire departments, police departments, many of it subsidized heavily by the corporation. JC: And what corporation was it again? HG: Whitin Machine Works. JC: Oh. Okay. HG: And it was a textile manufacturing company. JC: Oh. Okay. HG: Subsequently, it has disappeared. Went out of business. Textile manufacturing moved elsewhere. Moves down South and then out of the country primarily. The remnants of it are over in New Bedford where I ended up retiring from the University of Massachusetts over there where the icon on the entrance of the school is a huge spindle, which is a representative of a device that runs a thread through looms, weaving machines. JC: What made you decide to choose Norwich? HG: Well, I was the first individual in my family to go on to college. It's a large family. My mother was one of eight children. My father was one of four. They married. They lived within, almost a stone's throw of each other. We lived in the same place. I grew up in the same place and had many aunts and uncles in the neighborhood. So, I did not have any prior experience with Norwich. The only thing that was driving me at the time was my father said, "You've got to get a college education." He was a wood pattern maker and worked at Whitin Machine Works, as I noted, and he said, "This is not your lifestyle. You've got to upgrade yourself." I did not have the experience that current people have of visiting campuses. I never went to Norwich. I had an uncle that had gone to the University of Rhode Island. He had not graduated. So, I applied there. And then, Norwich had a high school visit team that came through and I got impressed with what that fellow had to say so I applied to Norwich. I did not get accepted to the University of Rhode Island. So, I had the choice of one school, Norwich. So, I went to Norwich. Unbeknownst to me about anything about Norwich. As a matter of fact, I had my high school yearbook signed by one of the teachers and he signed it, "Hup, one, two, three" and he signed his name. I said, "What's that all about?" He says, "You're going to a military school! You're going to be in the Army!" I says, "I am?" When I arrived at Norwich, it was like a new day in my life. I had no military experience. I'd never even been a Boy Scout. The regimentation was totally new to me. That probably was the beginning of what I consider a rather difficult period of adjustment for the four years. As you will probably know, I was a private in the Corps for four years. 3 JC: Oh. Okay. HG: Never given rank. I had the one opportunity close to graduation, which I refused. I thought it was a token gift which I did not appreciate receiving at that point in time. I didn't accept it. In fact, I applied to transfer out of Norwich my freshman year to start college at Georgia Tech. I got accepted to Georgia Tech, got a telephone call from my mother saying, "What is this acceptance notice we've received from Georgia Tech?" I said, "Well, I'm going to Georgia Tech next year, Ma. I'm not going to Norwich." She says, "Very well. Pay your own way." I stayed at Norwich for the rest of my life because I had no money at all! JC: What was it like that first day showing up at Norwich? HG: Well, it was a very memorable day. My father and mother drove me to school with the necessary material that I had to have, clothing and I think we had to bring a mattress at the time. We arrived at Norwich in the morning. My father and mother dropped me off, dropped me off at Cabot Hall. Room 109 was my room. My roommate, Ron Bartlett, at the time, had arrived about the same time so I met his father and mother. We met each other, of course. My father, immediately after dropping me off, jumped in the car and drove back to Whitinsville. They had to get home before dark I think. We started out very early in the morning. In fact, had to turn back because he discovered on the way that we probably didn't have enough gas to make it all the way to Vermont. We went back to get an open gas station because we started out so early in the morning. But no, they dropped me off and left. I remember a conversation I had with Ron's mother and father and she said, "Would you take care of Ron? He hasn't been away from home before." I said, "Yes, I will, Mrs. Bartlett, but neither have I been away from home before." (Laughs.) That was an interesting first day. And then, in contrast to the first day my second year, where I arrived on campus and used to ship a lot of my stuff up in a big, overseas container by train so that my shipment had arrived at the mailroom on campus. I went to the dormitory and I was back in Cabot the second year too. I said, "Rooks! Rooks! I need a rook to go down and get my suitcase and bring it up to the room." "Sorry, Sir. We don't do that anymore." JC: Oh! HG: The harassment rules had changed over the summertime and I hadn't gotten word of it. Plus, I arrived too late, I guess, because I recall having to do that very same thing for upperclassmen that first year. JC: Mm hmm. HG: So, anyway, that was my first day at Norwich. JC: What was your major? 4 HG Electrical engineering. JC: And why'd you choose that? HG: Well, my uncle was sort of involved with the electrical work and not that he had a great influence on me but I observed that and I thought, "Well." He was working for General Electric at the time and I said, "Well, I think that maybe I would do the same thing." So, I sort of went into that field not for any other particular reason than he was successful in what he was doing and I thought it would be of interest to me. JC: Okay. HG: Fortunately for me, in the long run, there were only nine matriculated double Es in '49, which got depleted very quickly, either through people who didn't continue at Norwich or transferred to some other major. I graduated with one other very close friend of mine to this day, Al Gardner, who lives out in the southern part of Vermont on the western edge of Massachusetts. We were the two electrical engineers that graduated in '53. We had tutorials. It was a very fortunate thing for me because probably the school where I had to fend more for myself, I might not have done as well as I did in the curriculum. It was a good experience. JC: Which fraternity did you belong to? HG: I joined Lambda Chi Alpha, which is off-campus, up on the hill. My primary reason for joining them was at the pledge period, you were entertained at the fraternities. They had an excellent meal. At that time, they had a pastry chef with some sort of recognition and he put on a beautiful dessert and I was a fellow who had been plump my whole life, loved sweets, and said, "This is the place for me!" Joined the fraternity and wouldn't you know it, he terminated. He quit. The pastry guy was gone! But we still had good cooks, husband and wife team over the four years, and I ended up being steward of the fraternity. It was a large part of my college life was being in the fraternity. I had to be there at least every day, serving a meal, because I was in the kitchen. In fact, I got rewarded for doing that type of job with half my food bill was being paid by labor so that worked out very nicely for me. JC: Well, what else do you remember about being in the fraternity? HG: Great social environment. I thought that we had, as any organization you end up with some cliques and I had three or four fellows that I chummed closely with and carried on to this day until both of them have now deceased. We had a life-long bonding there so the fraternity life to me was probably my sole social environment on the campus other than some of the things I did with the intramural sports and whatnot. I really was sorry to see the fraternities go but I understood the reason for it and, of course, I was long out of the school at that time anyway 5 so I didn't react one way or the other. It was just a little bit of self-disappointment in the whole thing. I've kept my affiliation with Lambda Chi Alpha for over the years. I still am a donor to the fraternity. I've had representatives from Indiana come up and visit me at the house here asking me for more money. The Lambda Chi, at the time, had sort of reputation of being an academically-oriented fraternity and scholarly environment. Probably didn't pan out as scholarly as I had thought it would but I think the fraternity still holds to that sort of criteria. They like to have their fraternities be scholastically oriented, not just a place to go and drink beer or mess around with the ladies, you know. JC: Right. HG: So, yeah. I heard there might rumors that the fraternities with the civilian population at Norwich might come back. JC: Really? HG: Yeah. I heard a rumor about that but just a rumor. I'm sure that it'd be a hard sell to get them back on campus. JC: Yeah. I know Theta Chi would like to be back. HG: Theta Chi was the Alpha Chapter so, and Lambda Chi, we were the Zeta Chapter, the Zeta Chapter of Lambda Chi so we were not new in the world of fraternities as Theta Chi was. JC: What intramural sports did you play? HG: I got involved in softball, a little bit of tag football and basketball. As I recall, I managed, I guess you'd say, our company basketball team for a while, not that I was any expert in the sport itself but I knew enough about it to try to get the boys organized and spur them on at the games with the other companies. I was in Company B, I think, most of the time. We did okay but it gave you something to do as well as sit in your room and study, that sort of thing. Then, I was on the rifle team for a while. JC: Oh. Okay. HG: When I discovered that my scores were not counted because they have a system of counting only the top five or six scorers and I was always one or two below. I figured I never was good enough. I shot for the team and I gave it up. Tom Atwood, a classmate of mine, was an Olympic sharp shooter so he's – JC: Oh. Really? 6 HG: Oh, yeah. Tom was on the team and he spent a lot of time during his days in the military doing just that, representing the United States on the Olympic rifle team. Tom and I keep in touch to this day. JC: Okay. HG: Yep. JC: He would be a good one to interview. HG: Yeah. Tom is down in Florida in the winter and out in the Chicago area, I think, in the summer. JC: Okay. HG: They know, the school, where he's located. So, if you want to hook up with him, it'd be nice to get him because he was a cadet colonel too, I believe. JC: Oh. Okay. HG: I think Tom was. I know he was high rank in our corp. Getting old here. I forget some of the facts. JC: I understand. Besides intramural sports, what other activities did you participate in? HG: Oh. Let's see. University activities, you mean? JC: Mm hmm. HG: I don't think I, I didn't get involved in any of the other, oh, the IEEE, they had a professional chapter, student chapter. I was involved in that and became an officer in it. Of course, there weren't too many electrical engineers but we did have some younger grads, classmates coming in to it. We did field trips for that. And I was involved with the administration of it, so to speak. But that was probably it, the IEEE. JC: What does IEEE stand for? HG: Institute of Electrical and Electronic Engineers. JC: Oh. Okay. HG: Yeah. It's still an ongoing organization. I still belong to them. I'm a life member in that organization now, because of my age primarily and being a member for so many years. But yeah, it was a good organization. 7 JC: What'd you do to relax when you were at Norwich? HG: Sleep! (Laughs.) We would go to the movies. Go to Montpelier. Perhaps go out to eat in Barre maybe once a week. One of the difficulties of my being a student at Norwich was I didn't have any money and I didn't have a car. So, I was dependent upon a very tight budget and it didn't loosen up at all until I became a junior and senior where we were getting the ROTC ninety cents a day supplement, twenty-seven dollars a month. That helped a lot for spending money. My mother used to say, "The only time you call home, Harold, is when you want money. We don't have any to give you." So, I used to spread my money pretty thinly. So, I didn't do a lot of relaxing that cost anything. There is an incident. One time, Garry Moushegian, Al Gardner, my buddy, the electrical engineer, and I decided to go horseback riding and thought that'd be nice Saturday afternoon entertainment. So, we went out and, funny thing, we rented the horses and got saddled up, got on the horses, and started our trip. Well, none of us knew how to ride a horse. None of us had been on a horse before. The horses turned around and went back to the barn. Garry's a tall guy. Well, the barn door was so low, he got scraped off the saddle. Laughs. Finally, we get them back outside and get them on the way. We did our tour and we're coming back home and, of course, the horses wanted to get back in the barn again. So, they started trotted along and we're bumping along behind them in the saddles and so forth. We got back to Norwich and Garry came over to my room. He says, "Look at what happened!" It wore holes in his underwear! Laughs. So, we had some laughs, you know. Different things like that happened. That's the biggest recollection I can of the things that we did. We had fraternity parties. We had to get involved in that, preparing for them and that kind of thing was an activity that I did as extracurricular. JC: Did you do anything else for entertainment other than what you mentioned? HG: Not that I can think of. I wasn't in any outside of the school activities. I did join the Masonic Order when I was a senior. I joined that and that involves some off-campus activity. I got involved in the Northfield Church. Even as a freshman, I would walk down to church. So, I got involved in church activities. And to this day, I support the Christian Fellowship Organization financially on campus each year to help them along so they can have programs that they want to put on. They have a little bit of money to work with. JC: Right. HG: So, yeah, that sort of thing I got involved in. JC: Okay. Do you remember any particular songs from when you were at Norwich? HG: Well, there's "Norwich Forever," of course, the school song. There used to be a song we used to sing, "On the steps of Jackman, crying like hell! There's a 8 newborn baby. La da da." Laughs. That song we used to sing. The other words they escape me and they don't escape me. They better escape me. They were choice words. JC: I understand. I know the words too. HG: Do you know the words!? Laughs. No. That's about all I remember. JC: I've got it in an oral history, "The Indecipherable Song." HG: Have you really? JC: Mm hmm. HG: I'll have to read that because I'd like to find out what the rest of the song is. It's something like, "A bastard's son of old NU." Awful song. JC: Yeah. It's an awful song. Any other songs? HG: I don't think so. Not that I can remember. JC: Who were the instructors who were most influential during your time there? HG: Well, the electrical department certainly was. Professor Marsh and Professor Maxfield and Professor Spencer, those three. There's an F.A. Spencer award in electrical engineering on campus, I believe. And I have contributed financially to that several times. I don't necessarily do it every year. Those gentleman were very influential. They were almost like tutors to Al and I. We'd be in class. It was just the two of us. You got to know the people and they got to know us. That was a very unique college relationship, I think, that we had. JC: Mm hmm. What was your favorite class? HG: My favorite class? I don't know what that would have been. I know my most unfavorable class was. JC: What was that? HG: Thermodynamics! I flunked that one. I had to take that as a, in order to graduate, I had to pass that course my final semester. So, I was taking an overload. I like Public Speaking. That was an interesting class. I did that the freshman year. I recall we all had to give a talk and I think the fellow's name was Fisk that was the professor. After I got through, I was critiqued, of course, by the student population, including classmates and they criticized me for having my Boston accent. Fortunately, for me, Professor Fisk was from Braintree, I believe. He says, "Mr. Gilmore is going to be fine with his language. I understood him perfectly." 9 Laughs. So, that was a favorable thing out of that class. I remember that so I'd call it a favorite class. I enjoyed it. JC: What do you remember about being a rook? HG: The harassment. A lot of harassment and the fact that we had these duties to perform like opening of windows and preparing the latrines and shining upperclassmen's brass and shoes and that sort of thing. As a person unfamiliar with that, having been the oldest in a family of four, and the only male in that family, I was fairly independent and having to be subjugated to these requirements was demanding in terms of my having to conform to the practices that were being expected of me. That was the worst part that I knew of. Probably another thing would be being out where I was without an automobile. I grew up, as I say, in Whitinsville where I lived out of town about three miles. So, I was used to being in a remote area but I could drive. My folks had a car they would let me use and I could get into town fairly easily and, once there, there was always other transportation you could get as well. At Northfield, there was just absolutely nothing and the closest town was Montpelier, twelve miles away. And also, getting back and forth to school, my folks did not have the resources, the time, or the ability to bring me back and forth to school. There were no commercial transportation convenient. The only way I could get back would be to get a ride from somebody else. And so, that was always at the top of your mind. When you come home, how am I going to get to school? How was I going to get to summer camp, which was down in Georgia? I had no car. I didn't have an automobile until I had started, after graduation, when I started working for Westinghouse, without a car. I had to save up enough money for a down payment to buy one. So, my first few months at work were devoted to saving as much money as I received from my Westinghouse pay to build up enough money to make a down payment on a car, which I finally did. I bought a used car in Whitinsville. I remember it cost $1350. It was a 1949 two-door Ford sedan. I ended up taking it to Japan with me and selling it off over there. Didn't bring it back. Yeah. So, those were the hard parts of school at Norwich. You know, I can recall when I'd get back from Norwich from a vacation, it be in the evening, you'd see the lights up on the hill and I would breathe a sigh of relief, "I'm back home and I'll be safe here when I get home." It ended up sort of like a security blanket. The school prepared me for, it gave me the keys to success. I'm forever pleased and blessed that I ended up going and staying at Norwich actually. It's created a great deal of enjoyment for me over my life. I've had a great post-graduate career and one of the things it taught me was perseverance, life-long education. I wasn't necessarily a brilliant scholar but I ended up getting three master's degrees and a Ph.D. post-Norwich experience and I think Norwich had to have something to do with that motivation to do that. JC: What are your master's degrees in? 10 HG: I have a master's degree, an M.B.A., and I have a master of science and a master of arts, one in human resources and one in labor relations. JC: Okay and where are they from? HG: One is from Shippensburg and one is from Loretto. That's awful. Can you give me a minute? JC: Yes. HG: I have a B.S.E.E. from Norwich, and M.B.A., a Ph.D. from Syracuse, a master's degree from St. Francis College, and a master's degree from Shippensburg University. JC: Okay. HG: The most important degrees for me, of course, was the B.S. in E.E. and the M.B.A. Ph.D. from Syracuse because those influenced what I did with my life more importantly. The other two degrees were done because of what I felt I needed to be effective in the classroom that I subsequently taught and administered the programs in at both Penn State and at UMASS Dartmouth. JC: Oh. Okay. Let's see. What was your favorite part of Norwich? HG: Favorite what? Part? JC: Part. HG: Part of Norwich? JC: Mm hmm. HG: What do you mean by part? JC: What did you like most about it? HG: Well, I would like the day I graduated was the most favorite part for me. I had my entire family there, extended family. We rented a whole motel. I was the keystone person that ever graduated in Johnson and Gilmore family. As I mentioned, the size is extensive and I remember quite a few relatives to follow, cousins and so forth. That was an occasion that I really, it was a success for me because I went there thinking, "I've got to graduate. I cannot fail." And I hadn't even though that last semester I had to take that extra course to make it through. I did it. And then the fact that it prepared me. I left the place with a job. I had a commission. I got a deferment for ten months so I could go to work for Westinghouse and get some industrial experience before I went in the military. Stayed in the military for my, 11 well I went in for two years but I extended because I got special weapons training with atomic weapons and I was there for close to three years total. Could have stayed longer. I was asked to stay longer but for family purposes I, stayed in the Reserve though. I retired from the military and I made it well up to the rank of colonel which I felt was something I never expected either and I think Norwich prepared me for that sort of experience, knowing how to behave and accept responsibility and perform the duties that I was required up to a successful level, satisfactory level. So, the best day at Norwich was indeed the day I graduated because it marked a major milestone in my life. Just as the first day I went there marked a major milestone. JC: What was the most important thing that Norwich taught you? HG: I think to be respectful of others and to take life-long learning seriously and to be persevering in what you're trying to accomplish. Norwich's motto is "I Will Try." So, any opportunity that came along for me, I seized upon. I was outwardly looking, several Fulbrights, quite a bit of overseas experience, along with my family, and I think Norwich prepared me for that by having an overseas assignment that was one of my first, the only one I had as a lieutenant was in Japan. And I got to like other cultures and so forth. I pursued that in Africa, Europe, and other places. As a matter of fact, I was contemplating a trip to China this year. JC: Oh. Really? HG: Yeah. I think I may go to China. I got the quotation and everything. One of the things I have to clarify is that both my wife and I's status health-wise to make sure that we're fit to go. I think we both will be allowed to do that from a medical perspective. The only thing remaining is making the commitment. JC: Mm hmm. HG: So, yeah. We're looking forward to that. We've gone on a number of cruises in the meantime to Alaska, the Mediterranean, the Caribbean, Alaska. So, we engaged travel, so I think the military and the Norwich environment has cultivated that sort of orientation to our lifestyle. JC: You mentioned "I Will Try." What did it mean to you as a student? HG: What did it mean to me when? JC: As a student. HG: As a student? Probably not much. I don't think you really appreciate that. I appreciate it more now that I've graduated and look back on things. I think, one of the things, it's not "I Will Try" so much but "I Will Stick to It!" 12 JC: Mm hmm. HG: I will not quit! I was amazed at the number of freshman, matriculated freshman that left Norwich the day they had to get a short haircut. JC: Mm hmm. HG: I, fortunately, grew up every summer having my head sheared off with what we used to call a Harvard clip. So, it didn't bother me to have to have it cut another eighth of an inch off. But these fellows that came up with the golden curls that had to get sheared said no and left. I wasn't going to give up. If Norwich's moral had been "I Won't Give Up," it would have been more appropriate than "I Will Try" in my case. "I Will Not Give Up." JC: What does Partridge's idea of a citizen soldier mean to you? HG: Well, it means to me that I'd like to see conscription come back. That's how much meaning it has to me. I think everyone should have a requirement to do some public service of some sort, not necessarily military but some kind of public service to build a concept of patriotism and to embed the value systems that our country stands for in their lives, personal lives. And so, the citizen soldier concept, I thought that Partridge had was just that. A person has a responsibility for his country, his family, and the two can coexist. JC: Mm hmm. HG: So, that's what that means to me, to be part of the process as an individual. JC: Mm hmm. Do you remember any funny stories from when you were at Norwich? HG: I'm sure Fred told you a funny story, the time I came up and down on the dumbwaiter at his surprise. He wondered, "Where was Harry?" And I said, "Here I am!" And I was inside the dumbwaiter cage! Laughs. That was a comedy. The other thing was the, not so much of a story but incident, was the time I repeated earlier about the horseback riding incident. That was a humorous event. I don't recall any other thing comes to mind at the moment. I'm sure there probably were numerous other events that happened that created some humor but I don't recall any right now. JC: So, what did you do after graduation? I know you went to work at Westinghouse. HG: Yeah. I went to work for Westinghouse immediately upon graduation. Had a job before I graduated. And then, I took a deferment from, Westinghouse gave me a deferment for about ten months because I did have the two-year obligation as a commissioned officer. So, then I went in the military and got asked if I were 13 interested in taking a special weapons training. That's the atomic weapons training. I got a Q clearance and so forth. And I went to Sandia Base. While there, a unit, 261st ordinance detachment was formed. I became the first commanding officer for, until such time as the captain showed up to take over the reins. I was in individual training. Didn't finish that. Went in to unit training, the 261st trained with the 5th field artillery battalion for deployment to Japan which, incidentally, at that time was against the peace treaty that we had signed with Japan. We're not supposed to bring any new armament into the country but we did. We brought in nuclear weapons. We used to have a little difficulty, the artillery did, going out to the range and firing it off. I went there and did some field exercises in Iwo Jima in Okinawa. While there, got to talking to a gentleman at KU Ammunition Depot Bar one evening and he was leaving for Syracuse University for the comptrollers' program there. And he says, "Harold, you ought to think about getting your M.B.A." And I said, "Well, what's that?" He says, "It's a master's degree in business administration. It's a great topping off of your electrical engineering degree and it's highly sought after people." Now, this was back in 1957, '57, '58. So, I put in for an early release. It was like eight months early. They weren't going to let me go until I got some congressional involvement by Saltonstall and he facilitated my departure from the military. I didn't give up my commission. I just went in the Reserve. And so, I went to Syracuse at that time. Got my master's degree. Went back to work for Westinghouse. Worked for AVCO in the reentry vehicle business, the Apollo program. And from there, I decided to go on to Syracuse. I got a three-year fellowship for a Ph.D. program in organizational behavior and operations management. So, I took that, went there, gave up my work, sold my home, took my family to Syracuse. Again, very, in retrospect, very risky situation. A lot of people start out looking for a Ph.D. and they never get it. I was told when I arrived, I had a very good advisor, a fellow who I had as an M.B.A. faculty member, Dr. Seimer. He said, "Harold, you do not leave this campus without that Ph.D. because you'll never get it if you do." So, I says, "All right, Dr. Seimer. I will not leave." So, I stayed there and I got the doctorate and left them. In my first job, I was planning to go back to work for AVCO because I was in a research and development division where higher degree were, of course, very prominent. JC: Mm hmm. HG: Well, and they had said, "Well, maybe there might be an opening for you when you get through." Well, three years is a long time and everybody changed chairs there. There didn't seem to be anything open for me so I took a job with the University of North Dakota at Minot Air Force Base in the Air Force Institute of Technology program. The AFIT program. We transferred their master of engineering degree to an M.B.A. degree while I was there and I was there for a couple of years. And from there, I transferred to Penn State University and I was at the Middletown campus. My office overlooked Three Mile Island. I was there for sixteen years, I believe. I did teach up at State College one semester. Then, for family reasons, I left Penn State. I was tenured and everything but I left Penn 14 State and came to UMASS Dartmouth here for family reasons, health reasons. And I did ten years over here. At that point in time, I retired from UMASS but, in the meantime, had picked up some work for the University of South Pacific at Fiji. So, I worked off and on during a five-year period in the year 2000 over there. JC: Okay. HG: Currently, I am volunteering at the National Graduate School of Quality Management here in Falmouth, which is an online type program. I am the director of the alumni program, which they've never had before. So, it's an experiment and it may be a futile activity but I'm giving it the best go I can give it as a Norwich guy. I'm not alumni but I'm their director. I'm modelling it after the Norwich Alumni Association. As a matter of fact, I used Norwich's bylaws in modifying to try to make them fit this school's program. So, that's where I am to this moment and I don't know how much longer that'll last. I've been doing it for a couple years now and probably give it another, 2017 may be my last year of doing that. Depends upon what my success is this year. JC: Well, you've had a lot of schooling. How did your training at Norwich prepare you for life, specifically? HG: Very well. Very well. In retrospect, I wouldn't have it any other way. It taught me to roll with the punches. You can't have everything your way all the time. To get along, you've got to go along and cooperate and you graduate. I think, probably, the teamwork idea was imbedded, not so much in a pointed way but in an overall way of existing and finishing up your, what you started. We had to work with other people. I started out as an individual and I think I came out as a person who understood that to get along in this world, you're going to have to work with other people and depend upon other people. Now, I probably, even to this day, I'm a volunteer and I know that I have, I have no resources. I have no budget. I don't have even office space, so to speak, except out of the house. Working with some adult people over here and I know that I depend upon them for everything I get done and I acknowledge that very, very fully to the best extent I can. Because I know that their cooperation, my success depends upon them. Without them, I'll die on the vine. I think Norwich has taught me that concept. Oh! I think I didn't mention to you. You probably were aware of this. I created, for the bicentennial, a puzzle. JC: Yes! You did. HG: You're aware of that? So, I put that together. JC: Mm hmm. 15 HG: And, you know, the thing is, the way that transpired, nobody seemed to want me to do it. Sometimes, that rubs me the wrong way. So, I says, "I don't care if you don't want me to do it. I'm going to do it anyway!" JC: Yeah. HG: So, I did it and quite amazed at how it turned out! There's a gentleman next door who's a graphic artist and he's good on the computer. That's what he does for a living. I got the university photographer, they let me access the photographs. I picked and chose some photographs, brought them over to Sean. I said, "Sean, what can you do for me?" He says, "Let me see those." So, we looked. He says, "I'll have something for you tomorrow." He brought over the thing. "What do you think of that?" Well, we made some adjustments and so forth. My wife has a friend who does puzzles and she brought over to our house a wooden puzzle that she had bought for the Lilly family, the big drug people here in Falmouth, a lot of property and donor, a very big benefactor. I said, "Maybe we could have a wooden puzzle for what I've created for Norwich." So, I contacted a guy in Connecticut and he says, "Yeah. If you're willing to pay the price, I can make that for you. No problem." So, I says, "Okay. Let's go with that." I've even gone down there and I've even worked the puzzle thing myself. My wife and I watched him make, it's an example of his work. Got that done. Made a contact overseas. Got somebody to stamp out those puzzles. I bought four dozen of them. Gave them to the school and said, "Use them at will." Then, I gave Sullivan, no, I gave Schneider a wooden one and I think he turned it over to the, the wooden one I gave him because I didn't want it. What was it going to do with me? So, I gave to him and he put it in the museum, I think. JC: It's at the museum. HG: It was a labor of love. That's all. I just did it because I didn't find the support that I thought I might have gotten from the bicentennial committee but they had bigger items on their agenda. This was not going to fit into the program, I guess. And then, I was involved, at one time, with a committee on postage stamps and I had done a lot of work and I was really disappointed. I got mixed messages from U.S. Postal Service as to whether the images that I submitted weren't, "They're fine. We're going to submit them for postmaster consideration." Then, I get a message from somebody else on the committee saying, "No. We're not." And you can't reach anybody on that committee because they're, you just don't have any contact information for them except maybe names. But now I understand that they did release, or rerelease of the Alden Partridge stamp for the ROTC commemorative. They said that now Schneider's got himself behind the request for a Norwich postcard set which is what they usually do. I think if they don't do something for Norwich for the bicentennial, there's got to be something wrong in Washington. I hope they follow through. I sort of dropped out of the picture because it's now gone beyond my involvement. But I filed all the paperwork and everything else necessary for that. Hopefully, we'll see something come to pass. 16 JC: Hopefully so. HG: Yeah. I was told that one the things, they said, "Well, you've got to get the postmaster in Northfield involved. And I said, "Well, I'm not in a position to do that. You're right there in town." The bicentennial committee itself could just go to the postmaster and say, "We want to issue the stamp." And if he supports it, I guess, or postcards, they don't, the stamps are a little more dicey to get through. But the postcards are pretty easy to do, I guess. So, maybe, we'll see what happens. I don't know. I've lost touch with that group. The last I heard was that they upgraded the applications or something by getting Schneider's support and some other people supporting it too. That'll be good. JC: Yeah. Hopefully, that'll work out. HG: Yeah. JC: Well, that's about your involvement with Norwich. HG: Mm hmm. JC: How do you think your professional life would have been different had you not been a Norwich graduate? HG: Oh, dear. Tremendously different because Norwich set me on a military career. It set me up for a military lifestyle, in a way, although I didn't go there with that idea at all nor did I graduate with that but it just sort of grew on you. I can recall, being a reservist, I would say, "Well, maybe I'll just stop going. I'll just give up." One year led to another year and before I knew it I had thirty years and six months and I was boarded out. I got considered for general officer and I didn't make it. I understood why. My competitor, I knew who that person was and a lot of stuff on his chest that I, ribbons on his chest that I didn't have and I figured he was more entitled to it or earned it more than I did. He had combat time. I didn't have any combat time at all. I was in a war zone, Korean War, but that was over practically. So, I think Norwich set me up for that whole aspect of my life. The academic part of it came about, my industrial area was focused on my engineering experience and math and science and so forth. And then, my academic life, all the way from doing some consulting work and so forth and having the idea of a continuous learning environment. I just kept on going to school, both militarily and civilian-wise. I took many, many a correspondence program. I went to Fort Leavenworth to the Command and General Staff School. I taught Command and General Staff School. I taught at the Army War College in Carlisle, both as a military faculty member and as an academic Penn State, because we had a program with them. JC: Right. 17 HG: You know, I'm amazed at the kinds of things I got involved in and I attribute it all to Norwich. If I had gone to URI like I wanted to heavens knows what I would have become, if I ever graduated. Or if I'd gone on to Georgia Tech, I might have failed out! Who knows? Norwich kept me going. I did hit the dean's list a couple times while at Norwich but I was no stellar student. Sullivan and I share one common thread. We both were privates for four years. JC: Yep. HG: And, you know, I'm not proud of that but we survived. He did very well militarily, obviously. Much better than I did! He got, what, four stars. I got the eagle but, nevertheless, I think that Norwich did us both very well. JC: I think so too. Has being a Norwich graduate opened doors for you that might not have been opened otherwise? HG: I thought, militarily, yes. Yeah. I can clearly recall early on in my career, when I was living up in North Andover. I was in the Reserve unit in Boston. The fellow that was in command of that unit, he loved Norwich guys. So, I got signed to his unit. Having somebody who was favorably disposed to where you're from certainly is helpful in the image that you are going to create if you live up to the person's perception of the school. JC: Right. HG: And I did very well. So, I think that opened me up for captain and major level of consideration. From then on, it was, an interesting little thing was when I worked for Penn State, I had a student by the name of Emmett Page. He was one of the Army War College students that were taking the master's program at Penn State. I was a faculty member, teaching him a course and I was over at the graduate program over there, teaching in their program, the military. Came time for me to have an assignment, as a colonel. Guess who I ended up being assigned to? JC: Emmett Page? HG: General Page. Laughs. He was in charge of the electronic research and development command in Adelphi, Maryland. I was his assistant. JC: Oh. Wow. HG: So, I got an assistant commander position with him as a colonel. I'd go down there and he'd say, "Harold," because I was in quality, he says, "I got some contracts out there. I want you to go to these contractors and see what they're doing and jack them up if they need jacking up." Laughs.) I had a great relationship with Emmett. I followed up with him a little bit afterwards. He was 18 my former student, was now my boss. I was grading him and now he was grading me! It's a small world. JC: Yes. It is! HG: Another interesting situation too was, we're in Japan, my wife and I together, concurrent travel. We'd had a major social event in Tokyo. I don't know what level it was, battalion, it wasn't a battalion party. It had to be higher up than that, maybe a Sullivan Theater type thing. Anyway, we went to it and who do we run in to? Colonel Burkle. Burkle was on campus at the time and his greeting to me and my wife when we got together, "Lieutenant Gilmore, your brass is shiny." Laughs. I says, "You can thank Mrs. Gilmore for that." See, most of my fun happened after I got out of Norwich. Yeah, Colonel Burkle. I think he was a colonel at the time. "Your brass is shiny." I said, "Yep. Thank Mrs. Gilmore for that." Oh, dear. I could go on and on and on, I guess. Been a long time. JC: Mm hmm. Do you think Norwich graduates have a special bond that other people don't? HG: Oh! Definitely! Definitely! Oh, yes. I see it in my children who graduated from Penn State. There's nothing like, these online programs, there's no bonding at all! JC: Right. HG: It's like dealing with particles in the air, dust particles, but Norwich, that experience there puts you into close proximity with other people. It served me so well. Al Gardner, I talked with on the phone all the time. Up until Garry Moushegian's demise, he died up in Norwood, MA, with him all the time. Fred Maier, Jack Gillis passed away. My roommate, Bartlett, Jack Gillis, Garry Mousehegian, they all died within a matter of months of each other. I lost all my, so now there's just Fred left and Al Gardner. So, I've got two very close friends. Other people I know but not quite as, as I said, we socially went everywhere with each other, cruises and all that stuff, you know. Families knew each other. Kids knew each other and stuff of that nature. So, yes. Norwich does create a separate, a special relationship, I think, amongst us graduates. JC: Mm hmm. Um, let me see. We've already answered that question. HG: Mm hmm. JC: Um, you've just answered that question. What advice would you give a rook about how to survive and thrive at Norwich? HG: Go with the flow. Join the program full heartedly. Don't fight it. Join it. And see what you can do to excel in it. 19 JC: Mm hmm. HG: I probably chose, I wouldn't say the opposite path but I resisted. I resisted the program and suffered for it, without getting any rank and you don't get ahead in the world that way. You're going to participate in the program and probably if you can't do that full heartedly, you might do better elsewhere. It's not a place for everybody, the military part of it anyway, the Corp. Now that Norwich has a civilian component, you know, Norwich is a nice school and it's a nice environment and Vermont's a pleasant place to enjoy the winter months and so forth. Can't complain about the environment. If you like a rural environment, it's fine. And I grew up in a rural environment so I didn't really rail at that sort of thing. Although, I sent my granddaughter up there for a campus visit and she came back, "Gramp, the place is not for me." She says, "I'm going to be a minority." I said, "What do you mean?" She says, "Well, I'm not going to join the Corp. I'm going to be a civilian. Right now, I detect that they're a minority up there." JC: Mm hmm. HG: I says, "Well, it's a wise maneuver not to go there. You've got to be happy where you are to do the best you can do." My advice to a rook is you've got to decide whether you're going to be happy in this environment or not. If you are, you'll do well. If not, you're not going to do as well. You might get through, but you won't be the success that you could be maybe someplace else. I have two grandsons. I've got three grandsons but two older ones. I tried to talk them into going to Norwich. Mother was not military-oriented and things were not so, we were at war. We've been at war for so long they don't know what it's like to be without it but she didn't think that was the thing to do. I do have a grandson here locally but he's going to Mass Maritime Academy. JC: Oh. Okay. HG: So, he's quasi-military, in a way. I think that he'll finish that program up in two or three years. He didn't want to go to Norwich either. I don't know why. I don't think he gave it a chance, because he likes to ski. He's an outdoors boy. He would do well. He's got the military bearing and so forth, but he chose the Maritime as a place to go. He did hear that employment opportunities were greatest at Mass Maritime and they are. You graduate from that place, you get a job. JC: Mm hmm. HG: If you've got anything going for you at all. Norwich used to be able to say, "You're going to get a commission." But that's not true anymore either. JC: No. It's not. 20 HG: The place is not going to sell itself with providing a vocation after you're through. Where this place practically does. So, he was encouraged to go. It's local and so forth. JC: Yeah. So, you didn't have any relatives that attended Norwich? HG: Hmm? JC: You didn't have any relatives that attended Norwich? HG: No. I didn't. I don't have anybody that went to Norwich. No. None of them. JC: Well, is there anything else? HG: No. By golly, we've had quite an enjoyable interview. I've had some fun talking to you. I can't think of much more. JC: Well, I thank you very much. HG: I enjoyed it. Thank you, too. End of recording.
The Cuban Missile Crisis, referred to as the Caribbean Crisis in the Soviet Union (Карибский Кризис) and the October Crisis in Cuba, is one of the most famous events of the Cold War. A large number of primary source documents are available for study. The U.S. government has released internal material and much of the official communications between the parties, and the Soviet Union has also released a significant number of documents (mostly during Gorbachev's "Glasnost" ("гласность") program in the 1980's). However, much of the historical analysis that has emerged from this material focuses on: the amount of "blame" that should be assigned to each side, technical discussions regarding the level of risk that there could have been a nuclear war, who "won" and who "lost," and the extent to which President Kennedy's actions may have been mythologized after his assassination. While these themes are important, the event also represents a clear example of the major powers in the Cold War using smaller countries to bear the biggest risks of their global strategies. This paper argues that messages that were sent between the Soviet and Cuban governments at the time show that the Soviets engaged with the Cuban leaders only to the extent that they could control their actions, and that they excluded them from critical decisions. The paper also demonstrates that messages sent between the key Soviet figures in the crisis, later interviews, memoirs and biographies provide insight into the Soviet leadership's justifications for their colonial practices.The United States and the Soviet Union had come to a situation where one believed the other might actually launch a pre-emptive strike if it could gain an advantage. The U.S. and Soviet Union were engaged in constant conflicts throughout the 1940's and 1950's. 1960 was an election year in the United States, so its hostile actions against Cuba escalated throughout the year, with plots to assassinate Fidel Castro and a trade embargo. Late in the year, Cuba and the Soviet Union issued a statement of solidarity and the Soviets began to supply conventional weapons to Cuba. However, there was no move to put Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba in 1961. Khrushchev's reason for this was a belief that the U.S. would invade Cuba immediately if he took such an action. The plan to deploy the missiles could have been publicly announced, as it was legal under international law. The decision to deploy the weapons secretly is more evidence that the Soviets thought it was likely that news of such a plan would trigger an invasion. Castro and his inner circle were agreeable. In an interview he gave to PBS in 1985, Fidel Castro claimed that the Cubans' acceptance of the Soviets' missile plan was based on their belief that American invasion was likely unavoidable. However, he also claimed that he was motivated by a desire to help the Soviet Union achieve balance with the U.S. in the global nuclear competition. This agreement did not guarantee Castro equal partnership with the Soviets. The final deal involved stationing the missiles in Cuba, under full Soviet control. The mistrust between the allies began at this early stage. During a meeting to finalize their agreement, Che Guevara had suggested that the plan be made public and Khrushchev had refused. He even refused to sign his name to the treaty, to preserve the option to deny everything if the Cubans proceeded with a unilateral announcement.Soviet ships with nuclear missiles began to arrive in Cuba. A U.S. plane captured proof of the nuclear missiles in Cuba on October 14 th , and Kennedy announced the crisis to the public on October 22 nd . Tensions rose rapidly, so that four days later Castro wrote a letter to Khrushchev, assuring him that Cuban people will confront the aggressor "heroically". On the same day, Khrushchev sent a secret message to Kennedy offering a resolution to the crisis. By October 27 th the Soviet Union had finalized an agreement with the U.S. for the withdrawal of its missiles from Cuba, including an agreement to allow on-site inspections in Cuba. Most importantly, Castro first became aware of this agreement from the public announcements that were made by Khrushchev and Kennedy on October 28 th . Khrushchev also sent a letter to Castro on the 28 th , and its tone makes it clear that he considered Castro's position to be that of a "little brother" whose emotions and feelings should be soothed, but one who should not expect a decision-making role. Khrushchev's letter goes on to warn Castro against any action that might lead to a reanimation of the crisis. Referring to the shooting down of a U.S. U2 spy plane on the 27 th , Khrushchev states that this episode was the result of "senseless" provocation by militarists in the Pentagon who still hoped for an excuse to invade. In addition to the firm "advice" that Castro should allow U.S. military planes to violate his airspace, it is possible to infer a threat in the letter's subtext. Khrushchev implied that the Soviet Union would not risk a global nuclear war to defend Cuba from invasion if it had the excuse that the invasion had been sparked by unstable elements in the U.S. or in Cuba. The warning in Khrushchev's letter concerning shooting down the U.S. spy plane may have been particularly offensive to Castro. Although, Cuban anti-aircraft personnel had been instructed to fire on American planes to protect the Soviet missile sites, the weapon that had hit the U2 plane was a Soviet-controlled surface-to-air missile. In Castro's response letter to Khrushchev he expresses his rationale. He also refers to the public statement he had issued earlier in that day, in which he had criticized the U.S. promise not to invade Cuba as inadequate. Castro signs off with a notice that he is opposed to inspections. Further messages from October 30 th and 31 st are remarkable because the first captures Khrushchev's early attempts to frame the entire crisis for history and for his communist audiences, and the second presents Castro's view that the entire enterprise had been futile if the Soviet Union was unwilling to stand its ground. Khrushchev's letter is full of paternalism, he writes that he understands the bitterness that "some" Cubans might feel. Khrushchev refers to a conflict between superpowers in "the Caribbean zone," this emphasizes that Cuba's interests were subordinate to the Soviet Union's regional strategy. Castro rebuts several of Khrushchev's excuses by arguing that backing down was not the appropriate reaction to the possibility of an imminent U.S. attack, by clarifying that he was not consulted at all about the decision to withdraw the missiles, and by stating that many (not "some") Cubans were feeling "unspeakable bitterness and sadness" about the sudden Soviet decision. Castro demonstrated that he understood that the only strategic value of putting missiles in Cuba was as a deterrent against a strike against the U.S.S.R. A message from the Soviet Foreign minister Gromyko to Mikoyan on November 1 st detailed how the Cubans should be pressured to soften their "no inspections" position despite the loss of face this would cause them.Even while the Soviet-Cuban negotiations on the inspections were proceeding, the Soviet leaders were keeping new secrets from their allies. Later decision to remove weapons were made before discussing the issue with the Cubans. The frustrations that this created were evident during Mikoyan's conversation with Castro and the rest of the Cuban leadership on November 22 nd. Castro repeated his argument that the Soviets should have kept the strategic missiles in Cuba. The Mikoyan-Castro dialogue serves as evidence of the highly skewed nature of Soviet-Cuban relations and the Soviets' sense that they did not need justification for their colonial practices. Castro had to listen to public statements by Kennedy to acquire up-to-date information about the weapons that remained in his country. After confirming that the tactical missiles were still in Cuba, that they were not technically part of the Soviet's agreement with the U.S. and that the U.S. was not aware of them Mikoyan delivered the news that the Soviets had decided to remove these as well. He explained that there was a law that prevented the transfer control of any nuclear weapons to another country (this was a lie), and that the Soviets intended to withdraw all of their troops from Cuba once the Cuban military had been trained to use the conventional weapons they were leaving behind.Returning to the question of Soviet justifications, the ambassador's interpretation of the situation gives insight into the Soviet colonial discourse. The Cubans were portrayed as wild children, but well- meaning and smart, and the Soviets were portrayed as patient parents. Ambassador Beck reports that Mikoyan had characterized the Cuban leaders as young, honest people who were true to the revolution and who were deserving of respect, trust, and appreciation. However, a large part of the Ambassador's message is dedicated to a description of the Cubans' unorthodox path to Marxism, and criticism of the slow pace of development of the Cuban Communist party apparatus and the Cubans' belief that their revolution was one of "three great revolutions" (China's for Asia, the Soviets' for Europe, and Cuba for Latin America).In conclusion, for fifty-eight years since the Cuban missile crisis, the world did not experience nuclear wars. This outcome has allowed a self-congratulatory narrative to grow regarding the courageous and pragmatic actions of both the U.S. and Soviet leaders. The implication of this narrative is that only the highly tested, and "serious" leaders of superpowers, can be trusted to be stewards of nuclear weapons. In contrast, this way of thinking concludes that the leaders of smaller countries (who have less to lose – in total, but not in proportion) are more likely to choose "honorable destruction" as long as they might inflict asymmetrical damage on their enemies. The dialogues between the protagonists of the Cuban missile crisis demonstrate that there were two big truths. The first truth is that the Cubans could not be trusted with nuclear weapons, and that efforts to limit the proliferation of nuclear weapons have been important. The second truth is that the leaders of the superpowers were just lucky. Like the great powers before WWI, The U.S. and Soviet leadership in the Cold War believed that global domination was their right. This imperialistic attitude was disguised as a defense of God-given human freedom (by the U.S.) or as the result of an inevitable process of social evolution (by the Soviet Union). The U.S. put nuclear missiles in Turkey to protect democracy, and the Soviets said that they put nuclear missiles in Cuba to: a) counter the U.S. missiles in Turkey; b) protect Cuba; c) advance the global socialist project; or d) "put a hedgehog in the Americans' pants". ; Кубинська ракетна криза, яку називають Карибською кризою в Радянському Союзі (Карибский кризис) та Жовтневою кризою на Кубі, – одна з найвідоміших подій холодної війни. Велика кількість первинних джерел доступна для вивчення цієї події. Уряд США оприлюднив внутрішні матеріали та значну частину офіційних перемов між сторонами, Радянський Союз також відкрив доступ до значної кількості документів (переважно під час програми М. Горбачова «Гласність» («гласность») у 1980-х рр.). Однак значна частина історичного аналізу, що постає із цього матеріалу, зосереджується на кількості «провини», яку має нести кожна сторона конфлікту, на технічних дискусіях щодо ризиків ядерної війни, на намаганнях з'ясувати, хто «переміг», а хто «втратив», і на тому, наскільки дії президента Дж. Кеннеді були міфологізовані після його вбивства. Незважаючи на важливість усіх цих тем, подія також є наочним прикладом того, як основні держави холодної війни перекладали найбільші ризики своїх глобальних стратегій на менш потужні країни. У статті наводяться уривки з листування між радянським та кубинським урядами під час кризи. Ці листи свідчать про те, що лідери Радянського Союзу контактували з кубинськими лідерами лише тією мірою, якою вони могли контролювати дії кубинців, не залучаючи тих до прийняття важливих рішень. Стаття також демонструє, що повідомлення, надіслані ключовими радянськими діячами періоду кризи, а також пізніші інтерв'ю, спогади й біографії показують, як радянське керівництво виправдовувало свою колоніальну практику.Сполучені Штати Америки та Радянський Союз потрапили в таку ситуацію, коли одна сторона вважала, що інша зможе насправді завдати ядерного удару, якщо це дасть цій стороні військову перевагу. Обидві держави постійно конфліктували впродовж 1940-х та 1950-х рр. 1960 р. був роком президентських виборів у США, на їх тлі відбувалася ескалація конфлікту з Кубою протягом усього року, у тому числі плани щодо вбивства Фіделя Кастро та встановлення торговельного ембарго. Наприкінці того ж року Куба та Радянський Союз виступили із заявою про солідарність, СРСР почав поставляти на Кубу конвенційну зброю. Важливо, що в 1961 р. не було жодних намагань встановити на Кубі радянські ядерні ракети. М. Хрущов вважав, що в такому разі США негайно вторгнуться на Кубу. Про плани на розміщення ракет можна було публічно оголосити, оскільки міжнародне право не забороняло таке розміщення. Рішення розгортати зброю таємно, скоріш за все, є свідченням того, що радянська влада вважала ймовірним провокування вторгнення. Ф. Кастро та його оточення погоджувалися. В інтерв'ю каналу PBS в 1985 р. Фідель Кастро пояснював, що прийняття кубинцями радянського ракетного плану базувалося на тому переконанні, що американське вторгнення неминуче. Однак він також стверджував, що його мотивувало бажання допомогти Радянському Союзу досягти паритету із США у світовій ядерній гонці. Ця угода не гарантувала Ф. Кастро рівноправне партнерство з радянськими лідерами. Заключна угода передбачала розміщення ракет на Кубі під повним радянським контролем. Недовіра між союзниками почалася на цій ранній стадії. Під час зустрічі щодо доопрацювання домовленостей Че Гевара запропонував оприлюднити план, однак М. Хрущов відмовився. Він навіть відмовився вказувати своє ім'я в договорі, щоб зберегти можливість відступу, якщо кубинці вдадуться до одностороннього розголошення.На Кубу почали прибувати радянські кораблі з ядерними ракетами. Американський літак отримав докази пересування ядерних ракет на Кубі 14 жовтня, а Дж. Кеннеді оголосив про кризу публічно 22 жовтня. Напруга швидко зростала до того рівня, що через чотири дні Ф. Кастро написав листа до М. Хрущова, запевнивши його, що кубинський народ буде протистояти агресору «героїчно». Того ж дня М. Хрущов відправив таємне повідомлення до Дж. Кеннеді, пропонуючи залагодити ситуацію. До 27 жовтня Радянський Союз уже уклав угоду із США про виведення своїх ракет із Куби та дав згоду на допуск на Кубу інспекцій на місцях. Найголовніше при цьому те, що сам Ф. Кастро вперше дізнався про цю угоду з публічних оголошень, які зробили М. Хрущов та Дж. Кеннеді 28 жовтня. Того ж дня М. Хрущов надіслав листа до Ф. Кастро. З огляду на тон листа зрозуміло, що він вважав позицію Ф. Кастро позицією «маленького брата», емоції й почуття якого потрібно враховувати, однак брати участь у рішеннях він не може. У листі М. Хрущов застерігає Ф. Кастро проти будь-яких дій, які можуть призвести до реанімації кризи. Посилаючись на збиття американського шпигунського літака U2 27 жовтня, М. Хрущов заявляє, що цей епізод став результатом «безглуздих» провокацій мілітаристів у Пентагоні, які все ще сподівалися на привід для вторгнення. Окрім твердої «поради» Ф. Кастро дозволити американським військовим літакам порушувати його повітряний простір, у підтексті листа можна побачити загрозу. М. Хрущов, можливо, мав на увазі те, що Радянський Союз не ризикуватиме глобальною ядерною війною, щоб захистити Кубу від вторгнення, особливо якщо в М. Хрущова буде виправдання, що вторгнення викликали нестабільні елементи в США або на Кубі. Попередження в листі М. Хрущова щодо збиття американського шпигунського літака, можливо, було особливо образливим для Ф. Кастро. Хоча кубинським повітряним силам доручили вести вогонь по американським літакам, щоб захистити радянські ракетні об'єкти, зброя, яка влучила в літак U2, була радянською ракетою системи «земля-повітря». У відповіді до М. Хрущова Ф. Кастро пропонує своє обґрунтування. Він також посилається на публічну заяву, опубліковану напередодні, у якій вважає обіцянку США не вторгатися на Кубу неадекватною. Ф. Кастро завершує повідомлення твердженням, що він проти інспекцій. Подальші повідомлення від 30 та 31 жовтня визначаються тим, що вони, по-перше, демонструють ранні спроби М. Хрущова сформулювати кризу для історії та для своєї комуністичної аудиторії, а по-друге, висвітлюють думку Ф. Кастро, який вважав, що вся операція була марною, якщо Радянський Союз буде поступатися американцям. Лист М. Хрущова сповнений патерналізму, він пише, що розуміє ту гіркоту, яку відчувають «деякі» кубинці. М. Хрущов посилається на конфлікт між наддержавами в «Карибській зоні», це формулювання підкреслює той факт, що інтереси Куби були підпорядковані регіональній стратегії Радянського Союзу. Ф. Кастро спростовує декілька виправдань від М. Хрущова, стверджуючи, що відступ не є відповідною реакцією на реальну можливість нападу США. Ф. Кастро уточнює, що з ним взагалі не консультувалися щодо рішення про виведення ракет, що більшість кубинців (а не «деякі») відчули «невимовну гіркоту й смуток» із приводу раптового радянського рішення. Ф. Кастро продемонстрував розуміння того, що єдиною стратегічною цінністю в розміщенні ракет на Кубі було стримування США проти удару по СРСР. Повідомлення радянського міністра закордонних справ А. Громико до А. Мікояна 1 листопада детально пояснювало, як на кубинців необхідно чинити тиск, щоб пом'якшити їх позицію «ні інспекціям», незважаючи на вірогідність втрати кубинською владою обличчя.Навіть під час переговорів із кубинцями про інспекції радянські лідери зберігали нові таємниці від своїх союзників. Пізніше рішення про відвід зброї було прийняте ще до обговорення цього питання з кубинцями. Розчарування, яке це викликало, було очевидним під час розмови А. Мікояна з Ф. Кастро та рештою кубинського керівництва 22 листопада. Ф. Кастро повторив свій аргумент про те, що СРСР мав зберігати стратегічні ракети на Кубі. Діалог А. Мікояна з Ф. Кастро свідчить про сильно викривлений характер радянсько-кубинських відносин. Розмова демонструє позицію радянської сторони, яка не вважала за потрібне виправдовувати свою колоніальну практику. Ф. Кастро доводилося слухати публічні заяви Дж. Кеннеді, щоб отримати актуальну інформацію про зброю, яка залишилася в його країні. Підтвердивши, що тактичні ракети все ще перебувають на Кубі, що вони не є частиною Радянсько- Американської угоди, що США не знали про них, А. Мікоян повідомив, що СРСР також вирішили їх забрати. Він пояснив, що є закон, який перешкоджає переданню іншій країні контролю над будь-якою ядерною зброєю (це була брехня), і що СРСР мав намір вивести всі свої війська з Куби після того, як кубинські військові навчаться використовувати конвенційну зброю, яку СРСР залишав після себе.Якщо повернутися до питання про радянські виправдання, то інтерпретація кризи послом Угорщини на Кубі Я. Беком дає розуміння радянського колоніального дискурсу. Кубинці сприймалися як дикі, проте доброзичливі й кмітливі діти, а радянські лідери зображувалися як терплячі батьки. Посол Я. Бек повідомляє, що А. Мікоян характеризував кубинських лідерів як молодих, чесних людей, вірних революції, які заслуговують на повагу, довіру та вдячність. Однак значна частина повідомлення посла присвячена опису неортодоксального шляху кубинців до марксизму, критиці повільних темпів розвитку партійного апарату Куби та переконань кубинців у тому, що їхня революція була однією з «трьох» великих революцій (китайська для Азії, радянська для Європи та кубинська для Латинської Америки).Наостанок варто зазначити, що 58 років після Кубинської кризи світ не зазнавав ядерних воєн. Цей результат привів до розквіту наративу самозахоплення в розповідях про сміливі й прагматичні дії як американських, так і радянських лідерів. Наслідком цього самозахоплення є віра в те, що володіння ядерною зброєю можна довіряти лише висококваліфікованим і «серйозним» лідерам наддержав. Таке мислення призводить до висновку, що лідери менших країн, яким втрачати менше (кількісно, проте не пропорційно), мають більше шансів обрати «почесне знищення», якщо вони зможуть завдати ворогам асиметричного збитку. Діалоги між основними персонами кубинської ракетної кризи демонструють, що існували дві великі правди. Перша правда полягає в тому, що кубинцям не можна було довіряти ядерну зброю і що зусилля щодо обмеження поширення ядерної зброї були дуже важливими. Друга правда полягає в тому, що лідерам наддержав просто пощастило. Як і великі держави до Першої світової війни, США та радянське керівництво періоду холодної війні вважали глобальне панування своїм правом. Це імперіалістичне ставлення маскувалося як захист даної богом людської свободи (у США) або як результат неминучого процесу соціальної еволюції (у Радянському Союзі). США встановили ядерні ракети в Туреччині для захисту демократії, а СРСР пояснювали розміщення ядерних ракет на Кубі такими причинами: а) протидією американським ракетам у Туреччині; б) захистом Куби; в) просуванням глобального соціалістичного проєкту; г) «підсунути їжака в штани американцям».
The Cuban Missile Crisis, referred to as the Caribbean Crisis in the Soviet Union (Карибский Кризис) and the October Crisis in Cuba, is one of the most famous events of the Cold War. A large number of primary source documents are available for study. The U.S. government has released internal material and much of the official communications between the parties, and the Soviet Union has also released a significant number of documents (mostly during Gorbachev's "Glasnost" ("гласность") program in the 1980's). However, much of the historical analysis that has emerged from this material focuses on: the amount of "blame" that should be assigned to each side, technical discussions regarding the level of risk that there could have been a nuclear war, who "won" and who "lost," and the extent to which President Kennedy's actions may have been mythologized after his assassination. While these themes are important, the event also represents a clear example of the major powers in the Cold War using smaller countries to bear the biggest risks of their global strategies. This paper argues that messages that were sent between the Soviet and Cuban governments at the time show that the Soviets engaged with the Cuban leaders only to the extent that they could control their actions, and that they excluded them from critical decisions. The paper also demonstrates that messages sent between the key Soviet figures in the crisis, later interviews, memoirs and biographies provide insight into the Soviet leadership's justifications for their colonial practices.The United States and the Soviet Union had come to a situation where one believed the other might actually launch a pre-emptive strike if it could gain an advantage. The U.S. and Soviet Union were engaged in constant conflicts throughout the 1940's and 1950's. 1960 was an election year in the United States, so its hostile actions against Cuba escalated throughout the year, with plots to assassinate Fidel Castro and a trade embargo. Late in the year, Cuba and the Soviet Union issued a statement of solidarity and the Soviets began to supply conventional weapons to Cuba. However, there was no move to put Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba in 1961. Khrushchev's reason for this was a belief that the U.S. would invade Cuba immediately if he took such an action. The plan to deploy the missiles could have been publicly announced, as it was legal under international law. The decision to deploy the weapons secretly is more evidence that the Soviets thought it was likely that news of such a plan would trigger an invasion. Castro and his inner circle were agreeable. In an interview he gave to PBS in 1985, Fidel Castro claimed that the Cubans' acceptance of the Soviets' missile plan was based on their belief that American invasion was likely unavoidable. However, he also claimed that he was motivated by a desire to help the Soviet Union achieve balance with the U.S. in the global nuclear competition. This agreement did not guarantee Castro equal partnership with the Soviets. The final deal involved stationing the missiles in Cuba, under full Soviet control. The mistrust between the allies began at this early stage. During a meeting to finalize their agreement, Che Guevara had suggested that the plan be made public and Khrushchev had refused. He even refused to sign his name to the treaty, to preserve the option to deny everything if the Cubans proceeded with a unilateral announcement.Soviet ships with nuclear missiles began to arrive in Cuba. A U.S. plane captured proof of the nuclear missiles in Cuba on October 14 th , and Kennedy announced the crisis to the public on October 22 nd . Tensions rose rapidly, so that four days later Castro wrote a letter to Khrushchev, assuring him that Cuban people will confront the aggressor "heroically". On the same day, Khrushchev sent a secret message to Kennedy offering a resolution to the crisis. By October 27 th the Soviet Union had finalized an agreement with the U.S. for the withdrawal of its missiles from Cuba, including an agreement to allow on-site inspections in Cuba. Most importantly, Castro first became aware of this agreement from the public announcements that were made by Khrushchev and Kennedy on October 28 th . Khrushchev also sent a letter to Castro on the 28 th , and its tone makes it clear that he considered Castro's position to be that of a "little brother" whose emotions and feelings should be soothed, but one who should not expect a decision-making role. Khrushchev's letter goes on to warn Castro against any action that might lead to a reanimation of the crisis. Referring to the shooting down of a U.S. U2 spy plane on the 27 th , Khrushchev states that this episode was the result of "senseless" provocation by militarists in the Pentagon who still hoped for an excuse to invade. In addition to the firm "advice" that Castro should allow U.S. military planes to violate his airspace, it is possible to infer a threat in the letter's subtext. Khrushchev implied that the Soviet Union would not risk a global nuclear war to defend Cuba from invasion if it had the excuse that the invasion had been sparked by unstable elements in the U.S. or in Cuba. The warning in Khrushchev's letter concerning shooting down the U.S. spy plane may have been particularly offensive to Castro. Although, Cuban anti-aircraft personnel had been instructed to fire on American planes to protect the Soviet missile sites, the weapon that had hit the U2 plane was a Soviet-controlled surface-to-air missile. In Castro's response letter to Khrushchev he expresses his rationale. He also refers to the public statement he had issued earlier in that day, in which he had criticized the U.S. promise not to invade Cuba as inadequate. Castro signs off with a notice that he is opposed to inspections. Further messages from October 30 th and 31 st are remarkable because the first captures Khrushchev's early attempts to frame the entire crisis for history and for his communist audiences, and the second presents Castro's view that the entire enterprise had been futile if the Soviet Union was unwilling to stand its ground. Khrushchev's letter is full of paternalism, he writes that he understands the bitterness that "some" Cubans might feel. Khrushchev refers to a conflict between superpowers in "the Caribbean zone," this emphasizes that Cuba's interests were subordinate to the Soviet Union's regional strategy. Castro rebuts several of Khrushchev's excuses by arguing that backing down was not the appropriate reaction to the possibility of an imminent U.S. attack, by clarifying that he was not consulted at all about the decision to withdraw the missiles, and by stating that many (not "some") Cubans were feeling "unspeakable bitterness and sadness" about the sudden Soviet decision. Castro demonstrated that he understood that the only strategic value of putting missiles in Cuba was as a deterrent against a strike against the U.S.S.R. A message from the Soviet Foreign minister Gromyko to Mikoyan on November 1 st detailed how the Cubans should be pressured to soften their "no inspections" position despite the loss of face this would cause them.Even while the Soviet-Cuban negotiations on the inspections were proceeding, the Soviet leaders were keeping new secrets from their allies. Later decision to remove weapons were made before discussing the issue with the Cubans. The frustrations that this created were evident during Mikoyan's conversation with Castro and the rest of the Cuban leadership on November 22 nd. Castro repeated his argument that the Soviets should have kept the strategic missiles in Cuba. The Mikoyan-Castro dialogue serves as evidence of the highly skewed nature of Soviet-Cuban relations and the Soviets' sense that they did not need justification for their colonial practices. Castro had to listen to public statements by Kennedy to acquire up-to-date information about the weapons that remained in his country. After confirming that the tactical missiles were still in Cuba, that they were not technically part of the Soviet's agreement with the U.S. and that the U.S. was not aware of them Mikoyan delivered the news that the Soviets had decided to remove these as well. He explained that there was a law that prevented the transfer control of any nuclear weapons to another country (this was a lie), and that the Soviets intended to withdraw all of their troops from Cuba once the Cuban military had been trained to use the conventional weapons they were leaving behind.Returning to the question of Soviet justifications, the ambassador's interpretation of the situation gives insight into the Soviet colonial discourse. The Cubans were portrayed as wild children, but well- meaning and smart, and the Soviets were portrayed as patient parents. Ambassador Beck reports that Mikoyan had characterized the Cuban leaders as young, honest people who were true to the revolution and who were deserving of respect, trust, and appreciation. However, a large part of the Ambassador's message is dedicated to a description of the Cubans' unorthodox path to Marxism, and criticism of the slow pace of development of the Cuban Communist party apparatus and the Cubans' belief that their revolution was one of "three great revolutions" (China's for Asia, the Soviets' for Europe, and Cuba for Latin America).In conclusion, for fifty-eight years since the Cuban missile crisis, the world did not experience nuclear wars. This outcome has allowed a self-congratulatory narrative to grow regarding the courageous and pragmatic actions of both the U.S. and Soviet leaders. The implication of this narrative is that only the highly tested, and "serious" leaders of superpowers, can be trusted to be stewards of nuclear weapons. In contrast, this way of thinking concludes that the leaders of smaller countries (who have less to lose – in total, but not in proportion) are more likely to choose "honorable destruction" as long as they might inflict asymmetrical damage on their enemies. The dialogues between the protagonists of the Cuban missile crisis demonstrate that there were two big truths. The first truth is that the Cubans could not be trusted with nuclear weapons, and that efforts to limit the proliferation of nuclear weapons have been important. The second truth is that the leaders of the superpowers were just lucky. Like the great powers before WWI, The U.S. and Soviet leadership in the Cold War believed that global domination was their right. This imperialistic attitude was disguised as a defense of God-given human freedom (by the U.S.) or as the result of an inevitable process of social evolution (by the Soviet Union). The U.S. put nuclear missiles in Turkey to protect democracy, and the Soviets said that they put nuclear missiles in Cuba to: a) counter the U.S. missiles in Turkey; b) protect Cuba; c) advance the global socialist project; or d) "put a hedgehog in the Americans' pants". ; Кубинська ракетна криза, яку називають Карибською кризою в Радянському Союзі (Карибский кризис) та Жовтневою кризою на Кубі, – одна з найвідоміших подій холодної війни. Велика кількість первинних джерел доступна для вивчення цієї події. Уряд США оприлюднив внутрішні матеріали та значну частину офіційних перемов між сторонами, Радянський Союз також відкрив доступ до значної кількості документів (переважно під час програми М. Горбачова «Гласність» («гласность») у 1980-х рр.). Однак значна частина історичного аналізу, що постає із цього матеріалу, зосереджується на кількості «провини», яку має нести кожна сторона конфлікту, на технічних дискусіях щодо ризиків ядерної війни, на намаганнях з'ясувати, хто «переміг», а хто «втратив», і на тому, наскільки дії президента Дж. Кеннеді були міфологізовані після його вбивства. Незважаючи на важливість усіх цих тем, подія також є наочним прикладом того, як основні держави холодної війни перекладали найбільші ризики своїх глобальних стратегій на менш потужні країни. У статті наводяться уривки з листування між радянським та кубинським урядами під час кризи. Ці листи свідчать про те, що лідери Радянського Союзу контактували з кубинськими лідерами лише тією мірою, якою вони могли контролювати дії кубинців, не залучаючи тих до прийняття важливих рішень. Стаття також демонструє, що повідомлення, надіслані ключовими радянськими діячами періоду кризи, а також пізніші інтерв'ю, спогади й біографії показують, як радянське керівництво виправдовувало свою колоніальну практику.Сполучені Штати Америки та Радянський Союз потрапили в таку ситуацію, коли одна сторона вважала, що інша зможе насправді завдати ядерного удару, якщо це дасть цій стороні військову перевагу. Обидві держави постійно конфліктували впродовж 1940-х та 1950-х рр. 1960 р. був роком президентських виборів у США, на їх тлі відбувалася ескалація конфлікту з Кубою протягом усього року, у тому числі плани щодо вбивства Фіделя Кастро та встановлення торговельного ембарго. Наприкінці того ж року Куба та Радянський Союз виступили із заявою про солідарність, СРСР почав поставляти на Кубу конвенційну зброю. Важливо, що в 1961 р. не було жодних намагань встановити на Кубі радянські ядерні ракети. М. Хрущов вважав, що в такому разі США негайно вторгнуться на Кубу. Про плани на розміщення ракет можна було публічно оголосити, оскільки міжнародне право не забороняло таке розміщення. Рішення розгортати зброю таємно, скоріш за все, є свідченням того, що радянська влада вважала ймовірним провокування вторгнення. Ф. Кастро та його оточення погоджувалися. В інтерв'ю каналу PBS в 1985 р. Фідель Кастро пояснював, що прийняття кубинцями радянського ракетного плану базувалося на тому переконанні, що американське вторгнення неминуче. Однак він також стверджував, що його мотивувало бажання допомогти Радянському Союзу досягти паритету із США у світовій ядерній гонці. Ця угода не гарантувала Ф. Кастро рівноправне партнерство з радянськими лідерами. Заключна угода передбачала розміщення ракет на Кубі під повним радянським контролем. Недовіра між союзниками почалася на цій ранній стадії. Під час зустрічі щодо доопрацювання домовленостей Че Гевара запропонував оприлюднити план, однак М. Хрущов відмовився. Він навіть відмовився вказувати своє ім'я в договорі, щоб зберегти можливість відступу, якщо кубинці вдадуться до одностороннього розголошення.На Кубу почали прибувати радянські кораблі з ядерними ракетами. Американський літак отримав докази пересування ядерних ракет на Кубі 14 жовтня, а Дж. Кеннеді оголосив про кризу публічно 22 жовтня. Напруга швидко зростала до того рівня, що через чотири дні Ф. Кастро написав листа до М. Хрущова, запевнивши його, що кубинський народ буде протистояти агресору «героїчно». Того ж дня М. Хрущов відправив таємне повідомлення до Дж. Кеннеді, пропонуючи залагодити ситуацію. До 27 жовтня Радянський Союз уже уклав угоду із США про виведення своїх ракет із Куби та дав згоду на допуск на Кубу інспекцій на місцях. Найголовніше при цьому те, що сам Ф. Кастро вперше дізнався про цю угоду з публічних оголошень, які зробили М. Хрущов та Дж. Кеннеді 28 жовтня. Того ж дня М. Хрущов надіслав листа до Ф. Кастро. З огляду на тон листа зрозуміло, що він вважав позицію Ф. Кастро позицією «маленького брата», емоції й почуття якого потрібно враховувати, однак брати участь у рішеннях він не може. У листі М. Хрущов застерігає Ф. Кастро проти будь-яких дій, які можуть призвести до реанімації кризи. Посилаючись на збиття американського шпигунського літака U2 27 жовтня, М. Хрущов заявляє, що цей епізод став результатом «безглуздих» провокацій мілітаристів у Пентагоні, які все ще сподівалися на привід для вторгнення. Окрім твердої «поради» Ф. Кастро дозволити американським військовим літакам порушувати його повітряний простір, у підтексті листа можна побачити загрозу. М. Хрущов, можливо, мав на увазі те, що Радянський Союз не ризикуватиме глобальною ядерною війною, щоб захистити Кубу від вторгнення, особливо якщо в М. Хрущова буде виправдання, що вторгнення викликали нестабільні елементи в США або на Кубі. Попередження в листі М. Хрущова щодо збиття американського шпигунського літака, можливо, було особливо образливим для Ф. Кастро. Хоча кубинським повітряним силам доручили вести вогонь по американським літакам, щоб захистити радянські ракетні об'єкти, зброя, яка влучила в літак U2, була радянською ракетою системи «земля-повітря». У відповіді до М. Хрущова Ф. Кастро пропонує своє обґрунтування. Він також посилається на публічну заяву, опубліковану напередодні, у якій вважає обіцянку США не вторгатися на Кубу неадекватною. Ф. Кастро завершує повідомлення твердженням, що він проти інспекцій. Подальші повідомлення від 30 та 31 жовтня визначаються тим, що вони, по-перше, демонструють ранні спроби М. Хрущова сформулювати кризу для історії та для своєї комуністичної аудиторії, а по-друге, висвітлюють думку Ф. Кастро, який вважав, що вся операція була марною, якщо Радянський Союз буде поступатися американцям. Лист М. Хрущова сповнений патерналізму, він пише, що розуміє ту гіркоту, яку відчувають «деякі» кубинці. М. Хрущов посилається на конфлікт між наддержавами в «Карибській зоні», це формулювання підкреслює той факт, що інтереси Куби були підпорядковані регіональній стратегії Радянського Союзу. Ф. Кастро спростовує декілька виправдань від М. Хрущова, стверджуючи, що відступ не є відповідною реакцією на реальну можливість нападу США. Ф. Кастро уточнює, що з ним взагалі не консультувалися щодо рішення про виведення ракет, що більшість кубинців (а не «деякі») відчули «невимовну гіркоту й смуток» із приводу раптового радянського рішення. Ф. Кастро продемонстрував розуміння того, що єдиною стратегічною цінністю в розміщенні ракет на Кубі було стримування США проти удару по СРСР. Повідомлення радянського міністра закордонних справ А. Громико до А. Мікояна 1 листопада детально пояснювало, як на кубинців необхідно чинити тиск, щоб пом'якшити їх позицію «ні інспекціям», незважаючи на вірогідність втрати кубинською владою обличчя.Навіть під час переговорів із кубинцями про інспекції радянські лідери зберігали нові таємниці від своїх союзників. Пізніше рішення про відвід зброї було прийняте ще до обговорення цього питання з кубинцями. Розчарування, яке це викликало, було очевидним під час розмови А. Мікояна з Ф. Кастро та рештою кубинського керівництва 22 листопада. Ф. Кастро повторив свій аргумент про те, що СРСР мав зберігати стратегічні ракети на Кубі. Діалог А. Мікояна з Ф. Кастро свідчить про сильно викривлений характер радянсько-кубинських відносин. Розмова демонструє позицію радянської сторони, яка не вважала за потрібне виправдовувати свою колоніальну практику. Ф. Кастро доводилося слухати публічні заяви Дж. Кеннеді, щоб отримати актуальну інформацію про зброю, яка залишилася в його країні. Підтвердивши, що тактичні ракети все ще перебувають на Кубі, що вони не є частиною Радянсько- Американської угоди, що США не знали про них, А. Мікоян повідомив, що СРСР також вирішили їх забрати. Він пояснив, що є закон, який перешкоджає переданню іншій країні контролю над будь-якою ядерною зброєю (це була брехня), і що СРСР мав намір вивести всі свої війська з Куби після того, як кубинські військові навчаться використовувати конвенційну зброю, яку СРСР залишав після себе.Якщо повернутися до питання про радянські виправдання, то інтерпретація кризи послом Угорщини на Кубі Я. Беком дає розуміння радянського колоніального дискурсу. Кубинці сприймалися як дикі, проте доброзичливі й кмітливі діти, а радянські лідери зображувалися як терплячі батьки. Посол Я. Бек повідомляє, що А. Мікоян характеризував кубинських лідерів як молодих, чесних людей, вірних революції, які заслуговують на повагу, довіру та вдячність. Однак значна частина повідомлення посла присвячена опису неортодоксального шляху кубинців до марксизму, критиці повільних темпів розвитку партійного апарату Куби та переконань кубинців у тому, що їхня революція була однією з «трьох» великих революцій (китайська для Азії, радянська для Європи та кубинська для Латинської Америки).Наостанок варто зазначити, що 58 років після Кубинської кризи світ не зазнавав ядерних воєн. Цей результат привів до розквіту наративу самозахоплення в розповідях про сміливі й прагматичні дії як американських, так і радянських лідерів. Наслідком цього самозахоплення є віра в те, що володіння ядерною зброєю можна довіряти лише висококваліфікованим і «серйозним» лідерам наддержав. Таке мислення призводить до висновку, що лідери менших країн, яким втрачати менше (кількісно, проте не пропорційно), мають більше шансів обрати «почесне знищення», якщо вони зможуть завдати ворогам асиметричного збитку. Діалоги між основними персонами кубинської ракетної кризи демонструють, що існували дві великі правди. Перша правда полягає в тому, що кубинцям не можна було довіряти ядерну зброю і що зусилля щодо обмеження поширення ядерної зброї були дуже важливими. Друга правда полягає в тому, що лідерам наддержав просто пощастило. Як і великі держави до Першої світової війни, США та радянське керівництво періоду холодної війні вважали глобальне панування своїм правом. Це імперіалістичне ставлення маскувалося як захист даної богом людської свободи (у США) або як результат неминучого процесу соціальної еволюції (у Радянському Союзі). США встановили ядерні ракети в Туреччині для захисту демократії, а СРСР пояснювали розміщення ядерних ракет на Кубі такими причинами: а) протидією американським ракетам у Туреччині; б) захистом Куби; в) просуванням глобального соціалістичного проєкту; г) «підсунути їжака в штани американцям».
Plus d'une décennie après son adoption dans les universités de l'Afrique francophone, la réforme Licence-Master-Doctorat (LMD) n'a pas résolu les difficultés d'insertion professionnelle des diplômés tant espérée (Qachar et al., 2020). Malgré la professionnalisation des offres de formation, le problème d'insertion professionnelle des diplômés de l'enseignement supérieur demeure préoccupant (Pari et al., 2020). La situation met au cœur des débats trois paradoxes importants soulignés par l'OCDE (2016). D'abord, le taux de chômage des diplômés de l'enseignement supérieur connait un accroissement vertigineux alors que les entreprises se plaignent du manque de main-d'œuvre qualifiée. Ensuite, l'observation des secteurs d'enseignement au Togo montre que, plus on avance dans la scolarité, plus le taux de chômage augmente. Enfin, à l'étude on découvre que les diplômés des universités privées s'insèrent relativement mieux que leurs homologues des universités publiques. Ces paradoxes soulèvent la question de l'adéquation formation-emploi, la valorisation des compétences professionnelles des diplômés de l'enseignement supérieur et semblent mettre aussi en exergue l'influence du type d'université fréquentée par rapport à l'insertion professionnelle des diplômés sur le marché de l'emploi. Quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent ces paradoxes et influencent l'insertion professionnelle des diplômés des universités du Togo? Telle est la question qui était au cœur de cette recherche. Plusieurs avenues s'offraient à nous pour y répondre. Dans une approche méthodologique mixte, nous avons choisi en premier lieu d'examiner d'abord l'effet de l'université de provenance comme facteur prédictif de l'insertion professionnelle inégalitaire des diplômés des universités du Togo. Ensuite, nous avons analysé les facteurs relatifs au capital humain et au capital social et les caractéristiques individuelles des diplômés. Enfin, nous avons comparé l'insertion professionnelle des diplômés de l'université de Lomé et de l'université catholique du Togo. En deuxième lieu nous avons interviewé les diplômés et les employeurs. Selon les résultats de nos analyses, il existe un lien statistiquement significatif entre le capital humain et social dont disposent les diplômés et la probabilité d'avoir un emploi dans leur domaine d'étude. Ce lien se remarque aussi par rapport au contrat plus ou moins sécuritaire que les diplômés des deux universités signent dans leur emploi avec le salaire qu'ils reçoivent mensuellement. Les caractéristiques sociales individuelles, le capital humain et social des diplômés de l'UL et de l'UCAO-UUT influencent leur insertion professionnelle sur le marché de l'emploi du Togo. Mais c'est le domaine d'étude qui semble mieux expliquer le type de contrat de travail et le salaire des diplômés. Si les résultats indiquent que la fréquentation d'une université est fortement liée à l'origine sociale du diplômé surtout à la catégorie socioprofessionnelle du père, ceux-ci n'indiquent pas suffisamment le lien associatif direct entre l'établissement de provenance et l'insertion professionnelle des diplômés. Cependant, les résultats révèlent une forte relation entre le capital humain, notamment le niveau d'étude et le domaine d'étude sur le salaire. Les diplômes de Licence et de Master de l'université catholique du Togo sont majoritairement plus valorisés du point de vue salarial que les diplômes de Licence et de Master de l'université de Lomé. Cette différence est davantage liée à l'origine sociale des diplômés et, par ricochet, à l'influence de leur capital social mobilisé qu'à l'effet de l'établissement de provenance. Ces résultats confirment les deux hypothèses à l'étude. ; More than a decade after its adoption by Universities in French speaking Africa, the Bachelor, Master, and Doctorate education reform has not resolved the challenges University graduates face in joining the workforce as expected (Qachar et al., 2020). Despite the professionalization of the training programs offered, the problem of workforce integration by higher education graduates remains worrying (Pari et al., 2020). It (the problem) puts at the center of the debate, three important paradoxes, as indicated by the OCDE (2016). First, unemployment rate of higher education graduates is dramatically increasing, when at the same time businesses are complaining of lack of qualified labor. Moreover, a look at the education sector in Togo reveals that, the more schooling rate increases, the more unemployment rate increases. Finally, this study discovers that graduates from private universities are fairly doing better at integrating the workforce than their public university counterparts. Those paradoxes not only raise the problem of training not matching employment, but also that of how the skills of higher education graduates are valued and it seems to shine a light on the issue of the type of university attended determining the integration of graduates into the workforce. What are some of the factors that explain these paradoxes and are influencing the Togo university graduates' integration into the workforce? That was the question at the center of this research. There were many avenues we could take to respond to it. However, we chose to first examine the effect of the university attended as a predictive factor of the Togo university graduates' unequal integration into the workforce. According to the results of our analyses, there's a statistically significant correlation between the human and social capital that the graduates possess and the probability of them getting a job in their are of specialization. This correlation is demonstrated by the more or less safe employment contract that graduates from the two universities sign and the monthly salary they receive. The individual and social characteristics and the human and social capital of the graduates of the public Lome University and the UCAO-UUT influence their integration into the Togo workforce. But the area of specialization seems to better explain the type of employment contract and monthly salary the graduates receive. If the results indicate that the university attended is closely related to the social origin of the graduate, especially the career type of the father, it does not however clearly indicate the direct link between the university attended and the graduates' workforce integration. However, the results reveal a strong influence of the human capital, especially the level of education and major, on the salary received. The Bachelor's and Master's degrees of graduates from the Togo Catholic University are more valued in terms of salary than the Bachelor's and Master's degrees of Lome University. The said difference is more related to the social origin of the graduates, and indirectly the social capital they brought, than the influence of the university attended. Those results support the two hypotheses of this research. ; Seit mehr als zehn Jahren, wurde die Hochschulreform LMD (Licence, Master, Doctorat) in den französischsprachen Ländern Afrikas eingeführt. Die dadurch erhoffte Erleichterung des Einstiegs im Berufsleben von Absolventen hat nicht stattgefunden (Qachar et al., 2020). Trotz der praktischen Orientierung der Bildungsangebote, bleibt das Problem des Berufseinstiegs von Absolventen besorgniseregend (Pari et al., 2020). Das Problem bring drei wichtige Gegensätze ins Licht, die 2016 von der OECD hervorgehoben wurden. Erstens, steigt die Zahl der arbeitslosen Hochschulabsolventen an, während Unternehmen qualifizierte Arbeitskräfte suchen. Eine genaue Beobachtung des Bildungssektors in Togo zeigt, dass je hocher der Bildungsstand ist, umso grösser wird die Zahl der Arbeitslosen. Schließlich stellt die Arbeit fest, dass Absolventen privater Universitäten sich relativ besser ihren Weg in den Arbeitsmarkt finden als Absolventen staatlicher Universitäten. Diese Erkenntnisse werfen die Frage nach dem Einklang zwischen Bildung und Beschäftigung, und der Verbesserung der beruflichen Kompetenzen von Hochschulabsolventen auf. Sie heben gleichzeitig den Einfluss der besuchten Universität auf den Einstieg in den Arbeitsmarkt von Absolventen hervor. Diese Arbeit geht daher folgender Frage nach: wie lassen sich diese Gegensätze erklären und welche Faktoren beeinflussen den Einstieg ins Berufsleben von Hochschulabsolventen in Togo? Um dieser Frage nachzugehen, standen uns mehrere Möglichkeiten zur Verfügung. Wir haben uns jedoch entschieden, zunächst die Auswirkungen der Universität von der der Absolvent kommt als vorherrsehbarer ungleicher Einstieg ins Berufsleben von Hochschulabsolventen in Togo zu untersuchen. Ferner erörterten wir Faktoren in Bezug auf Human- und Sozialkapital und die persönlichen Fähigkeiten von Absolventen. Anschließend haben wir den Einstieg ins Berufsleben von Absolventen der université de Lomé und université catholique du Togo verglichen. Die Ergebnisse unserer Untersuchung zeigen, dass es statistisch gesehen ein signifikanter Zusammenhang zwischen dem Human- und Sozialkapital, das den Absolventen zur Verfügung steht, und der Wahrscheinlichkeit, eine Stelle zu finden, die ihrem Studienabschluss entspricht, gibt. Dieser Zusammenhang lässt sich ebenfalls zwischen dem relativ unsicheren Arbeitvertrag, die die Absolventen beider Universitäten unterschreiben und ihrer monatlichen Vergütung, beobachten. Die sozialen Eigenschaften und das Human- und Sozialkapital der Absolventen von université de Lomé (UL) und université catholique du Togo (UCOA-UUT) haben einen Einfluss auf ihren Einstieg in den Arbeitsmarkt in Togo. Die Art des Arbeitsvertrags und des Gehalts hängen jedoch mit dem Studienfach der Absolventen zusammen. Unsere Untersuchung konnte zeigen, dass der Besuch einer Universität stark von der sozialen Herkunft des Absolventen, insbesondere von der Berufsgruppe des Vaters abhängt. Sie deutet aber nicht ausreichend auf den direkten Zusammenhang zwischen der besuchten Hochschule und dem Einstieg ins Berufsleben hin. Die Ergebnisse zeigen jedoch, dass es einen starken Zusammenhang zwischen dem Humankapital, besonders dem Bildungsniveau und dem Studienfach gibt, der das Gehalt beeinflusst. Die Licence - und Master-Abschlüsse der université catholique du Togo werden auf dem Arbeitsmarkt meist höher bewertet als dieselben von université de Lomé, wenn es um das Gehaltsniveau geht. Dieser Unterschied hängt mehr mit der sozialen Herkunft der Absolventen, und zwar mit dem Einfluss ihres mobilisierten Sozialkapitals zusammen als mit der Wirkung ihrer Herkunftsinstitution. Die beiden untersuchten Hypothesen werden von den Ergebnissen bestätigt. ; Más de una década después de su adopción en universidades de África francófona, la reforma Licencia-Maestría-Doctorado (LMD) no ha resuelto las dificultades de integración profesional tan esperada de los graduados (Qachar et al., 2020). A pesar de la profesionalización de la oferta de formación, el problema de la integración profesional de los graduados de la educación superior sigue siendo preocupante (Pari et al., 2020). El problema coloca en el centro del debate tres paradojas importantes destacadas por la OCDE (2016). Primero, la tasa de desempleo de los graduados de educación superior se está disparando a medida que las empresas se quejan de la falta de mano de obra calificada. Luego, la observación de los sectores educativos en Togo muestra que cuanto más avanzamos en la educación, más aumenta la tasa de desempleo. Finalmente, el estudio encuentra que los graduados de universidades privadas se integran relativamente mejor que sus contrapartes de universidades públicas. Estas paradojas plantean la cuestión de la correspondencia entre formación y empleo, la mejora de las competencias profesionales de los graduados de educación superior y también parecen poner de relieve la influencia del tipo de universidad frecuentada en relación con la integración profesional de los graduados en el mercado laboral. ¿Cuáles son los factores que explican estas paradojas e influyen en la integración profesional de los graduados universitarios en Togo? Esta es la pregunta central de esta investigación. Contamos con varias vías para responder a esta pregunta. Sin embargo, decidimos examinar primero el efecto de la universidad de origen como predictor de la integración profesional desigual de los graduados universitarios en Togo. A continuación, analizamos los factores relacionados con el capital humano y social y las características individuales de los graduados. Luego comparamos la integración profesional de los graduados de la Universidad de Lomé y de la Universidad Católica de Togo. Según los resultados de nuestros análisis, existe una asociación estadísticamente significativa entre el capital humano y social disponible para los graduados y la probabilidad de tener un empleo en su campo de estudio. Esta asociación también ha destacado en relación al contrato más o menos seguro que los graduados de las dos universidades firman en sus puestos de trabajo con el salario mensual. Las características sociales individuales, el capital humano y social de los graduados de UL y UCOA UUT influyen en su integración profesional en el mercado laboral en Togo, pero el campo de estudio parece explicar mejor el tipo de contrato laboral y el salario de los graduados. Si los resultados indican que la formación en una universidad está fuertemente ligada al origen social del graduado, especialmente a la categoría socioprofesional del padre, no indica suficientemente el vínculo asociativo directo entre la universidad de origen y la integración profesional de los graduados. Pero los resultados revelan una fuerte relación entre el capital humano, especialmente el nivel educativo y el campo de estudio, sobre el salario. Los diplomas de licenciatura y maestría de la Universidad Católica de Togo son en su mayoría más valorados en términos de salario que los diplomas de licenciatura y maestría de la Universidad de Lomé. Esta diferencia está más relacionada con el origen social de los graduados y por extensión con la influencia de su capital social movilizado que con el efecto de la institución de origen. Estos resultados confirman las dos hipótesis en estudio. ; Più di un decennio dopo la sua adozione nelle università dell'Africa francofona, la riforma Laurea-Master-Dottorato (LMD), non ha risolto le difficoltà di inserimento professionale dei laureati tanto sperato (Qachar et al., 2020). Nonostante la professionalizzazione delle offerte di formazione, il problema dell'inserimento professionale dei diplomati dell'istruzione superiore resta preoccupante (Pari et al., 2020). Questa situazione mette al centro dei dibattiti tre paradossi importanti sottolineati dall'OCSE (2016). In primo luogo, il tasso di disoccupazione dei diplomati dell'istruzione superiore registra un aumento vertiginoso, mentre le imprese si lamentano della mancanza di manodopera qualificata. In secondo luogo, l'osservazione dei settori d'insegnamento in Togo mostra che più si avanza nella scolarità più alto è il tasso di disoccupazione. Infine, lo studio scopre che i laureati delle università private si inseriscono relativamente meglio dei loro omologhi delle università pubbliche. Questi paradossi sollevano la questione dell'adeguatezza della formazione.L'Istituto di Studi Professionali, che si occupa della valorizzazione delle competenze professionali dei diplomati dell'Istruzione Superiore, sembra porre in evidenza anche l'influenza del tipo di università frequentata rispetto all'inserimento professionale dei diplomati sul mercato del lavoro. Quali sono i fattori che spiegano questi paradossi e influenzano l'inserimento professionale dei laureati delle università del Togo? Questa è la domanda che era al centro di questa ricerca. Diverse strade si offrivano a noi per rispondervi. Tuttavia, abbiamo scelto di esaminare in primo luogo l'effetto dell'università di provenienza come fattore predittivo dell'inserimento professionale diseguale dei laureati delle università del Togo. In secondo luogo, abbiamo analizzato i fattori relativi al capitale umano e al capitale sociale e le caratteristiche individuali dei laureati. Infine abbiamo confrontato l'inserimento professionale dei laureati dell'Università di Lomé e dell'Università cattolica del Togo. Secondo i risultati delle nostre analisi, esiste un'associazione statisticamente significativa tra il capitale umano e sociale di cui dispongono i diplomati e la probabilità di avere un impiego nel loro campo di studio. Questa associazione ha anche notato in relazione al contratto più o meno sicuro che i laureati delle due università firmano nel loro lavoro con lo stipendio che ricevono mensilmente. Le caratteristiche sociali individuali, il capitale umano e sociale dei diplomati dell'UL e dell'UCAO-UUT influenzano il loro inserimento professionale sul mercato del lavoro del Togo. Ma il campo di studio sembra meglio spiegare il tipo di contratto di lavoro e lo stipendio dei laureati. Se i risultati indicano che la frequentazione di un'università è fortemente legata all'origine sociale del laureato soprattutto alla categoria socio-professionale del padre, non indica a sufficienza il legame associativo diretto tra lo stabilimento di provenienza e l'inserimento professionale dei diplomati. Ma i risultati rivelano una forte relazione tra il capitale umano, in particolare il livello di studio e il campo di studio sul salario. I diplomi di Laurea e di Master dell'Università cattolica del Togo sono in maggioranza più valorizzati dal punto di vista salariale rispetto ai diplomi di Laurea e di Master dell'Università di Lomé. Questa differenza è più legata all'origine sociale dei diplomati e all'influenza del loro capitale sociale mobilitato che all'effetto dello stabilimento di provenienza. Questi risultati confermano le due ipotesi in esame. Parole chiave: inserimento professionale; laureati, LMD; capitale umano; capitale sociale, caratteristiche sociali individuali, mercato del lavoro, Togo, università, istruzione superiore.
Issue 25.5 of the Review for Religious, 1966. ; Mal~ Religious in Past and Present by Maurice A. ROche, C.M. 749 Updating the Cloister by Sister Teresa Margaret, O.C:D. 770 ' Directed vs. Preached.Retreats by Ladislas M. Ors,2, S.J. 781 The Religious Teacher by Sister M. Fredericus, O.P. 797 The Woman Religious and Leadership by William J. Kelly, S.J. 814 Retreat: Dialogue or Silence? by Ambrose de Groot, O.F.M.Cap. 828 A Pastoral Theology Program by Gerald G. Daily, S.J. 836 The Eucharist as Symbolic Reality by J. P. de Jong 853 Retreat or Community Experience by George A. Aschenbrenner, S.J. 860 The Problem of Vitality by John Carmody, S.J. 867 D, irection and the Spiritual Exercises by Daniel J. Shine, S.J. 888 Poems 897 Survey of Roman Documents 899 Views, News, Previews 906 Questions and Answers 909 Book Reviews 925 VOLUM~ 25 NUMBER 5 September 1966 Notice to Subscribers Because of constantly increasing costs, REVIEW FOR RELK;IOUS finds it necessary to increase the cost of its individual issues as well as of its sub-scriptions. The new rates, effective in 1967, will be the following: (l) Individual issues of the REVIEW will cost one dollar; this price will apply not only to all issues beginning with 1967 but also to all previously published issues. (2) Subscriptions in the United. States, Canada, and Mexico will cost $5.00 per year; $9.00 for two years. (3) Subscriptions to other countries will cost ~;5.50 per year; ~;10.00 for two years. (4) All the above prices are in terms of U.S.A. dollars; accordingly all payments must be made in U.S.A. funds. These prices will affect all individual issues sold on or after January 1, 1967. The new subscription prices will be applicable to all subscriptions-- new and renewed---beginning with the January, 1967, issue of the REVIEW. MAURICE A. ROCHE; C.M. The Male Religious in Past and Present What is the perfect Christian life? Can it be lived? If so, how? Does it entail the transformation of all human society? Can in-dividuals be immersed in a prevailingly or partially un-Christian society without compromising their principles and be fully Christian? To be fully Christian, is it necessary to withdraw from society? If so, must one live alone, or must those intent on the complete Christian life seek it in.community with othersP These and similar questions have been asked by zeal-ous Christians and by the Church herself since the time of Christ. According to the circumstances of time and place, the answer of the Church has varied. This article will treat in summary form the major manifestations of the "perfect life" as .they have appeared in the Western part of the Catholic Church during the past nineteen hundred years. As with most 'institutions in the Church, both the idea and practice of: the religious life developed rather slowly. Some of the elements of the religious life, for example, common purse, existed among the disciples even during the lifetime of Christ.2 Shortly after Pentecost at least some of the disciples gave all their possessions to the p0or.s In the First Epistle to the Corinthians (written about the year 57), St. Paul talks about the concern of a Christian father for his virgin daughter;4 presumably the motive for her virginity was a religious one. ÷ During ,the first two centuries, the life of perfection was lived within the family circle; domestic asceticism + was the rule. Given the small number of Christians in a pagan society, no othel- solution seemed feasible. Such persdns engaged in ordinary employments; each local church usuall~ had a number of these "continentes" ; ampton, 1 Kenneth S. Latourette, .4 History ol Christianity (New York: vania 18967. H~rper ~nd Row, 1953), p. 221. =Jn 13529. VOLUME 25, 1966 ' 1 Cor 7:36-8. 749 Father Maurice A. Roche, C.M., is a faculty member of Mary Immaculate Seminary; North- Pennsyl- + ÷ ÷ M. A. Roche, .M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 750 and "virgines." They formed a sort of spiritual aristoc-racy and occupied special places in the church. These primitive ascetics differed in many respects from the later religious: no special ceremony marked their entrance into the ascetical life; they wore no distinctive clothing; they did not live in community (though they might fre-quently assemble for mutual encouragement); they did not abstain from ordinary employment; they did not devote themselves as a matter of course or in .any special way to the corporal works of mercy. This mode of striv-ing for perfection has never died out in the Church; every parish still has its group of unmarried women who work for a living and are exceptional for their piety. About the middle of the third century there arose in Egypt the institution of monasticism. Authors have ad-vanced various reasons to explain its development in this place at this time. (a) Pagan Egypt had a strain of .mysticism in it. (It was in Alexandria that Ammonius Saccas [d. 245] had founded Neoplatonism.) Thus the Egyptian people were not entirely unprelSared for this mode of life which purported to lead to mystical union with God. (b) The desert wastes of Egypt made it easy to find solitude. Food and water were a constant problem of course, but the hot dry climate simplified the matter of clothing, shelter; and so forth. (c) The Decian persecution (249-251) was particularly thorough in Egypt and the desert offered a safe refuge. Some, driven out of the cities by the persecutors, sought refuge in the wilderness, liked the solitude, and remained there. Each of the above statements is true, and probably each contributed in some way to the growth of monasti-cism. They seem, however, to be occasions rather than causes. The basic cause for going to and remaining in the desert was the desire to live completely for God, a desire that was difficult of fulfillment in the still pagan atmosphere of the cities. Some ascetics had previously attempted to live in seclusion on the outskirts of the in-habited areas; this halfway measure proved in the main unworkable, and so the more zealous among them aban-doned the dwelling of men completely. Traditionally, the first hermit was St. Paul of Thebes (228-340) who fled to a remote mountain during the Decian persecution. St. Antony (250-356) was for a time a solitary hermit, but eventually a group of disciples gathered about him. Basically, these men were still her-mits, each living in his own ceil, giving hihaself to pri-vate prayer, reading, and manual work. Occasional dis-courses by St. Antony (and perhaps Mass) were the only occasions on which silence was broken. St. Antony was at heart a hermit, yet the needs of the Church twice called him to the active life. In 311 he left his retreat in order to encourage the victims of the persecution of Maximin, and about 338 he quitted his solitude in order to confer with St. Athanasius on means to defeat the Arian heresy. Between these two dates the desert had flowered: in the ),ear 325 the Nitrian Desert alone counted some five thousand men dedicated to God. Five years before this, another manifestation of the perfect life had appeared in Egypt: cenobitism, of which St. Pachomius (d. 348) is considered the initiator. His followers were not solitary hermits, nor were they inde-pendent hermits joined together by an accident of loca-tion; rather, they lived in common in subjection to ~he rule of the superior or abbot. Unlike some solitaries who neglected the sacraments, the Pachomian monks took part in Mass twice weekly, at one of which celebrations they communicated. The Pachomian rule tended to moderate some of the corporal austerities of the hermits, but it was withal quite severe. St. Pachomius was, it seems, the first to draw up a rule for monks. The great codifier of Eastern monasticism was not 'he, however, but St. Basil the Great (329-379). To his personal sanctity and firsthand experience with the dangers and advantages of monasticism, he added familiarity with the~ problems of rule, the grace of the episcopal office, a good education, and a keen intellect. His rule became the norm for Eastern monasticism, and in its broad lines at least is still followed today. More to our purpose, however, St. Basil's rule had an effect on the rule drawn up by St. Benedict in the sixth century. Before leaving the East completely, reference should be made at least in passing to the pillar saints, of whom the most famous was St. Simeon Stylites (d. 459). This singular expression of the perfect life had a brilliant but short-lived existence. Up until this time, monasticism had not developed much in the West. For the most part an importation from the East, it was, like much Eastern food, too highly seasoned for. the Western man: it did not suit Western climate, Western mentality, or Western man. Mention Should be made, however, of those who were more or less successful in forming monasteries after the Eastern fash-ion: Saints Hilary (315-367), Martin (c. 315-c. 399), Am-brose (339-397), Jerome (c. 347-419 or 420), Honoratus (c~ 350-430); and John Cassian (c. 360-c. 430).5 St. Augus-tine of ~Hippo (354-430) lived a common life with his clergy, but these were (to use a later terminology) can-ons regular rather than monks. ,~ Cassian is not usually recognized as a saint; this is probably a re-sult of his views in what has come to be known as the semi-Pelagian controversy. ÷ ÷ ÷ The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 ÷ ÷ ÷ M~ A. Roche,~ C.M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 752 By the end of the fifth century, monasticism, already firmly established in the East, had begun to sink roots in the West, although its exact form had not yet been definitively established. Over the years monasticism would undergo many changes in the West; "but in its various ramifications it was to be the main channel through which new bursts of life were to find expression in the various churches which conserved' the traditions of the Catholic Church of the Roman Empire," ~ The institution had already been in existence over two hun-dred years by the time St. Benedict of Nursia (480-550) was born; the number of monasteries varied greatly from place to place at this date in the Ctiristian West, but the institution as such had gained ac.ceptance in the minds of men. The work of St. Benedict was not pre-cisely to introduce a completely new organism into the Western Church; it was more to reform and adapt an existing institution so that it might be viable and useful in his time and place. In drawing up his rule, St. Bene-dict apparently took the rule of St. Basil as a model, though he did not imitate it slavishly; rather, he modi-fied it in order to suit the needs of himself and of his followers. The judgment of Latourette on St. Benedict's rule is worth noting: ~ The rule of Benedict became standard in the West, probably because of i~s intrinsic worth. Pope Gregory the Great did much to give it popularity. It was taken to Britain by missionaries sent by Gregory from: Rome . In the seventh century it began to gain in Gaul. Charlemagne admired it and furthered its adop-tion. By the latter part,of the eighth century it was generally ac, cepted. No central organization existed for its enforcement and to bring uniformity. Each monastery was independent of ~very other." Modifications might and often were made in the rule by individual houses. Yet it became the model from which many other rules stemmed. In an age of disorder the Benedictine monasteries were centres of quiet and orderly livfng, communities where prayer, work, and study were the custom, and that in a society where prayer was ignored or was regarded as magic to be practised for selfish ends, where work was despised as servile, where even princes were .illiterate, where war was chronic. ,.Like other monastic establishments, Benedictine foun~lations tended' to decline from the high ideals setby the rule. Many were heavily endowed and in numbers of them life became easy and at times sCa'ndalous. When awakenings occurred, they often took the form of a re-turn to the rule or its modification in t.he direction of greater austerity. Even when the rule was strictly observed, the mon-astertes were self-centered and were not concerned with the sal-vation of the so~:iety about them, except to draw individuals from it into their fellowship.' Hdwever., the missionaries of the e Latourette, History o[ Christianity, p. 233. ' As it stands, this sentence is far too sweeping. The monks at this time (outside of mission lands) did not engage in parochial wo~'k; but the monastic priests did not refuse their ministration to those lay Western Church were predominantly monks. It was chiefly through them, although often at the initiative and under the protection of lay princes, that the faith was carried beyond its existing frontiers. Later, moreover, monks of the Benedictine rule became prominent in the general life of the Church and of the community as a whole,s The life [in the monastery] was orderly but was not unduly severe and was probably more comfortable than was that of the great masses of the population. Clothing and meals were simple but adequate, and special provision was made for the ill, the aged, the very young, and those doing heavy manual labour. There was to be fasting at regular times, but this was not the kind practised by the extreme ascetics . Much weight was given to humility. Provision was made for various degrees of discipline, from private admonition to physical punishment, ex-communication, and as a final resort, expulsion. The entire round of twenty-four hours was provided for, with eight services, one every three hours, and with .periods for sleep, including a rest early in the afternoon, for eating, and for labour . Silence was encouraged and was the rule at meals and after compline. . Stress was placed on worship b.y the entire community and directions were given for the services. There was a place for priests, for they were needed to say mass, but they were to obey the rule as fully as the lay monks. The rule was wisely designed for a group of men of various ages living together in worship and in work for the cultivation of the full Christian life as it was con-ceived by the monk? The spirit of the rule is perhaps best summed up by its author in the prologue when he wrote: Therefore we must establish a school of the Lord's service, in founding which we hope to ordain nothing that is harsh or burdensome?° Dorn David Knowles writes: ¯. if the Rule holds within it so much of th~ wisdom and ex-perience of the past, its anticipation of the needs of the future is even more striking. The ancient world, with its city life, its great seats of culture, its graded society and its wide and rapid means of communication, was rapidly disappearing. In the new world that was coming into being, the estate, the village, the district were the units; Europe, from being a single complex organism was becoming an aggregate of cells, bound to one an-other by the loosest of ties. St. Benedict lived in a society where the scope and opportunities of education, secular and theologi-cal, were yearly narrowing, and in which the numbers of the people who sought it. The monks also wrote works for the edification of the faithful and furthered the development of theology¯ Moreover, their example of selfless devotion to God had a salutary impact even on those who did not become monks themselves¯ Finally, an important part of the religious life was prayer for the benefactors, for the local clergy, for the civil government, for the conversion of pagans, and so forth. Even the most cloistered monk was solicitous for the salvation of the society about him. s Latourette, History o] Christianity, pp. 335-6. 9 Ibid¯, pp. 33,1-5. l° Justin McCann, "The Rule of St. Benedict," cited in Colman Barry, Readings in Church History, v. 1 (~Vestminster: Newman, 1960), p. 168. 4- 4- 4- The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 4" M, ,4. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS educated were yearly lessening; a socie(y in.which the family, the farm;the estate was strong--a society continually threatened with extinction., by invasion, or (with) chaos, and which therefore needed above all some clear, simple, basic principles to which it might hold and rally . This suitability to the needs of the time was met at every level of life, by the monastery of the Kule . Only in the early centuries or backward countries of medieval times could such a community continue to be a norm, and it did not, in fact, long endure in its original com-prehensiveness . A full acknowledgment of the unique ex-cellence of the Ruie does not imply that it had no limitations. Such are inevitable in every code that bears the stamp of time and place . ~ Benedictinism was not without rivals in the West. There were the Eastern-type monasteries founded before the time of St. Benedict, most if not all of which were within the then existing boundaries of the Roman Em-pire. 12 Of more importance and more influence were the Celtic monasteries initiated both before and after the lifetime of the saint of Nursia. For the most part these monasteries were located in regions that had never been or were not at the time of foundation within the. con-fines of the Empire. This Celtic monasticism was il-lumined by a galaxy of brilliant saints like Columkil (521-597) and Columban (540-615), the latter of whom composed the rule that bears his name. Much shorter than the Benedictine rule, the Columban rule Was Orien-tal in spirit. (This is not so strange as it may at first appear: St. Patrick had been formed to the religious life in the Eastern-type Abbey of Lerins founded by St. Honoratus about 400 A.D. and the influence of, the East had remained strong among the Celtic Christians.) The Celtic rule was very severe: hours of prayer and of work were multiplied; discipline was strict, with corporal pun-ishment meted out even for slight faults,' Columban monks went to England and to the continent in great numbers and started monasteries--such as Ltixeuil, Bob-bio, and Saint Ga!l--which were of great importance in the Middle Ages. The C61umban rule produced spiritual giants; but conversely, it was made only for spiritual giants, not for ordinary men. By what seems to us a strange quirk, this very strict rule allowed great freedom ~Dom David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (2nd ed~; Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1963), pp. 9-11. = No one rule predominated here. Rufinus had translated and abridged the rule of St. Basil; St. Jerome had put the rule of St. Pachomius 'into Latin. Some in the West drew up new rtiles: St. Honoratus of Lerins gave out certain constitutions which are no longer extant; we do, however, possess the Regula ad monachos and the Regula ad virgines of St. Caesarius of Aries (469-542) and also rules by Aurelianus, bishop of Aries from 546 to 551. See P. de Labriolle et al., "De la mort de Th~odose h l'fiiection de Gr~goire le Grand," v. 4 of Histoire de l'Eglise, ed. by Fliche and Martin (Paris: Bloud and Gay, 1948), p. 592. of travel, and this sometimes led to disorder. For a while both the Benedictine and Columban rules existed over large portions of Western Europe; but eventually the Celtic Rule was forced to yield: in England at the Synod of Whitby in 664, in the Frankish Empire at the Synod of Autun in 670. Only in Ireland.did the Celtic Rule manage to endure. Even there it was eventually replaced, though by the stricter Cistercian Rule rather than by the Benedictine Rule strictly so-called. Even in defeat the austere:Irish monks won half a victory. , The character of Western monasticism, influenced.to some degree by St. Columban, was affected even more by the saint'g Italian contemporary, Pope St. Gregory I (540-604). About the year 575, he converted his parental home on the Caelian Hill into a monastery (St. An-drew, s), and there lived as a simple monk until chosen abbot in 585. The, regime at St. Andrew's was Benedic-tine in spirit; perhaps it even followed the Rule of St. Benedict explicitly. At any rate, St. Gregory was himself formed according to the Benedictine ideal. Chosen as bishop of Rome in 590, six or seven years later he sent St. Augustine and other monks from St. Andrew's to evangelize" the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes in present-day England. His use of monks as missionaries undoubtedly effected a notable change in the Character of Western monasticism. Up until his time, Benedictinism had been basically a lay movement. In the mission lands, clergy were needed; and so most of the missionary monks re-ceived ordination. By the end of the Carolingian era, the great majority of monks were priests. Besides con-tributing to the clericalization of the monasteries, the missionary movement also fostered an activist strain in Western monasticism. From time to time this tendency would become prominent in the West; it is the more noticeable because such external work is much less en-couraged in Eastern monasticism. As the number of clerical monks increased, manual labor was relegated to servants, and the liturgy was lengthened. In 817 St. Benedict of Aniane attempted a monastic confederation, but feudal disorders hindered his work. The last half of the ninth and the first half of the tenth centuries were periods of great disorder in the civil and religious fields. Civil wars; invasions by Northmen, Muslim, Magyars; lay patronage; and so forth contributed to the breakdown of civil government, to the physical destruction of numerous monasteries, and to the relaxing of morals, both within and without the monasteries. In the second half of the tenth century, a great re-awakening occurred in the Western Church. Of major importance was the reform of Cluny, initiated by. its ÷ ÷ ÷ The Mal.e,~Re.ligious VOLUME 25~ 1966 M. A. Roche, C.M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS first abbot, St. Berno (850-927) in 910 and continued for some two and one half centuries by a series of outstand-ing and long-lived successors. An important innovation in the Cluniac reform was its centralizing tendency. Dur-ing the years after 910, many monasteries placed them-selves under the aegis of Cluny. The Cluniac regulations as eventually in force under St. Odilo (abbot from 994 to 1049) suppressed the title of abbot for heads of sub-ordinate houses; in charge of these lesser foundations were priors, subjected to the sole rule of the abbot of Cluny. By the beginning of the twelfth century, the num-ber of subordinate houses had risen to three hundred, the number of monks to ten thousand. Next to Rome, Cluny was regarded as the ecclesiastical center of Europe. Equally important to the monastic renewal was a movement, largely successful, to free the monasteries from the control of local lay lords and diocesan bishops. This question of exemption is a very involved affair, but it seems good to present a summary of the chief develop-ments in order that we may view with objectivity the events of the tenth and later centuries.13 The early monks, usually far removed from the cities (and from the bishops resident there), tended to develop independently of the hierarchy. The cenobitic life, more-over, demands a certain independence for the superior, or else he is superior in name only and powerless to lead his monks. Hence a certain tension developed between the legitimate abbatial desire for independence, and the likewise legitimate episcopal concern lest diocesan dis-cipline be subverted. The oldest extant conciliar legislation regarding monks and domestic ascetics goes back to the fourth century. The Council of Gangra in Paphlagonia (c. 340- 350) issued a series of anathemas against false ascetics; a council at Saragossa (380) speaks of the cleric who be-came a monk out of a spirit of pride and makes provi-sion for religious profession and veiling of virgins.14 Im-portant here is the fourth canon of the Council of Chalcedon (451): Those who lead a true and sincere monastic life ought to en-joy due honor. Since, however, there are some who, using the monastic state as a pretext, disturb the churches and the affairs of state, roam about aimlessly in the cities, and even undertake to establish monasteries for themselves, it is decided that no one shall build or found a monastery or a house of prayer without the consent of the bishop of the city. It is de.cided furthermore that all monks in every city and country place shall be subject to 13 The following remarks on exemption are taken for the most part from E. Fogliasso, "Exemption des religieux," Dictionnaire de droit canonique, v. 5, col. 646-51. 1, Hefele-Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, v. 1.2 (Paris: 1907), pp. 1029-45; 986-7. the bishop, that they love silence and attend only to fasting and prayer, remaining in the places in which they renounced the world; that they shall not leave their monasteries and burden themselves either with ecclesiastical or worldly affairs or take part in them unless they are commissioned to do so for some necessary purpose by the bishop of the city; that no slave shall be received into the monasteries and become a monk without the consent of his master. Whosoever transgresses this decision of ours shall be excommunicated . ~ Though the text seems to subject the monks without any restriction to the local bishop, E. Fogliasso comes to a different conclusion. In his opinion, the council merely stated the general principle that monks are sub-ject to the bishop but did nothing to revoke the various customs which in practice limited episcopal control, The council did not annul the authority of abbots, nor did it reserve to the bishop the choice of the abbot, nor did it regulate the administrative relations between monastery and diocese; all of these continued in the same way as beforehand. In short, .relations between bishop and monks were not yet precisely regulated. The Council of Chalcedon had dealt chiefly with problems of the East rather than of the West, and there were comparatively few Western bishops in attendance. Hence the canons did not impress the Western bishops with their urgency; just four years after Chalcedon a council was held in Aries which, among other concerns, regulated the relations of bishop and monks. Without saying so in so many words, the council in effect held that the bishop was to regulate the external activities of the monks, while the monks were independent of the bishop in their internal affairs. This division of control (which later became normative in the West) was not ac-cepted everywhere immediately. Some particular coun-cils, especially the African, gave to the monks a very great liberty; other councils subjected the monks more strictly to the bishop. With St.: Gregory I, the concept of the regimen inter-num became more precise. St. Gregory desired that the internal independence of the monasteries be preserved, particularly in the choice of the abbot and in temporal administration. A short time later, in 628 to be exact, Pope Honorius I (625-638) went much further: he re-moved the monastery of Bobbio (founded near Milan in 613 by the wandering Celt St. Columban) completely from the jurisdiction of the local ordinary. Monasteries in Benevento (714 and 741) and Fulda (751) were granted exemptio.n by the Apostolic See in the next century. About this time, another current of events was leading a~ H. H. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees o] the General Councils (St. Louis: Herder, 1937), p. 92. -I. ÷ ÷ The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 757 ÷ + + to or at least facilitating exemption from the bishop: the so-called "gift to St. Peter." 16 Pious laics would found a monastery and then give it to St. Peter, repre~ sented by his vicar in Rome. The prestige of the Apostle and of his vicar were so great, it was hoped, that no king, bishop, or lesser person would dare seize the foundation for his own ends. A few examples of this occur in Italy in the eighth century; in the ninth cen-tury, the custom crossed over the Alps.17 In this period, too, certain lay persons were persuaded to abandon the dominium that they had acquired over religious houses. In virtue of this and in virtue of the above mentioned donation to St. Peter, many monasteries succeeded in avoiding or in freeing themselves from lay control. This independence from local lay control must have also en-couraged the monks to seek exemption from the reli-gious control of the local ordinary. After this long digression to obtain the background, we return to Cluny; at its foundation in 910 it was do-nated to St. Peter; a few years later (912) it was given exemption from episcopal authority by Pope Anastasius III. This exemption it communicated to all the monas-teries subject to it, in virtue of a special papal concession given in order that the reform work of Cluny might be furthered. Toward the end of the tenth century, the question of exemption became more difficult. Many monks felt that the local bishop was not respecting their rights: he would demand the fulfillment of unjust and unreason-able conditions before he would perform the services for which only he had the power and jurisdiction. The bishops on the other hand claimed that the monks were exceeding their rights and privileges: disparaging the prelates, absolving from censures when they had no au-thority to do so, and so forth. In the pontificate of Pope Gregory V (996-999), exemptions multiplied both in number and in extension. Cluny was the beneficiary of further privileges: no one, not even the local ordinary, could enter the monastery to ordain without the permis-sion of the abbot, and the abbot could invite any bishop to ordain his men without even consulting the ordinary of the place. As a result of these and similar privileges, the great abbeys succeeded from the beginning of the eleventh century in freeing themselves completely from the authority of the diocesan bishop. This exemption soon characterized all the monastic orders. ¯ M. A. Roche~ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 10 Emile Amann, "L'Eglise au pouvoir des laics," in v. 7 of Fliche- Martin's Histoire de l'Eglise (Paris: Bloud and Gay, 1948), pp. 343-64. 1~ It should be noted that this donation referred to the temporalities of the abbey; it had nothing to do with withdrawing the monastery from the spiritual jurisdiction of the local ordinary. Other centrally organized Benedictine groups came into existence after Cluny: the Camaldolese founded about 1015 by St. Romuald (950-1027); the Vallombro-sians begun about 1038 by St. John Gualbert (958- 1073). Distinct from these were the more eremitical Carthusians initiated about 1084 by St. Bruno (1030- 1101); to them Innocent XI in 1688 gave the supreme compliment: "Cartusa nnmqnam reformata, quia num-quam deformata." In the twelfth century, the leadership in vigorous, creative monastic life passed from Cluny to Citeaux, established in 1098 by St. Robert (1029-1111). The dis-tinctive features of this new Benedictine movement in-cluded: (a) white rather than black habits; (b) a strong insistence on the observance of poverty; (c) the establishment of monasteries far from the haunts of men; (d) a lessening of liturgical prayer and an increase of private prayer; and (e) a provision for uniting all the houses together into an integrated order, the first of its kind and precur-sor of many others. The houses of the older Cluniac reform were theo-retically under the control of the motherhouse, but they soon became too numerous for one abbot to rule. In the Cistercian system each monastery retained a large degree of autonomy, but there were also certain unify-ing factors. Identical service books were provided for all houses; each abbey was visited annually by the abbot of Citeaux or by the abbot of one of the four other oldest foundations (La Ferte, Pontigny, Clairvaux,18 Mori-mond); every year all the abbots assembled at Citeaux in a general chapter in order to maintain unity and mu-tual charity and to take such legislative and disciplinary actions as might be necessary. The Cistercians are usu-ally credited with the introduction (or better, reintro-duction) of laymen into the monastery. In Cluny and its dependent houses, all monks were clerics and took part in choir; manual labor was done by serfs. The Cister-cians admitted to tI~e habit such as were nnwilling or unable to become choir monks. These non-choral reli-gious were called "conversi" or lay brothers; they did the manual work of the monastery and were complete though subordinate members of the monastic family. Though Citeaux at first refused exemption from episcopal authority, it later accepted that privilege. As with Cluny, the primitive fervor of the Cistercians is Clairvaux was made famous by its abbot St. Bernard (1090-1153), the most influential ecclesiastic of his time. The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 759 4. 4. 4. M. ~. Roche, .M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS '760 gradually waned. The downfall of the order has been attributed to internal disorder around the beginning (1378) of the Great,Western .Schism; self-willed abbots abused local autonomy, capitulated to national differ-ences, and allowed frequent exceptions to the rule. Learning came into prominence, flesh meat was allowed, wealth .and pomp entered in. Efforts to restore pristine observance broke dowm with the cessation of general chapters in 1411 during the Great Western Schism. The order later split into congregations more or less dis-tinct. ; Thus far this article has limited itself to the monastic life. It should be noted that the influence of the monastic life upon the non-religious clergy has been profound. It is perhaps not too much to say that clerical celibacy be-came morally necessary in the West in order to main-tain the prestige of the parochial clergy against odious comparison with monks. The more zealous ~ among the non-monastic clergy have always been eager to borrow such elements of religious observance as would be com-patible with their duties. It may be that the direct in-fluence of the Cluniac reform upon the secular clergy has been exaggerated; but undoubtedly the spiritual success, of Cluny suggested the advantage of cooperative effort in promoting one's individual holiness and~ in furthering reform on a broader scale. Up until the time of Gregory the Great, it will be recalled, monasticism was chiefly ~a lay movement; few clerics were involved. The only place in which there was a number of clerics was in the city, for only the city needed the services of more than a few ministers. Those clerics who lived together in a city under a rule (usually with their bishop at the head) were' not known as monks; later they would be known as canons regular. The credit for organizing the first body of ministers in the common life is usually given to St. Eu~ebius of Vercelli (d. c. 370), though the influence of St. Augustine (354- 430) in this field was much more profound. At the time of the barbarian invasions, the canonical life as well as many other Christian practices suffered greatly; in fact the next great man whose name is strongly associated with the canonical life is St. Chrodegang of Metz (700- 786), who is considered the proximate founder of the canonical life in the Teutonic West.19 His ideal was to lOThe canons were distinguished from the monks by their es-sentially pastoral orientation, The canon was basically a member of the pastoral clergy who followed a rule and lived in common with others of like mind in order to sanctify himself and to make.his work mo~e effective. The monk, on the other hand, became a monk not in order to minister but in order to seek God; if he later became a priest and did work among the people, this was not an essential part of his vocation as a monk. combine the apostolate to the laity with the practice of monastic asceticism; he therefore adapted the rule of St. Benedict to the life of the parochial clergy, prescrib-ing a common dwelling, common table, and common dormitory. Chanting of the Divine Office was to take place at fixed hours. It is uncertain why these men were called "canons." Perhaps it was because their names were inscribed on a "canon", that is, on a list; or maybe because they re-citedthe horae canonicae; maybe because they lived ac-cording to a canon or rule. Their institute was especially (and perhaps uniquely) suited to churches where many priests were attached. Though the institution of canons did considerable good for'a while, it had within itself a cancer which would destroy it: the absence of a rule of poverty. Archbishop Gunther of Cologne about the middle of the ninth century authorized his canons to use and administer the ecclesiastical revenues at will, and very soon the common life ended for those canons. Other groups of canons followed the example of Co-logne, and by the end of the ninth century there were few canons still living the common life. Those canons who lived in private dwellings but still were attached to the cathedral or collegiate churches came to be known as secular canons (which is almost a contradiction in terms); those canons who continued to live the common life were known as regular canons (which is almost redundant). In the eleventh and twelfth centuries there occurred a great revival among the canons, as elsewhere in the Church; in many secu-larized cathedral and collegiate chapters, canonici saecu-lares began to live the common life again and thus be-came canonici regulares2°. The best known group of canons regular are the Premonstratensians~ founded about 1120 by St. Norbert (1080-1134). They remained subject to the local bishop, rejecting all exemption un-til the fifteenth century. A second group is the Canons Regular of St. Victor, formed in 1108 by William of Champeaux (1071-1121). There were in addition many loosely knit bodies of Canons Regular of Saint Augustine, usually of diocesan proportions; they numbered some four hundred housesby the sixteenth century.21 The age of the Crusades produced the next species of religious observance: the military orders, which com-bined practices of the monastic life (including the three vows) with the chivalry of knighthood. The government ~o Karl Bihhneyer, Church History, trans. Victor E. Mills, v. 2 (Westminster: Newman, 1963), p. 222. ~The Canons Regular of St. Augustine are to be distinguished from the Hermits of St. Augustine later fused by papal authority into the Augustinian Friars. 4. 4. 4- The Male Religious VOLUME 25, ~966 761 ÷ ÷ ÷ M. A. Roche, C.M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 762 of these military orders was,, as may be expected, strongly centralized; only the general chapter could limit the power.0f the grand master. The Knights of St. John or Hospitalers were organized around a hospital in Jeru-salem by a knight named Gerard (d. c. 1120). Succes-sively removed to Rhodes and Malta, they still survive. The Knights Templar were formed at Jerusalem in II19 ,by Hugh of Payens and seven other French knights. Like the Knights of St. John, they defended the Holy Land with courage; they were, however, sup-pressed by Pope Clement V in 1312. The Knights of St. Mary were instituted at Acre around 1198; eventually they became preponderantly German (whence the name Teutonic Knights), and moved their field of operations to the Baltic. In 1525 the grand master Albert of Brandenburg secularized the order's holdings, erected them into the hereditary Duchy of Prussia, and. became a Lutheran. Even though a Protestant as well as a Catho-lic branch of the order survived, for all practical pur-poses the order was dead. Other knightly orders existed ~n the Iberian peninsula. These military orders had a relatively brief existence; of far greater importance to the history of the Church are the mendicant orders which next appeared: The emergence of the me0dicant orders was associated with the growth of cities in Western Europe. By the thirteenth cen-tury, that part of the world was beginning to move out of the almost exclusively agricultural economy which had followed the decline of the Roman Empire and the disappearance of the urban civilization that had characterized that realm. Cities were once more appearing. It was to deepening the religious life of the populace of the cities and towns that the friars devoted much of their energy. Most of the monasteries had chosen solitude and centers remote from the contaminfiting influences of the world. In contrast, the mendicant orders sought the places where men congregated and endeavoured to bring the Gospel to them there. The older monasteries were associated with a prevailing rural and feudal ,milieu. The mendicant orders flourished in the rapidly growing urban populations,m The mendicants are usually listed as four: the Car-melites whose foundations were laid in 1156; the Franciscans begun by St. Francis of Assisi (1181 or 1182- 1226) and given tentative approval in 1210; the Order of Preachers instituted by St. Dominic (I170-1221) and approved in 1216; the Augustinians, amalgamated and formed as an order only in 1256.28 Sometimes the list of mendicants is expanded in order to include the Ser-vites: established in 1223 by seven youths from aristo-cratic Florentine families, the group was constituted an = Latourette, History of Christianity, p. 428. = The order formed in 1256 was composed of preexisting congre-gations, one of which had been founded by St. William about 1156. order in 1240, although final approval did not come un-til 1304. The largest of the mendicant groups owes its origin to St. Francis of Assisi. He wrote a rule for his followers in 1221, and a second one in 1223. After his death, the friars (First Order) split, chiefly on the question of pov-erty, into the Observants and Conventuals. The Second Order developed from the little group of women headed by St. Clare. The Third Order, established in.1221 under the name of the Brothers and Sitters of Penance, de-veloped into the Third Order Secular '(persons living in the world), the Third Order Regular, and numerous other tertiary organizations basing themselves on the Franciscan rule. The friars of the various orders quickly spread and rapidly attracted large numbers of members. Perhaps this Was due to the fact that they combined in an obvi-ous way the love of God (as' did the monks) with service to others. This growth b~ought the mendicants into re-peated conflicts with the secular ~lergy. The friars were by the nature of their institute destined to go°and to minister to the people everywhere. To do this, they needed exemption from the diocesan bishops, exemp-tion that was not local (as in a monastery), but personal. This exemption the popes gladly gave, for they saw 'in the friars a most powerful aid in the work of reform. During the fourteenth century, the Brothers of the Common Life, a congregation of laymen without vows under the leadership of Gerard de Groote (1340-1384) did much to revitalize education. They attempted to combine a thorough Catholic training with the new classical curriculum. Despite their work and despite the presence of some religious saints, the fourteenth~ century was in general one of decline among monks, canons, and mendicants. In the years around 1350, the Black Death took a heavy toll among the more zealous; While in some lands religious life recovered, in many places the de-terioration in discipline and morals seems to have been especially marked in the latter part of the fourteenth and in the fifteenth centuries. Besides the Brothers of the Common Life, only a few small religious groups were founded. There were nevertheless some attempts at re-form among the Franciscan groups and among the Dominicans. The Augustinian friars experienced a re-form in certain countries; it was to an Observant friary that Martin Luther would apply. The Carmelites un-derwent a reform movement in Italy about 1413, but this gradually spent itself. In general, these pre-Triden-tine reforms lacked thoroughness and permanency. At the time of the Reformation, consequently, many religious houses were in a low spiritual state and their ÷ ÷ The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 196~ 763 + + + M. A. Roche, C.M. REWEW FOR .~ELm~OUS 764 members were unprepared to meet the attractions of Protestantism. The list of those who embraced the new religion included many priests and nuns. Reform came, though somewhat late, to the older or-ders. The Dominicans, less in need of moral than in-tellectual renewal, were given impetus in the latter field by Cardinal Cajetan (1469-1534). The Franciscans were again reorganized (in 1517) into Conventuals and Ob-servants; a later offshoot of the latter group is the Capuchins. The Augustinians were reformed by their general, Giles of Viterbo (d. 1532). The work of renewal undertaken on behalf of the Carmelites by St. John of the Cross (1542-1591) and St. Teresa (1515-1582) re-sulted in the separation of the new Discalced Carmelites from what came to be called the Calced Carmelites. Re-form was also undertaken with more or less success by the Benedictines,~4 Camaldolese,~5 Ciste~'cians,2~ Canons P,.egular,"-'7 and other groups. Before the opening of the Council of Trent (1545- 1563), the reform movement in the Church had pro-duced a number of new institutes. Prominent among these are the clerks regularY8 Included in this group are the Theatines founded in 1516 by St. Cajetan of Thiene (1480-1547); the Barnabites initiated in 1532 by St. An-thony Zaccaria (1502-1539); and the Somaschi begun in 1532 by St. Jerome Aemilian (1481-1537). The most important of these pre-Tridentine founda-tions was the Society of Jesus begun in 1540 by St. Ig-natius of Loyola (1496-1556). The Society had many unique qualities, so that some feel that it should be classified not as an order of clerks regular but in a sepa-rate classification.-~9 Among the distinctive features of the Jesuits were: (a) a two-year novitiate; (b) the deferral of profession for ten, fifteen, or more years after the novitiate; .-4 A reformed cmlgregation of Benedictines that received papal ap-proval in 1604; an offshoot of this reform is the later Congregation of St. Maur. = Paolo Giustiniani (1475-1528) worked to restore the primitive spirit of the Camaldolese. -~ A reformed group of Cistercians (the Feuillants) arose in France under the leadership of Jean de la Barri~re (1544-1600). In 1662 Ar-mand de Ranc~ (d. 1700) initiated the reform of La Trappe. -~ Peter Fourier (1565-1640) worked to renew the canons regular in Lo~:raine. ~ The clerks regular are distinguished from (a) canons regular, in that the clerks do not have Office in choir in order to have more time for the ministry; (b) monks, in that they are pastorally oriented; (c) mendicants, in that they do not subsist from alms and do not recite the choral Office; and (d) secular priests, in that that they live a com-mon life with vows. -~ Ricardo Garcia Villoslada, Historia de la lglesia Cat61ica, v. 3 (Madrid: 1960), p. 827. (c) the division into the professed of the four vows (a minority who take solemn vows); and the ordinary members, coadjutors spiritual (priests) and coadjutors temporal (lay brothers); (d) the great power of the superior general; (e) a fourth vow of obedience to the Roman Pontiff; and (f) the elimination of the choral Office. The members of the Company wore no garb other than the ordinary dress of secular clerics; made much of study; and engaged in works of education, mission; and controversy. They were ch.iefly responsible for halting the further spread of the Reformation; indeed, they often succeeded in winning back regions that had fallen to Protestantism. Especially noteworthy .were their works in the foreign missions. After much delay, the Council of Trent finally opened in 1545. Besides the many other pressing problems, the Council fathers interested themselves also in the ques-tion of religious orders. By this time exemption had grown so universal that it created administrative chaos in the Church. The council decided what the local or-dinary could do in regard to regulars jure ordinario, jure delegato and utroque simul jure. Thus, for exam-pie, a bishop was empowered to punish regulars for crimes committed outside the house, if his superiors failed to act, and so forth, In general, Trent preserved the internal autonomy of religious, but subjected them to the authority of the local ordinary in all ministry to the bishop's people and in all things looking to the common good of the Church. After the Council of Trent, a new type of clerical life became exceedingly popular: that of secular priests liv-ing in common but not bound by vows.s° One of the earliest of these groups was the Oratory founded in 1564 by St. Philip Neri (1515-1595). The members of the ora-tory lived together without vows, retained their own property, and provided for their own needs except for lodging. The superior was more a chairman than a ruler, since no public act could be decided without the approbation of a majority of the members. Each house was independent, although the personal influence of St. Philip was very great. In France, Pierre Cardinal de B~rulle (1575-1629) organized a French oratory on the principles of St. Philip, though the independence of each house was re- ~o These priests resemble the canons of the time of St. Chrodegang in that they are priests living in common without vows. The canons of St. Chrodegang were almost all in the parochial ministry; the newer groups, on the other hand, engage in a great variety of works: parishes, schools, seminaries, domestic missions, foreign missions, and so forth. + + + The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 765 ÷ ÷ ÷ M. A. Roche, .M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 766 placed by a type of federation. Similar groups were the Oblates of St. Ambrose initiated in 1578 in Milan by St. Charles Borromeo (1538-1584); the Doctrinaires begun in 1592 by Caesar de Bus (1544-1607); the Lazarists or Vincentians" founded in 1625 by St. Vincent de Paul (1581-1660); the Sulpicians begun in 1642 by Jean- Jacques Olier (1608-1657); the Eudists formed in 1643 by St. Jean Eudes (1601-1680); the Paris Foreign Mis-sion Society organized in 1660 at Paris by Pope Alex-ander VII (1599-1667). After the Council of Trent there also arose new com-munities of religious who differed from the newer com-munities of secular priests in that they took the usual three vows of religion, and from the older orders in that these vows were not solemn but simple.The great ma-jority of post-Tridentine religious groups are of this type. Among them are the Camillans organized in 1584 by St. Camilhls de Lellis (1550-1614); the Passionists begun in 1737 by St. Paul of the Cross (1694--1775); the Redemptorists started by St. Alphonsus Ligouri (1696- 1787); the Company of Mary initiated by St. Louis Marie de Montfort (1673-1716). The above congregations were composed chietly of priests; St. John Baptist de la Salle (1651-1719) organized abont the year 1684 a congrega-tion of non-clerics, the Brothers of the Christian Schools. Despite these new foundations and despite the re-newal of the older orders, the religious life began to decay ;~gain during the second half of the eighteenth cen-tury. Gallicanism, Josephism, Jansenism, and subservi-ence to the king seriously weakened Catholic life in gen-eral and reached even into religion. The suppression of the .Jesuits by Pope Clement XIV in 1773 temporarily removed the Society from the scene; the French Revolu-tion and the Napoleonic era dealt harshly with com-munity life in what remained of Catholic Europe. The one other area of ltourishing religious observance, Span-ish America, lost most of its monasteries and convents during the wars for independence and the subsequent years of turmoil. In 1815, then, the religious life among clerics had to ;i large degree disappeared; but the nineteenth century witnessed an extraordinary revival. The Society of Jesus (granted some sort of recognition in 1801) was restored to the whole world in 1814. The Benedictines--their houses reduced to about thirty--took on new life. Not the least of their contributions was the impetus given to liturgical study and liturgical worship by Dora Gu~r-anger. The Cistercians reopened many old monasteries and made new foundations. The Dominicans acquired fresh vigor--the name of Lacordaire. is important here-- and qnickly accepted the invitation of Leo XIII to re- vive the philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas. The Fran-ciscans were again reorganized in 1897. Numerous new institutes of clerics arose, almost all (if not all) congregations with simple vows. St. ,John Bosco (1815-1888) begafi the Salesians; Blessed Peter Julian Eyniard (1811-1868) started the Priests of the Blessed Sacrament. The Congregation of the Immacu-late Heart of Mary (1841) of Venerable Frances Lieber-mann merged with the Fathers of the Holy Ghost in 1848; William Chaminade initiated the Marianists around 1815 or 1816; in 1816 Eugene de Mazenod founded the Oblates of Mary Immaculate; in the same year Jean Claude Marie Colin (1790-1875) began the Marists. Blessed Vincent Palotti (1798-1850) about 1835 formed the Pious Society of the Missions, soon called after him the Pallotine Fathers; two existing groups united in France in 1842 to form the Congregation of Holy Cross. In 1898 the Anglican Father Paul Francis established the Society of the Atonement; in 1908 he and most of his followers were received into the Church. Several new congregations of religious clerics with simple vows were initiated solely or primarily for work on the foreign missions. Among these are the Congrega-tion of the Immaculate Heart of Mary begun in 1863 by Theophile Verbiest in Belgium; the Society of the Di-vine Word inaugurated in 1875 by Arnold Janssen; the Mill Hill Fathers, started in England in 1866 by Her-bert Cardinal Vaughan. In addition to the above religious congregations, sev-eral societies were formed for priests living in commu-nity without vows: the Precious Blood Fathers started in 1815 by Gaspar del Bufalo; the Paulists formed by Isaac Hecker (1819-1888); the Maryknoll Fathers established in 1911 by James Walsh and Thomas Price; the Joseph-ite Fathers inaugurated in 1893; the White Fathers be-gun by Charles Cardinal Lavigerie in Algiers in 1868. As this paper draws to a close, perhaps it will be help-ful to give a panoramic view of the religious life as we have it today in the western Church. The modern canoni-cal organization of the religious life is divided into the orders (in which solemn vows are pronounced) and con-gregations (in which simple vows are taken). Included among the orders (in their order of precedence) are: (a) canons regular, for example, the Canons Regular of St. Augustine at St. Maurice, Switzerland; (b) monks, such as Benedictines, Cistercians, and so forth; and (c) other regulars, such as mendicants (Franciscans, Dominicans, and so forth) and clerks regular (Barnabites, Jesuits, and so forth). ÷ ÷ ÷ The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 767 + + M. A. Roche, C.M. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 768 Among the congregations aye the Passionists, Redemp-torists, Salesians, and most of the newer groups. Somewhat like the congregations are the societies of secular priests living in common without vows: Sulpi-cians, Vincentians, Maryknoll, Paulists, and so forth. It seems fitting here to add a word about secular in-stitutes. They are societies, whether clerical or lay, whose members profess the evangelical counsels in the world in order to attain Christian perfection and to ex-ercise a full apostolate. Though these institutes are still in the embryonic stage, they show much promise [or the future. A treatment of these, is beyond the scope of this article, but it is interesting to note that they are somewhat akin to (though better organized than) the groups of domestic ascetics of the first century. The wheel has returned to its starting place. At the end of this article, it seems appropriate to list some conclusions that may be drawn from a study of the historical aspect of religious life.al (1) The practice of the evangelical counsels with or without vows has always been esteemed in the Church; moreover, it has a necessary.role to play. (2) As a general rule, religious orders increase in power between general councils as a result of papal grant. During general councils, religious usually lose power as a result of episcopal action. (3) A good criterion for the vitality of the Church in any period or in any area is the vitality of the religious (and especially of the monastic) observance. (4) Every approved form of religious life gives wit-ness to a special attribu'te of God or to a special truth that needs emphasis. The monk, for example, witnesses to the absolute primacy of the supernatural; the Domini-can to the wisdom of God; the Franciscan to the neces-sity of detachment and to the joy of the Christian life; the Mayknoller to God's universal salvific will, and so forth. In addition to this basic emphasis, most religious engage in work for the people. At times it may seem that a par-ticular form of religious life is today not the most efficient type for external work; perhaps, for example, the choral Office or prescribed manual labor or the vow of poverty may hinder to some degree the work of the ministry. This does not mean, however, that a seemingly less efficient group should be allowed to die; nor that it ought to change its nature radically. Every religious group still serves a most useful purpose in the Church by witnessing to its basic orientations. In the case o[ those who vow = Some of these points were made by Pope Paul VI in his allocu-tion, Magno gaudio, of May 23, 1964, treating of the religious life; an English translation of the allocution can be found in REVIEW FOR RELIC~OUS, V. 23 (1964), pp. 698-704. poverty, for example, their profession of detachment is of great value to the Church and ought not to be aban-doned lightly. (5) As a corollary to the foregoing, it can be said that religious orders and congregations ought to adhere as closely as possible to the spirit given them by their founders, for only then can they give the witness for which they were created. A further corollary is that there is need for a periodic examination of conscience by every order and congregation to see whether it has really kept its original orientation. (6) The history of religious life is not necessarily an e~colution from a less perfect to a more perfect form. A particular form appears because changed conditions have called for a new mode of religious observance. Thus the monastery (and it alone) was ideal in the agrarian society of the early Middle Ages; there was in fact little call for wandering friars. The reurbanization of Europe in the eleventh and twelfth centuries did not necessitate the abandonment of monasticism; but it did call for another expression of the religious life, and the friars appeared. (7) As a corollary of this, it is quite possible that mod-ern times demand new types of religious life, types which up till now have not been tried. It is also quite possible that these new forms will have a difficult birth, that some attempts will be premature and abortive. Only time will tell. In the past, certain representatives of es-tablished forms of the religious life have with the best of intentions attempted to thwart men seeking to estab-lish newer forms of religious observance. It would be a tragedy if today we repeat these errors of the past. It would be far better if the established orders, congrega- ¯ tions, and societies would assist these new attempts with their counsel, encouragement, and prayer. Love of one's own institute ought not to blind a man to the fact that there are other ways of serving God. We know that God is wonderful in His saints; He is also wonderful in the variety and holiness of religious life. The Male Religious VOLUME 25, 1966 769 SISTER TERESA MARGARET, O.C.D. Updating the Cloister ÷ ÷ ÷ Sister Teresa Margaret, O.C~D,, writes from the Carmelite Mona-stery; Bridell, (~ar-digan; Wales. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS We have reached a turning point in history, it would seem, when the world is taking a new path and when, in the words of the late Cardinal Suhard, "the greatest mis-take the Christians of the twentieth century could make would be to let the world develop and unify itself with-out them." In saying this, the cardinal was urging the Church to emerge from her closed circle and become immersed in the activity of the world. But his words apply no less to the necessity of the religious "emergence" by shedding the inhibitions and barnacles of centuries. Adaptation and Renewal. Cardinal Suenens and other notable writers on the subject of religious reform have confined their suggestions and criticisms, to the active apostolate, specifically excluding the enclosed orders of ~women from their remarks. This has been interpreted in many cloisters as indicating that in our case no updat-ing was necessary, either because our customs and the externals of our life were "changeless" (which, in effect, merely means that they have not changed since the sixteenth century), or because they are so perfect in themselves that they stand in no need of renewal-- which sounds like the stock formulation of Pharisa-ism. Glosses traditionally applied to the monastic life as an anticipation of heaven or a continuation of the Gospels should be taken for what they are--metaphors --and not lead cloistered religious to believe that they form a privileged elite of humanity, a class of Christian different from and superior to all others. Everything human changes with time except human nature itself; and in a world subject to continuous alteration; it would indeed be a rare individual or community that stood in no need of renovation. Any lingering doubts on this score should be dispelled by the Decree on the Adaptation and Renewal of the Religious Life promulgated by Paul VI on October 28, 1965: The adaptation and renewal of the religious life includes both the constant return to the sources of all Christian life and to the original spirit of the institutes and their adaptation to the changed conditions of our time. [but] even the best adjust-ments made in accordance with the needs of our age will be in-effectual unless they are animated by a renewal of spirit . Therefore let constitutions, directories, customs books, books of prayer and ceremonies and such like be suitably re-edited and, obsolete laws being suppressed, be adapted to the decrees of this sacred synod . Papal cloister should be maintained in the case of nuns engaged exclusively in the contemplative life. However, it must be adjusted to conditions of time and place and obsolete wactices suppressed? External Reforms 1. Enclosure. A recently published symposium entitled Religious Orders in the Modern World2 contains as the last and longest contribution a survey of practical aspects of renewal made by the Bishop of Arras, Mgr. Gerard Huyghe, a couple of years ago. Bishop Huyghe does not limit himself to criticisms of outmoded customs, and dress that hamper the exercise of the active apostolate but turns his searchlight also upon the cloister. Present forms of enclosure, he rightly says, are a legacy from' the Middle Ages, grilles, curtains, and turns being, "doubtless a survival from the long period of Moslem domination over the Iberian peninsula," a weight of custom that is purposeless and ridiculous in this age. Certainly it is advisable for [cloistered] nuns to live entirely apart from the world--partly for protection against the noise of the world, and as a defense against the temptation to go out too much; but mainly as an unequivocal sign that they have chosen to offer their services gratuitously to praise God in the Church's name. But all external signs of such enclosure should be ruth-lessly eliminated, and the law on enclosure for nuns should be brought into harmony with the law on monks' enclosure, which is much more humane and has more respect for the dignity of the person . Canonical penalties like excommunication should be abolished, because they are a threat to none but the scrup-ulous; 8 I would like to make it clear at the outset that in relegating grilles and prison bars to the category of "obsolete practices" which the decree recommends should be "suppressed," I am in no way championing claustral emancipation in the sense of more contact with the secular world, or any mitigation of the monastic need for withdrawal and rules of silence and solitude. But it is a poor form o~ "aloneness with God" that can be enforced only under lock and key. If one has not already erected a cloister of the heart, no multiplying of bolts and veils will provide the necessary withdrawal, which is something essentially interior. No, my reasons ~ Decree on Adaptation and Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 2, 3, 16. -" Geoffrey Chapman (ed.), Religious Orders in the Modern World (London: 1965). ~ Ibid., p. 156. Updating the Cloister VOLUME 25, 1966 771 + Sister Teresa Margaret REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS for assuming the grille to be obsolete are all strictly utilitarian. It hinders vocations, creating antagonism and an entirely false and unhealthy conception of the con-templative life in the modern generation; it causes un-told and unnecessary suffering for parents; and it serves no useful purpose. If I wanted to get out of this cloister tomorrow, I could achieve it with the greatest of ease and without any need to make a dramatic nocturnal escape over the wall. It is anti-feminist discrimination that presumes no woman may be trusted except under lock and key and constant supervision, else why are regulations for enclosed men so different? It is shocking that in this day and age some monasteries of women actu-ally continue the most reprehensible practice of sending "companions" to the parlor so that a sister may not speak to a friend or relative except in the presence of a monitor. If she cannot be trusted in the parlor, then by all means keep her out of it; but do not send her with a hidden vigilante. Again, why may a nun not embrace her mother, or sit with her in the parlor in the normal way, as any monk does when his parents visit him? Why may a monk offer Mass in the public sanctuary of an enclosed convent while the nuns must "participate" from the other side of a grille? These are all matters of discrimination and serve no usefizl or sensible purpose except that since time imme-morial women and children were expected to show so little discretion that they must be confined to the nursery under the watchfi~l eye of a governess. Bishop Huyghe says: A final reason for abolishing some of the externals of the nuns' enclosure is connected with the present needs of the Christian people in liturgical matters. As a nun says: "Priests and sacred ministers are allowed to enter the enclosure to bury the dead (Inter coetera, n. 27). Why should they not also do so for the processions on the Rogation Days and Palm Sunday? It becomes increasingly difficult for us to see why the priest should be left 'marking time' on one side of the grille, while the nuns go off to perform their own little ceremony on the other. Why should a function like the Easter Vigil be cut in two by a grille? Moreover, I do not see why there should be a grille separating the nuns from the altar. Would it not be more reason-able if the priest came in to say Mass and went out as soon as the sacrifice was over?" ' We have been told by the highest authority that cl6istered nuns are not to remain aloof from litur-gical participation by silence, darkened choirs, or veiled faces, but to join in with celebrant and congre-gation in dialogue Masses, hymns, Benediction, Bible vigils, and such services. But present claustral regulations do not facilitate participation, tending to isolate the nuns' choir from the action in the sanctuary and chapel beyond the grille, both physically and psychologically. Ibid., p. 156-7. 2.Habits. Any suggestion to modify nuns' habits meets ~with varying reactions; and, in fact, little practical lead has been given in the matter, although in recent years there has been considerable reduction of the bulk, both in material and unnecessary layers of garment. But the habits still look voluminous, unhygienic, and incon-venient. And they are. Nowadays few would agree that this is an acceptable or reasonable form of penance, for wearing heavy clothes fatigues one unnecessarily and reduces efficiency and working capacity. Is there any reason why habits should not be shorter and lighter so that wasted energy could be redirected into more pro-ductive activities than mere physical exhaustion? Nor can I see much force in the argument that, were habits not at least ankle-length, Poor Clares and Discalced Carmelites who do not wear shoes, would look most inelegant. Granted they would. But why not adopt normal twentieth century footgear as the more sensible alternative? The Council fathers in their decree stress that the religious habit is an outward mark of con-secration to God and therefore "should be simple and modest, poor and at the same time.becoming. In addition it must meet the requirements of health and be suited to circumstances of time and place., the habits of both men and women ~religious which do not conform to these norms must be changed," ~ and that, one imagines, would include the habits of most enclosed orders, male and female, Can one think of anything less practicable than the white habits of Cistercians, Carthusians, and Dominicans? And' th~ fact that brown or black merely do not show th~ dirt is 'little recommendation'. In the interest of simplicity, I fail to see why we can-not have a common habit for all religious. For the various, congregations, teachers, nurses, catechists, social workers, could not each group, rather than each congre-gation, wear a common "religious" dress for inside their convents/and another suitable costume (with, perhaps, a distinguishing badge) for external work? And could' not all cloistered nuns and monks have a common habit, combining the best and most servicei~ble features of all? The cloistered religious could retain veil and scapular (in a modified form), which would clearly differentiate them from their apostolic sisters. Thus a nun would be easily identified on sight without this perennial hunt for a different style to mark off the var-ious orders which has led to such exaggerated headgear in the recent past, when latecomers in the field found that all moderate, styles for coifs had already been snapped up. The badge of the order or congregation would distinguish one's identity and form of work. ~ Decree on Adal~tation and Renewal oI Religious Life, n. 17. + + ÷ Updating the Cloister VOLUME 25, 1966 773 ÷ 4. ÷ Sister Teresa Margaret REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 3. Legislation. Another point that needs urgent re-vision is the framing of our laws, which is at present done exclusively by men who, however learned and holy, simply do not understand women's domestic prob-lems. Thus, no sooner are new regulations issued than it is necessary to apply for dispensations and indults be-cause of local conditions; and it seems an anomalous rule that can be maintained only by constant dispensations. Why [asks Mgr. Huyghe] should [women] not be allowed to share in the work of reformation themselves, as they are the principal persons to be affected by it? It is not fitting that the rules for contemplative houses of women should be made ex-clusively by men, even if these men belong to the same Order as the nuns? Principles of Renewal The above matters are all more or less self-evident, but merely "keeping abreast of the times" or "adapting ourselves to the modern world" is not enough. However, the impressive bulk of bibliography about religious life, theory and practice, theology and pastoral application, does not on the whole contain a great deal of fun-damental thinking or real help. No order or congre-gation can effectively undertake reform or renewal with-out a very clear grasp of the principles that are its underpinning. Too often the accidental has been allowed to shift to main focus so that the means take precedence over the end, customs which have no longer any relevance become canonized and then fossilized until some religious seem to fear that their removal will topple the whole structure of religious life. But surely it is built on a sounder foundation than that. Nor will renewal be effected by adding new gimmicks; merely because they are modern, brightly packaged and labor-saving, they are no more going to effect the necessary aggiornamento of themselves, than those sixteenth century ones they are replacing. There is no such thing as push button renewal. In his speech to the Council fathers proclaiming a jubilee to mark the close of Vatican II, Pope Paul said: We ought not to pay attention to these reforms, however necessary they are, at the expense of those moral and spiritual reforms which can make us more like our Divine Master and better equipped for the duties of our vocation. To this we should attend principally: to our effective sanctification and to realizing our capacities for spreading the Gospel message among the men of our time7 Superiority-complex. Caste spirit is strong in human Chapman, Religious Orders, p. 162. Quoted in the Tablet, Nov. 27, 1965. nature, and religious are human beings. Of course, the religious is not .seeking personal aggrandizement; but she knows that the order she has entered is undoubtedly the most perfect form Of life in the Church. Cardinal Costantini wrote: Take religious individually and you will find them of the highest calibre: broadminded, genuinely devout and often excellent theologians. As individuals they are faithful to the vows., humble.Yet taken together, in the Congregation, the sun1 of these virtues undergoes a change. The members' natural instincts for glory, power and wealth are transferred to the Congregation. The members themselves are humble; but no one must touch d~eir Congregation, its honor or its prestige. The members are poor individually, but do not ask that their Congregation should be poor . s Obvious examples of this have been the blatant an-nexation of saints to which many orders have no legitimate claim and even the fabrication of "saints" who have never existed; the astounding .n~ture of some supposed "relics" that have been exposed and venerated m Europe and the Middle East; and in our own day, the fervor with which, in the face of liturgical renewal, so many orders cling to their own rites and liturgies. Any reform immediately meets with requests from some reli-gious congregation for a dispensation, since a "venerable tradition" in their institute has always celebrated such-and- such a feast as a double of the first class or with a privileged octave, and despite the fact that the Sacred Congregation has issued a uniform ruling for the universal Church, their first instinct is to preserve intact their own beloved rubric. Can religious wonder if at times the laity regard them as being outside the main stream of °the Church's life when they deliberately seek special donditions for no really good reason (except hidebound custom), thus putting themselves into a special category? Religious life is a special consecration to God indeed; but it is a sharing of the life of the Church. Wholehearted participation in that life is essential for any really effective renewal in religious life. To seek anything else wot~Id be no less unfruitful than cutting ourselves off from the sacraments, as death-dealin~ as .closing off a main artery. Reform Is Not Revolt. There are many cloistered nuns who harbor an unexpressed fear that to plunge into the main stream would be synonymous with a loss of monastic 'status, the first step on the downgrade to secularism. Take away the grilles, open the cloister win-dows, let in some fresh air, and who knows what kind of virus and restlessness will find its way in with it. Could this be the thin end of the wedge that will eventually send s Chaptnan, Religious Orders, p. 142. 4- Updating the Cloister VOLUME 25, 1966 775 + ÷ ÷ Sister Teresa Margaret REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS us out into the world to assist in the active, apostolate~ The fathers of the Council have no such scruples: Communities which are entirely dedicated to contemplation, so that their members in solitude and silence,, with constant prayer and penance willingly undertaken, occupy themselves with God alone, retain at all times, no matter how pressing the needs of'the active apostolate may be, an honorabl~ place in the Mystical Body of Christ, whose "members do not all have the same function" (Rom 12:4) . Nevertheless their manner of living should be revised according to the principles and cri-teria of adaptation and renewal mentioned above. However their withdrawal from the world and the exercises proper to the contemplative life should be preserved with the utmost care. [Italics mine]? Nor can adaptation to the twentieth century be interpreted merely as a movement "back to the founders," if by that we mean a literal interpretation of what was laid down and practiced by our founders in the sixteenth, twelfth, or sixth centuries. Yet one hears astounding reports of communities where oil lamps, are still used and bathing is prohibited because the founder had specific remarks to make on such matters. Even more absurd are the accounts of importation, at exorbitant costs, of a particular type of pottery which the founder legislated for refectory use and which can now only be obtained at great expense abroad, handmade and fired, in the precise shade and shape used by the first monastery of the order. Common sense and genuine poverty.demand that we use wl~at is the cheapest and commonest' ware today, as such pottery (now a luxury ware, the art dealer's province) was in the time of the founder. Archaeologism is one of the pitfalls that beset any movement back to the past. Return to Sources. How, then, should we implement the "constant return to the sources of all Christian life and the original spirit of our institutes,'~' as the decree puts it? We cannot return to the conditions, social~ cultural economic, and religious, that prevailed then and which shaped the founders' minds and spirituality, dictating the norms of their institutes. Religious orders no less than civilizations and nations are living entities, subject to growth, change, evolution; and in all live organisms change is an indispensable condition. Only a mummified body does not alter, for even a corpse decays. The original institute cannot be regarded as a finished work, coming down from heaven like the New Je.rusalem, perfect in every detail, which subsequent generations ne~ed only maintain in that condition, occasionally scraping off time's corrosion to restore it to its :pristine glory. Rather it is the mustard seed which grows into a Decree on Adaptation and Renewal o[ Religious LiIe, n. 7. plant, then a huge tree in which the birds of the air shel-ter. The holy rule leaves its mark on all.the members of the order, but no less do they leave their mark on the holy rule, sometimes for better, sometimes for worse. I fancy that St. Teresa of Avila would make one of her characteristic "God preserve me from." exclamations were she to find her daughters today clinging like limpets to some outmoded custom that was a normal social acceptance four centuries ago. St. Teresa herself was as strong a champion of flexibility as St. Ignatius was of mobility; and neither of them would have wished their sons and daughters to imprison themselves in the narrow groove of formalism which precludes either. As a concrete example: St. Teresa swept away much of the protocol both of speech and elaborate ceremony surrounding social life in her day, which was meticu-lously observed in religious houses, her attempt being to "return to sources," that is, of the gospel. The result was that her ceremonial and customs book were extremely simple for the times; and if today some of the prescribed c.urtsies, inclinations, and forms of address seem to us excessive that is only because such tokens of personal reverence to teachers and parents have entirely disap-peared from the modern scene. To drop them betokens no disrespect; they are simply archaic. Again, St. Teresa ruthlessly swept away the elaborate clothing, the yards of material, trains, rings, pectoral crosses, croziers, and all the episcopal insignia that abbesses had gradually acquired through the Middle Ages. She laid down unequivocally that habits and cloaks and all garments were to be as spare as decency allowed, so that only the minimum of material and work might be expended on clothing. In St. Teresa's day the Carmelite habit as she reconstituted it was simple to the point of skimpiness. It is not today, but that is because a yard of material now suffices to clothe our modern contemporaries. Even St. Teresa would not wish her daughters to get about in a cotton shift; but in a period when it is ho longer considered immodest for girls to go bareheaded, stockingless, and with bare arms, she might not consider that the Carmelite habit was any longer "as spare as possible." Another interpretation of "returning to the founders" has been that superiors should translate the founder's intentions and principles into present day norms and conditions, bringing the institute into line with them by striving to do what the founder would do here and now in this situation, did she live today instead of in a previous age. But this is not really possible, unless the superior is to become herself a founder or at least a reformer. The superior today has inherited not only the time-honored ÷ ÷ ÷ Updating ,the Cloister VOLUME 25, 1966 + + + Sister Teresa Margare¢ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS traditions, but a way of life that has been approved by the Church for centuries. What she must do is take the situa-tion ~as it exists and work on and with that, for in the first clause of the above quotation, the conciliar decree provides th~ solution to this question: ". constant re-turn to the sources of all Christian life." No founder, however holy, however inspired, is the source of all Christian life. Christ alone is that, and the return to the sources envisaged by the decree can mean only one thing: renewal in the spirit of the gospel according to the par-ticular forms of life framed by the founder for this insti-tute and sanctioned by the Church. When on a Sunday afternoon I look out of my window ~nd see a row of schoolgirls pass, dressed all in black, wearing ridicu-lous berets and led by a sour-faced nun, also in black, I cannot help wondering. Is that really what the Church should look like, what Christianity should look like? Is that the only ex-ample we can give the faithful and the rest of the world? Is that negative attitude 'to the simplest and most elementary values of life the necessary premise of a life consecrated to God? ~o Starting Point: The End. The end of thereligious life is no different from that of ever~ Christian life: the attainment of perfect charity towards God and men. All Christians are called to perfection, to love God and their neighbor with their whole heart an'd mind and strength; and this is exactly what perfection means, this is the essential end Of the Christian life, whether one is a religious or not. The perfect love of God" and men to which each is called in a particular state of life and consonant with his own gifts and graces, is an obligation laid on all: "Ydu therefore .are to be perfect, even as your heavenly Father is perfect" (Mt 5:48). But the talents we have received differ; and "the administrator must be content with his administration, the teacher with his work of teaching, the preacher with his preaching. Each must perform his own task well; giving alms with generosity, exercising authority with anx-ious care, or doing works of mercy smilingly" (Rom 12:7-8). There are in the Church orders whose purpose is to promote the prayer life of their members, as there are congregations constituted for the performance of char-itable and apostolic works. Each and every form of life and work of mercy, spiritual, corporal or material, contributes to the building up of the Church. "The eye cannot say to the hand, I do not need~thy help; nor again 10 Bernard Besret, S.O.Cist., in Chapman,.Religious Orders, p. 121. The questions of the ends of religious life and return to Gospel sources for principles of renewal are discussed at length in two outstanding egsays by Fr~ Besret in this book. They should be read by all religious interested ih these matters. the head to the feet, I have no need of you" (1 Cor 12:21). The hand, however efficient, is simply incapable of performing the fnnction of the eye, or vice versa, so it is futile to argue whether cloistered nuns should go out and work in soup kitchens or nursing sisters incarcerate themselves in monasteries. But it is well not to lose sight of the fact that the classifications of ',active" and "con-templative" lives are a comparatively modern inno-vation. In the monastic tradition and the writing of the fathers, the terms "active" and "contemplative" do not represent two separate and mutually exclusive states' of life deriving their distinctive character from the work engaged in; they were rather two stages of the same spiritual growth: asceticism or the practice of the virtues (active life); and union with God, knowledge and ex-perience of His love (contemplative life) was the goal. for which the active asdeticism was but a preparation and training. This remains substantially true today. There is no teacher, preacher, missionary, or nurse who is so committed to non-stop activity as to have no time f6r prayer; any more than there is any such creature as a "pure contemplative" so emancipated from the mate-rial needs of this life and the demands of charity as never to engage in some form or degree of activity. I doubt whether any modern exegete would try to defend the overworked interpretation of Luke 10:38-42 as a contrast made by Christ between the apostolate (Martha) and the life of prayer (Mary), let alone that He preferred the second. In fact, many i'ecent works of exegesis have demonstrated clearly that he was in no way pointing to different canonical forms of religious life as we know them, but which were neither born nor thought of during His lifetime. Every active missionary since St. Paul understands the need of a vital life of prayer if his apostolate is to succeed; and it is only in this sense that the Church stresses the value of the contemplative life, for unless they called down "an abundant rain of divine graces to make this harvest fertile, the workers ~f the Gospel would reap less fruit." 11 The Church, in proclaiming St. Teresa of Lisieux co-patroness of the missions with St. Francis Xavier, has underlined the mutual assistance of the interior life and apostolate for souls, not only in the missions but in every sphere of activity. St. Teresa and St. Francis Xavier are eminent representatives of the Gospel commandment of love, which is twofold: God and our neighbor. Not that one does the work and the other the praying; such an apportionment is never possible. St. Francis Xavier would not have been the perfect, or even a good, mission-n Pius XI, Umbratilem. + + updating the Cloister VOLUME 25, 1966 779 ary without a deep interior life; nor would St. Teresa have perfectly fulfilled her contemplative vocation unless her love and zeal for souls was overflowing the narrow horizons of her own cloister and embracing the whole world, preparing the ground for future evangelization. But it was fitting that two outstanding patrons should jointly watch over both parts of the commandment. Practical forms of renewal are urgent and necessary; but it must never be forgotten that the principle "First things first" applies here as elsewhere. Unless "they are animated by a renewal of spirit" says the decree, "even the best adjustments made in accordance with the needs of our age will be ineffectual . This must take precedence over even the active ministry." 1.o To attempt anything else is not repairing the foundations; it is merely plastering over cracks. Decree on Adaotation and Renewal of Religious Life, n. 2. 4. 4. Sister Teresa Margaret REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 78O LADISLAS M. ~SRSY, S.J. Directed Re reats vs. Preached Retreats With the expansion and renewal of the retreat move-merit there is an increasing interest in the so called di-rected retreats as distinct from the tradkionally well known preached retreats. Priests who give retreats re-ceive inquiries frequently from persons and communities about the desirability or feasibility of a directed re-treat. The inquiries are in many cases followed by invi-tations to help make one. Moreover, there are retreat masters who insist that all retreats should conform to this apparently new pattern that consists more in direc-tion given personally to each of the retreatants than in talks or conferences given to a community. This movement of directed retreats has existed long enough and made enough progress to permit the assess-ing of its value and its suitability for the needs of vari-ous persons and communities. In this article my intention is precisely to attempt this evaluation; and I shall do it through three steps. First, I shall try to present the method of directed retreats; then I shall recall briefly the way in which preached retreats are given; an.d fi-nally I shall attempt to draw up a balance of advantages and disadvantages that may flow from the application of the two different methods. Directed Retreats A retreat is usually called a directed one when the emphasis is not put on talks and conferences given to a community but on personal prayer under the guidance of the retreat master. Talks to the community are not fully excluded, but they are reduced to a minimum: one or two rather short conferences a day. Even these few conferences would be marked by a certain simplicity and clarity so that the minds of the retreatants might not be overcrowded with ideas, or their nerves over-whelmed with holy but unruly emotions. It would be ÷ ÷ Ladislas M. Orsy, s.J., is professor of canon law at the Catholic Univer-sity; Washington, D.C. 2O017. VOLUME 25, 1966 expected that each one of the persons in retreat will be in close contact with the director and will keep him in-formed about his progress in prayer, about the inner world of his conscience where the grace of God meets his human nature. The retreat master in his turn would help him to discern the inspirations of the Holy Spirit from other movements in his soul and to obey the will of God thus manifested. One can see that the emphasis is on personal activity. Or, more correctly, on a right type of passivity which is the fertile soil for activity. This passivity makes a person able to receive the grace of God, to become aware of the life of God in himself.1 It has a hidden dynamism and very soon it blossoms out into personal activity. One is reminded of the evangelical parable: when the good seed takes root in receptive soil it will finally grow into a large tree. If this is the essence of a directed retreat, the inade-quacy of the term directed comes to the fore. There is really no question of a continuous direction. The retreat master's office is to convey some basic elements of the gospel to the retreatant, letting him penetrate its depth with the light of grace and reason. The work of the director consists more in reviewing and somewhat con-trolling the internal life of his disciple, more in watching over his progress than in giving him direction in the ordinary full sense of the term. The example of John the Baptist is a good illustration of the office of the director: he pointed out the Messiah to the disciples, sent them to Christ, and then withdrew since his mis-sion was accomplished. The retreat master presents the image of Christ to the person under his care, sends him to Christ, then leaves him alone with the Redeemer. It is this meeting that brings into motion the whole internal world of the retreatant. He will experience the attraction of grace that calls him to follow Christ. He + + + L. M. Orsy, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 782 a The genuine Ignatian method of prayer is really a incthod to build up a disposition in the mind and the heart of the retreatant to receive the grace of simple prayer. The Saint never intended to impose a rigid logical pattern on those who are seeking the grace of God, but he tried to help them to detach themselves from the visible world in order to enter into God's invisible mystery. All the preludes and points in a meditation serve to tune up, to warm up the person to the communications or consolations of the Holy Spirit. Once God's grace is somehow experienced, the method has fulfilled its purpose and the person in prayer should enjoy the freedom of the children of God. No formal meditation in the world could give him so much as the Holy Spirit working in him. Paradoxically, the purpose of the Ig-natian meditation is to help a person to abandon meditation and to take up a simpler form of prayer. St. Ignatius does not seem to think that this development should take a long time. He certainly assumes that some transformation will take place in a well
2006/2007 ; Inventario dei luoghi di culto della zona falisco-capenate. Sunto. La raccolta delle fonti relative alla vita religiosa della zona falisco-capenate è stata finalizzata, in primo luogo, all'individuazione di luoghi di culto sicuramente identificabili come tali. Dove questo non fosse stato possibile, soprattutto in presenza di documenti epigrafici isolati e di provenienza non sempre determinabile, si è comunque registrata la presenza del culto. Attraverso la documentazione raccolta si intende cercare di delineare una storia dei culti dell'area considerata, a partire dalle prime attestazioni fino all'età imperiale. La zona presa in esame, inserita nella Regio VII Etruria nel quadro dell'organizzazione territoriale dell'Italia augustea, è compresa entro i confini naturali del lago di Bracciano e del lago di Vico a ovest, del corso del Tevere a est, mentre i limiti settentrionale e meridionale possono essere segnati, rispettivamente, dai rilievi dei Monti Cimini e dei Monti Sabatini. I centri esaminati sono quelli di Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri e Nepi. La comunità capenate occupava la parte orientale del territorio, un'area pianeggiante, dominata a nord dal massiccio del monte Soratte, e delimitata a est dall'ansa del Tevere. Il suo fulcro era costituito dall'abitato di Capena, l'odierno colle della Civitucola, cui facevano capo una serie di piccoli insediamenti, ancora poco indagati, dislocati in posizione strategica sul Tevere, o in corrispondenza di assi stradali di collegamento al fiume. Il principale di essi risulta essere localizzabile nel sito della moderna Nazzano, occupato stabilmente a partire dall'VIII sec. a.C., e posto in corrispondenza dell'abitato sabino di Campo del Pozzo, sull'altra sponda del Tevere. Il comparto falisco si articola, invece, attraverso una paesaggio di aspre colline tufacee, incentrato attorno al bacino idrografico del torrente Treia, affluente del Tevere, che percorre il territorio in direzione longitudinale. Lungo il corso del fiume si svilupparono i due più antichi e importanti centri falisci di Falerii Veteres e Narce, un sito nel quale la più recente tradizione di studi tende a riconoscere, sempre più convincentemente, la Fescennium nota dalle fonti, l'altro abitato falisco, oltre a Falerii, di cui sia tramandato il nome; lungo affluenti del Treia sono ubicate Nepi e Falerii Novi. Pur nella specificità culturale progressivamente assunta da Falisci e Capenati, la collocazione geografica del territorio da essi occupato lo rende naturalmente permeabile a influenze etrusche e sabine, rilevabili attraverso la documentazione archeologica, e rintracciabili in alcune notizie delle fonti antiche, rivalutate dalla più recente tradizione di studi. Una posizione differente era, invece, maturata dopo le prime indagini condotte nella regione, tra la fine dell''800 e l'inizio del '900, che avevano portato a enfatizzare i caratteri culturali specifici delle popolazioni locali, sottolineando la sostanziale autonomia di queste rispetto agli Etruschi, soprattutto sulla base delle strette analogie tra la lingua falisca e la latina. Tale percezione fu dominante fino alla seconda metà degli anni '60 del '900, quando la pubblicazione dei primi dati sulle necropoli veienti mise in luce gli stretti rapporti con le aree falisca e capenate, tra l'VIII e il VII sec. a.C. Gli studi sul popolamento dell'Etruria protostorica condotti a partire dagli anni '80 del '900 hanno sempre più focalizzato l'attenzione su un coinvolgimento di Veio nel popolamento dell'area compresa tra i Monti Cimini e Sabatini e il Tevere nella prima età del Ferro, trovando conferma anche dalle recenti analisi dei corredi delle principali necropoli falische, che hanno evidenziato, nell'VIII e all'inizio del VII sec. a.C., importanti parallelismi con usi funerari veienti, ma anche aspetti specifici della cultura locale. Il corpus di iscrizioni etrusche proveniente dalle necropoli di Narce dimostra, per tutto il VII e VI sec. a.C., la continuità stanziale di etruscofoni, che utilizzano un sistema scrittorio di tipo meridionale, riconducibile a Veio, di cui Narce sembra costituire un avamposto in territorio falisco. Già dall'inizio del VII sec. a.C., tuttavia, si fanno evidenti i segni di una più specifica caratterizzazione culturale delle aree falisca e capenate, anche attraverso la diffusione di un idioma falisco, affine a quello latino, documentato epigraficamente per il VII e VI sec. a.C. soprattutto a Falerii Veteres. Un ulteriore elemento di contatto culturale col mondo latino è rappresentato, in questo centro, dal rituale funerario delle inumazioni infantili in area di abitato. Tale uso, che trova numerosi confronti nel Latium vetus, mentre risulta estraneo all'Etruria, è documentato a Civita Castellana, in località lo Scasato, da due sepolture di bambini, databili tra la fine dell'VIII e la prima metà del VII sec. a.C. A Capena sono state rilevate, a partire dal VII sec. a.C., notevoli influenze dall'area sabina, soprattutto attraverso la documentazione archeologica fornita dalle necropoli, mentre, da un punto di vista linguistico, un influsso del versante orientale del Tevere è stato colto, in particolare, attraverso un'analisi del nucleo più nutrito delle iscrizioni epicorie, che risale al IV-III sec. a.C. La ricettività nei confronti degli apporti delle popolazioni limitrofe e la capacità di elaborazioni originali, attestate archeologicamente sin dalle fasi più antiche della storia dei popoli falisco e capenate, possono offrire un supporto documentario alla percezione che già gli scrittori antichi avevano dell'ethnos falisco, trovando riscontro, in particolare, nelle tradizioni che definivano i Falisci come Etruschi, oppure come ethnos particolare, caratterizzato da una propria specificità anche linguistica, un dato, quest'ultimo, che tradisce il ricordo di contatti col mondo latino. Un terzo filone antiquario, che si intreccia a quello dell'origine etrusca, rivendica ai Falisci un'ascendenza ellenica, e più propriamente, argiva, e sembra, invece, frutto di un'elaborazione erudita maturata in un momento successivo. La notizia dell'origine argiva risale, per tradizione indiretta, alle Origines di Catone, e si collega a quella della fondazione di Falerii da parte dell'eroe Halesus, figlio di Agamennone, che avrebbe abbandonato la casa paterna dopo l'uccisione del padre. Ovidio e Dionigi di Alicarnasso attribuiscono all'eroe greco l'istituzione del culto di Giunone a Falerii, il cui originario carattere argivo sarebbe conservato nel rito celebrato in occasione della festa annuale per la dea. L'importanza accordata al culto di Giunone nell'ambito di tale tradizione ha portato a ipotizzare che questa possa essersi sviluppata proprio a partire dal dato religioso della presenza a Falerii di una divinità assimilabile alla Hera di Argo. Dall'esame linguistico del nome del fondatore, il quale non ha combattuto a Troia e non ha avuto alcun ruolo nel mondo ellenico, si è concluso che dovesse trattarsi di un eroe locale, e che la formazione dell'eponimo sia precedente alla metà del IV sec. a.C., quando è documentata l'affermazione del rotacismo in ambiente falisco. L'elaborazione della leggenda di Halesus deve essere collocata, dunque, in un momento precedente a questa data, che, si è pensato, possa coincidere con la presenza a Falerii di maestranze elleniche o ellenizzate, attive nel campo della ceramografia e della coroplastica, a partire dalla fine del V sec. a.C. Questa tradizione si collega a quella sull'origine etrusca attraverso la notizia di Servio, secondo cui Halesus sarebbe il progenitore del re di Veio Morrius. Il ricordo di una discendenza dalla città etrusca è comune anche a Capena, dove, secondo una notizia di Catone, riportata da Servio, i luci Capeni erano stati fondati da giovani veienti, inviati da un re Properzio, nel cui nome, peraltro, è stata ravvisata un'origine non etrusca, ma italico-orientale. A livello storico, l'accostamento tra Veio, Falisci e Capenati sarà documentato dalle fonti attraverso la costante presenza dei due popoli, al fianco della città etrusca, nel corso degli scontri con Roma tra la seconda metà del V e l'inizio del IV sec. a.C. Di tale complesso sistema di influenze partecipa anche la sfera religiosa dell'area in esame. È interessante notare, a questo proposito, che la massima divinità maschile del pantheon falisco-capenate, il dio del Monte Soratte, Soranus Apollo, costituisca l'esatto corrispettivo dell'etrusco Śuri, come da tempo dimostrato da Giovanni Colonna. La particolarità del culto del Soratte, tuttavia, è determinata dalla cerimonia annua degli Hirpi Sorani, che camminavano indenni sui carboni ardenti e il cui nome, nel racconto eziologico sull'origine del rito, tramandato da Servio, è spiegato in relazione a hirpus, il termine sabino per indicare il lupo, in perfetta coerenza col carattere "di frontiera" di questo territorio. Di origine sabina è la divinità venerata nell'unico grande santuario noto nell'agro capenate, il Lucus Feroniae. La diffusione del culto a partire dalla Sabina, già sostenuta da Varrone, è largamente accolta dalla critica recente, sia sulla base dell'analisi linguistica del nome della dea, sia per la presenza, in Sabina, dei centri principali del culto (Trebula Mutuesca, Amiternum), da cui questo si irradia, oltre che presso Capena, in Umbria e in area volsca. Le attestazioni di Feronia in altre zone, come la Sardegna, il territorio lunense, Aquileia, Pesaro sono generalmente da collegare con episodi di colonizzazione romana. Il carattere esplicitamente emporico del Lucus Feroniae, affermato da Dionigi di Alicarnasso e Livio, che lo descrivono come un luogo di mercato frequentato da Sabini, Etruschi e Romani già dall'epoca di Tullo Ostilio, rende perfettamente conto della varietà di frequentazioni e di influenze, che caratterizzano il santuario almeno dall'età arcaica. Pur in assenza di documentazione archeologica relativa alle fasi più antiche, sembra del tutto affidabile la notizia della vitalità del culto capenate già in età regia. Feronia, infatti, a Terracina, risulta associata a Iuppiter Anxur, divinità eponima della città volsca, il che sembra far risalire l'introduzione del suo culto all'inizio della presenza volsca nella Pianura Pontina, cioè ai primi decenni del V sec. a.C., fornendo, inoltre, un possibile indizio di una provenienza settentrionale, da area sabina, dell'ethnos volsco. È ipotizzabile, dunque, che la dea fosse venerata nel santuario tiberino, prospiciente la Sabina, ben avanti il suo arrivo nel Lazio tirrenico. Al di là della semplice frequentazione del luogo di culto e del mercato, un ruolo di primo piano rivestito dalla componente sabina presso il Lucus Feroniae, in epoca arcaica, sembra suggerito dall'episodio del rapimento dei mercanti romani, riferito da Dionigi di Alicarnasso. I rapitori sabini compiono una ritorsione nei confronti dei Romani, che avevano trattenuto alcuni di loro presso l'Asylum, tra il Capitolium e l'Arx, il che fa pensare che i Sabini esercitassero una sorta di protettorato sul santuario tiberino, e avessero, su di esso, una capacità di controllo analoga a quella che i Romani avevano sull'Asylum romuleo. La vocazione emporica del Lucus Feroniae è naturalmente legata alla sua collocazione topografica, nel punto in cui i percorsi sabini di transumanza a breve raggio attraversano il Tevere, tra i due grandi centri sabini di Poggio Sommavilla e Colle del Forno, per dirigersi verso la costa meridionale dell'Etruria. La dislocazione presso il punto di arrivo dei principali tratturi dell'area appenninica, popolata da genti sabelliche, è, peraltro, una caratteristica comune ai più antichi luoghi di culto di Feronia, come Trebula Mutuesca e Terracina, che condividono col Lucus Feroniae capenate anche la collocazione all'estremità di un territorio etnicamente omogeneo. È stato osservato come, in questi santuari, l'attività emporica marittima si intrecciasse con quella legata allo scambio del bestiame, e, nell'ottica di un'apertura verso l'economia pastorale dei Sardi, è stata inquadrata la fondazione romana, nel 386 a.C., di una Pheronia polis in Sardegna, presso Posada. Da questa località proviene, inoltre, una statuetta bronzea, databile tra la fine del V e i primi decenni del IV sec. a.C., raffigurante un Ercole di tipo italico, divinità di cui è noto il legame con la sfera dello scambio, anche in rapporto agli armenti. L'epoca dell'apoikia sarda ha portato a ipotizzare un collegamento col Lucus Feroniae capenate, dato che già tra il 389 e il 387 a.C. nel territorio di Capena erano stanziati coloni romani, misti a disertori Veienti, Capenati e Falisci. La filiazione del culto sardo da quello tiberino sembra, inoltre, perfettamente compatibile con le pur scarne attestazioni relative a una presenza di Ercole nel santuario capenate. A questo proposito è interessante notare che su una Heraklesschale, ancora sostanzialmente inedita, proveniente dalla stipe del santuario, il dio è rappresentato con la leonté e la clava nella mano sinistra, e lo scyphus di legno nella mano destra. Questi due ultimi attributi di Ercole erano conservati nel sacello presso l'Ara Maxima del Foro Boario, a Roma, e lo scyphus, usato dal pretore urbano per libare nel corso del sacrificio annuale presso l'ara, compare anche nella statua di culto di Alba Fucens, nella quale, per vari motivi, si è proposto di riconoscere una replica del simulacro del santuario del Foro Boario. Il richiamo iconografico a questi elementi, in un santuario-mercato ubicato lungo percorsi di transumanza, come era il Lucus Feroniae, non sembra casuale, ma potrebbe, in un certo senso, evocare il culto dell'Ara Maxima, e, in particolare, un aspetto fondamentale di esso, rappresentato dal collegamento con le Salinae ai piedi dell'Aventino. Queste, ubicate presso la porta Trigemina, e dunque prossime all'Ara Maxima, erano il luogo di deposito del sale proveniente dalle saline ostiensi, e destinato alla Sabina, e, in generale, alle popolazioni dell'interno dell'Italia centrale, dedite a un'economia pastorale. L'Ercole del Foro Boario, che tutelava le attività economiche collegate allo scambio del bestiame, sovrintendeva anche all'approvvigionamento del sale, e in questo senso va spiegato anche l'epiteto di Salarius, attestato per il dio ad Alba Fucens, dove, come è stato visto, il santuario di Ercole aveva la funzione di forum pecuarium. La dislocazione di santuari-mercati lungo i tratturi garantiva, dunque, ai pastori, dietro necessario compenso, la possibilità di rifornirsi di sale, e lo stesso doveva verificarsi presso il Lucus Feroniae. Questo sembra confermato dal fatto che, come è stato di recente dimostrato, la via lungo cui sorge il santuario, l'attuale strada provinciale Tiberina, vada, in realtà, identificata con la via Campana in agro falisco, menzionata da Vitruvio, in relazione a una fonte letale per uccelli e piccoli rettili. Il nome della via va spiegato, infatti, in relazione al punto di arrivo, costituito dal Campus Salinarum alla foce del Tevere, dove erano le saline. Nel comparto falisco, l'analisi della documentazione relativa ai luoghi di culto ha evidenziato una più marcata influenza di Veio rispetto all'area capenate. Questa risulta particolarmente rilevante in un centro come Narce, segnato, sin dall'inizio della sua storia, da una netta impronta veiente, e il cui declino coinciderà con gli anni della conquista della città etrusca. Per limitarci alla sfera del sacro, già da un primo esame dei materiali rinvenuti nel santuario suburbano di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, di cui si attende la pubblicazione integrale, è stata segnalata, dall'inizio del V sec. a.C., epoca in cui comincia la frequentazione dell'area sacra, la presenza di prototipi veienti, che sono all'origine di una produzione locale di piccole terrecotte figurate. A un modello veiente sono riconducibili le cisterne a cielo aperto, che affiancavano l'edificio templare in almeno due dei principali santuari di Falerii Veteres, quello di Vignale e quello dello Scasato I, da identificare entrambi come sedi di un culto di Apollo. Più problematico risulta, invece, l'accostamento ad esse degli apprestamenti idrici rinvenuti presso un'area sacra urbana, recentemente individuata presso la moderna via Gramsci, nella parte meridionale del pianoro di Civita Castellana, e solo da una vecchia notizia d'archivio della Soprintendenza sappiamo di un'analoga cisterna rinvenuta presso Corchiano all'inizio del '900. Nei casi meglio documentati di Vignale e dello Scasato, tali impianti idrici risultano coevi alla fase più antica del santuario, e rispondono a uno schema che, a Veio, ricorre presso il santuario di Apollo al Portonaccio, presso il tempio a oikos di Piazza d'Armi, nel santuario di Menerva presso Porta Caere, e nel santuario in località Casale Pian Roseto. Non è facile determinare l'esatto valore da attribuire, di volta in volta, a tali cisterne, ma l'enfasi topografica ad esse accordata nell'ambito dei santuari non pare permetta di prescindere da un collegamento con pratiche rituali. Per gli impianti di Falerii si è pensato a un collegamento col santuario del Portonaccio, anche sulla base della corrispondenza cultuale incentrata sulla figura di Apollo, e la piscina è stata spiegata, dunque, in relazione a rituali di purificazione, legati a un culto oracolare. Dopo la sconfitta di Veio Falerii si trovò non solo a tener testa a Roma sul piano militare, ma dovette dimostrarsi non inferiore anche per prestigio e capacità autorappresentativa, essendo l'altro grande centro della basse valle del Tevere. Questo aspetto è stato colto, in particolare, sulla base della decorazione templare della città falisca, che conosce, intorno al secondo-terzo decennio del IV sec. a.C., un rinnovamento generalizzato, dovuto alla nascita di un'importante scuola coroplastica, la cui attività si riconosce anche nel frammento isolato di rilievo fittile rappresentante una Nike, da Fabrica di Roma. Una diversa reazione alla presa di Veio è attestata per l'altro importante centro falisco, quello di Narce, anche attraverso la documentazione fornita dal santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote. Il luogo di culto continua a essere frequentato anche dopo la crisi dell'insediamento urbano, riscontrata attraverso una consistente contrazione delle necropoli a partire dal IV sec. a.C., ma nella prima metà del III sec. a.C. è attestata una contrazione del culto in vari settori del santuario, contestualmente all'introduzione di nuove categorie di ex-voto, quali i votivi anatomici, i bambini in fasce, le terrecotte raffiguranti animali. Questi mutamenti sono stati messi in relazione con la vittoria romana sui Falisci nel 293 a.C., mentre un secondo momento di contrazione del culto sembra coincidere con la definitiva conquista romana del 241 a.C. Dall'inizio del III sec. a.C. anche nei depositi di Falerii vengono introdotti nuovi tipi di votivi, cui si è fatto cenno precedentemente, e, come anche nel santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, si registra la presenza di monetazione di zecca urbana, che entra a far parte delle offerte. Tale dato diventa ancora più eloquente, se si considera l'assenza di monetazione locale nei contesti di epoca preromana, che sembra tradire l'indifferenza delle popolazioni falische verso tale tipo di offerta. È evidente, dunque, anche per Falerii, un'influenza del mercato romano dopo gli eventi bellici che segnarono la vittoria di Spurio Carvilio sui Falisci. La città, tuttavia, sembra fronteggiare la crisi, tanto da non mettere in pericolo le sue istituzioni, come dimostrano le dediche falische poste, nel Santuario dei Sassi Caduti, a Mercurio, dagli efiles, l'unica carica attestata per la città. Del resto, anche con la costruzione del nuovo centro di Falerii Novi, la documentazione relativa alla sfera religiosa attesta la conservazione, a livello pubblico, della lingua e della grafia falisca, tramite la dedica a Menerva posta dal pretore della città, nella seconda metà del III sec. a.C. (CIL XI 3081). Quanto sappiamo sui culti di età repubblicana di Capena e del suo territorio si limita al santuario di Lucus Feroniae, dove praticamente quasi tutti i materiali e le fonti epigrafiche sono inquadrabili nel corso del III sec. a.C., e a un paio di dediche di III sec. a.C. La capitolazione di Capena subito dopo la presa di Veio (395 a.C.) rende, in questa fase, la presenza romana ormai stabile da circa un secolo, dunque non sorprende che le iscrizioni sacre utilizzino un formulario specificamente latino, anche con attestazioni piuttosto precoci di espressioni che diventeranno correnti nel corso del II sec. a.C. Uno dei primi esempi attestati di abbreviazione alle sole iniziali della formula di dedica d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) è in CIL I², 2435, provenente dalla necropoli capenate delle Saliere. La documentazione archeologica più antica riguardo alla vita religiosa dell'area presa in esame proviene da Falerii Veteres. In ordine cronologico, la prima divinità attestata epigraficamente è Apollo, il cui nome compare inciso in falisco su un frammento di ceramica attica dei primi decenni del V sec. a.C. dal santuario di Vignale. È notevole che si tratti in assoluto della più antica attestazione conosciuta del nome latinizzato del dio, che indica la sua precoce assimilazione nel pantheon falisco, dove, già da quest'epoca, bisogna riconoscere come avvenuta l'identificazione con Apollo del locale Soranus. Il culto del dio del Soratte, attestato per via epigrafica solo in età imperiale, attraverso due dediche a Soranus Apollo, può essere coerentemente collocato tra le più antiche manifestazioni religiose del comprensorio falisco-capenate, e probabilmente la sede cultuale del Monte Soratte doveva fungere da tramite tra le due aree. Nel territorio falisco la presenza del dio lascia tracce più consistenti, attraverso la duplicazione del culto di Apollo a Falerii Veteres, e una dedica di età repubblicana da Falerii Novi, mentre sembra affievolirsi in area capenate, dove ne resta traccia solo in due dediche ad Apollo della prima età imperiale da Civitella S. Paolo, e in una controversa notizia di Strabone, che, apparentemente per errore, ubica al Lucus Feroniae le cerimonie in onore di Sorano, che si svolgevano, invece, sul Soratte. Anche questa notizia, tuttavia, si inserisce in un sistema di corrispondenze cultuali, che associa a una dea ctonia, della fertilità, un paredro di tipo "apollineo", cioè una divinità maschile, giovanile, con aspetti inferi e mantici. Non sembra casuale, in questo contesto, che il santuario per cui è attestata una più antica frequentazione a Falerii Veteres sia quello di Giunone Curite, una divinità che sembra rispondere allo schema di dea matronale e guerriera (era una Giunone armata, ma anche protettrice delle matrone) per la quale, pure, è attestata l'associazione cultuale con un giovane dio, della stessa tipologia di Sorano. Anche se non sono attestati direttamente rapporti tra Iuno Curitis e Sorano Apollo non sembra da trascurare il dato che l'unica statuetta di Apollo liricine, di IV sec. a.C., rinvenuta a Falerii Veteres provenga proprio dal santuario della dea; inoltre quando essa fu evocata a Roma dopo la presa di Falerii nel 241 a.C., insieme al suo tempio, in Campo, fu costruito quello di Iuppiter Fulgur, una divinità parimenti evocata dal centro falisco, e per la quale, pure, si possono istituire dei parallelismi con Soranus, attraverso l'assimilazione con Veiove. Nell'agro falisco, come in quello capenate, le più antiche attestazioni cultuali si riferiscano, dunque, a una coppia di divinità che, pur nelle differenze maturate in aspetti specifici del culto, sembra rispondere a esigenze cultuali piuttosto omogenee. Con l'età imperiale, infine, il panorama dei culti della zona considerata sembra diventare più omogeneo, inserendosi, peraltro, in una tendenza piuttosto generale. La manifestazione più appariscente è costituita, naturalmente, dal culto imperiale, attestato molto presto in Etruria meridionale. Da Nepi proviene la più antica testimonianza nota in Etruria, costituita da una dedica in onore di Augusto da parte di quattro Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'iscrizione è databile al 12 a.C., anno della fondazione del collegio di Nepi, e dell'istituzione, a Roma, del culto del Genius di Augusto e dei Lares Augusti, venerati nei compita dei vici della città. Altri esempi di una piuttosto precoce diffusione del culto imperiale vengono da Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, databile tra il 2 a.C. e il 14 d.C.; CIL XI, 3076, età augustea); da Lucus Feroniae, dove intorno al 31 d.C. è attestato per la prima volta l'uso della formula in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295). Il fatto che la diffusione del culto imperiale in agro falisco-capenate avvenga praticamente negli stessi anni che a Roma, sembra legato anche ai rapporti che legarono Augusto e la dinastia giulio-claudia a questo territorio. Dopo Anzio veterani di Ottaviano ottennero terre nell'Etruria meridionale, lungo il corso del Tevere, e non è un caso che l'Augusteo di Lucus Feroniae, l'unico in Etruria meridionale, che sia noto, oltre che epigraficamente, anche attraverso i suoi resti, sia stato eretto tra il 14 e il 20 d.C. da due membri della gens senatoria, filoagustea, dei Volusii Saturnini. Augusto stesso e membri della dinastia parteciparono direttamente alla vita civile dei centri della regione: Augusto fu pater municipii a Falerii Novi, Tiberio e Druso Maggiore furono patroni della colonia a Lucus Feroniae, tra l'11 e il 9 a.C. Inoltre la presenza, nel territorio capenate, di liberti imperiali incaricati dell'amministrazione del patrimonio dell'imperatore, fa pensare all'esistenza di fundi imperiali. La documentazione di età imperiale è costituita, inoltre, da una serie di iscrizioni che difficilmente possono farci risalire a specifici luoghi di culto, e dalle quali, in molti casi, si evince soprattutto una richiesta di salute e di fertilità alla divinità, come avveniva in età repubblicana, tra il IV e il II sec. a.C., attraverso l'offerta nei santuari di votivi anatomici. Sono note anche alcune attestazioni di culti orientali (Mater Deum e Iside, anche associate, da Falerii Novi e dal suo territorio; una dedica alla Mater Deum da Nazzano, in territorio capenate), che rientrano nell'ambito della devozione privata, tranne nel caso del sacerdozio di Iside a Mater Deum attestato a Falerii Novi. ; Inventaire des lieux de culte de la zone falisco-capenate. Résumé. Le recueil des sources historiques relatives à la vie religieuse de la zone falisco-capenate a eut comme but, tout d'abord, la localisation des lieux de culte identifiables avec certitude comme tels. Lorsque cela s'est avéré impossible, particulièrement en présence de documents épigraphiques isolés et d'origine incertaine, on a tout de même enregistré l'existence du culte. On veut reconstruire, au moyen de la documentation récoltée, une histoire des cultes de la zone considérée depuis les premières apparitions jusqu'à l'âge impérial. La zone considérée, insérée dans la Regio VII Etruria dans le cadre de l'organisation territoriale de l'Italie augustéenne, est comprise dans les limites naturelles du lac de Bracciano et du lac de Vico à l'ouest, du cours du Tibre à l'est, tandis que les limites septentrionale et méridionale sont délimitées, respectivement, par les reliefs des Monts Cimini et des Monts Sabatini. Les centres examinés sont ceux de Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri et Nepi. La communauté capenate occupait la partie orientale du territoire, un zone de plaine, dominée au nord par le massif du Mont Soratte, et délimitée à l'est par l'anse du Tibre. Son centre était constitué par l'habitat de Capena, l'actuel Col de la Civitucola, dont dépendaient une série de petits sites, encore peu étudiés, disséminés en position stratégique sur le Tibre, ou en correspondance d'axes routiers de liaison au fleuve. Le principal de ces derniers est localisé sur le site de l'actuelle Nazzano, occupé de manière permanente à partir du VIIIème siècle av. J.-C., et situé en correspondance de l'habitat sabin de Campo del Pozzo, sur l'autre rive du Tibre. La zone falisque s'articule, par contre, sur un paysage d'âpres collines de tuf, disposées autour du bassin hydrographique du torrent Treia, affluent du Tibre, qui parcourt le territoire en direction longitudinale. Le long du cours d'eau se développèrent les deux plus antiques et importants centres falisques de Falerii Veteres et Narce, un site que les plus récentes recherches tendent à reconnaître, et de manière toujours plus convaincante, comme la Fescennium connue dans les sources historiques, le deuxième habitat falisque, outre à Falerii, dont on reporte le nom; le long d'affluents du Treia sont situées Nepi et Falerii Novi. Malgré la spécificité culturelle progressivement développée par falisques et capenates, la situation géographique du territoire occupé le rend naturellement perméable aux influences étrusques et sabines, aspect relevé par la documentation archéologique et par quelques informations dans les sources antiques, réévaluée par les plus récentes études. Une position différente s'était par contre imposée après les premières recherches effectuées dans la région entre la fin du XIXème et le début du XXème siècle : celles-ci avaient mis l'accent sur les caractères culturels spécifiques des populations locales, en soulignant la substantielle autonomie de ces populations par rapport aux Etrusques, surtout sur la base des grandes similitudes entre les langues falisque et latine. Une telle perception fut dominante jusqu'à la deuxième moitié des années Soixante du Vingtième siècle, lorsque la publication des premières données sur les nécropoles de Véies mirent en lumière les rapports étroits avec les zones falisque et capenate entre le VIIIème et le VIIème siècle av. J.-C. Les études sur le peuplement de l'Etrurie protohistorique, conduites à partir des années '80 du XXème siècle ont focalisé l'attention sur une implication de Véies dans le peuplement de la zone comprise entre les Monts Cimini et Sabatini d'une part et le Tibre d'autre part, et cela au début de l'Âge du Fer, études confirmées par les récentes analyses des trousseaux des principales nécropoles falisques, qui ont prouvé qu'il existait au VIIIème et au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. d'importants parallèles avec les habitudes funéraires de Véies, bien que certains aspects spécifiques de la culture locale y fussent conservés. Le corpus d'inscriptions étrusques provenant de la nécropole de Narce démontre, pour tout le VII et le VIème siècle ac. J.-C., la présence continue de populations parlant la langue étrusque, qui utilisent un système d'écriture de type méridional, reconductible à Véies, dont Narce semble avoir constitué un avant-poste en territoire falisque. Déjà au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. cependant, on remarque les signes évidents d'une plus spécifique caractérisation culturelle des zones falisques et capenates, et cela au travers, entre autre, de la diffusion d'un idiome falisque, semblable au latin, documenté par des épigraphes au VIIème et au VIème siècle av. J.-C., surtout à Falerii Veteres. Ultérieur élément de contact culturel avec le monde latin est représenté, dans ce centre, par le rituel funéraire des inhumations infantiles dans la zone habitée. Une telle habitude, qui trouve de nombreuses comparaisons dans le Latium vetus, est étrangère à l'Etrurie, alors qu'elle est documentée à Cività Castellana, en localité «lo Scasato», par deux sépultures d'enfants datables entre la fin du VIIIème siècle et la première moitié du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. A Capena a été remarqué, à partir du VIIème siècle av. J.-C., une grande influence provenant de l'aire sabine, surtout à travers la documentation archéologique fournie par les nécropoles, tandis que du point de vue linguistique un influence du versant oriental du Tibre a été remarquée, en particulier par une analyse du noyau plus consistant des inscriptions relatifs aux nouveaux-nés, qui remonte au IV – IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La réceptivité vis-à-vis des nouveautés des populations limitrophes et la capacité d'élaborations originales, prouvées archéologiquement déjà depuis les phases les plus antiques de l'histoire des peuples falisques et capenates, peuvent offrir une aide documentaire à la perception que les écrivains antiques avaient de l'ethnos falisque, en trouvant un équivalent dans les traditions qui définissaient les Falisques comme des Etrusques, ou bien comme un peuple à soi, caractérisé par une spécificité propre, aussi linguistique. Cette dernière donnée trahit la mémoire de contacts avec le monde latin. Un troisième filon antique, qui se mêle à celui d'origine étrusque, revendique pour les falisques une ascendance grecque, plus précisément de l'Argolide et semble le fruit d'une construction d'érudits élaborée successivement. L'information de l'origine argolide remonte, par tradition indirecte, aux Origines de Caton, et se relie à celle de la fondation de Falerii de la part du héros Halesus, fils d'Agamemnon, qui aurait abandonné la maison paternelle après l'assassinat de son père. Ovide et Denys d'Halicarnasse attribuent au héros grec l'institution du culte de Junon à Falerii, dont le caractère originel argolide serait conservé dans le rite célébré en occasion de la fête annuelle de la déesse. L'importance accordée au culte de Junon au sein d'une telle tradition a amené à supposer que celui-ci se soit développé précisément à partir de la donnée religieuse de la présence à Falerii d'une divinité semblable à Héra d'Argos. Grâce à l'examen linguistique du nom du fondateur, qui n'a pas combattu à Troie et qui n'a eut aucun rôle dans le monde grec, on a conclu qu'il devait s'agir d'un héros local, et que la formation de l'éponyme ait été précédent à la moitié du IVème siècle av. J.-C., lorsque l'affirmation du rhotacisme est documenté dans la culture falisque. L'élaboration de la légende de Halesus doit donc être située à un moment précédent cette date qui, comme on l'a pensé, puisse coïncider avec la présence à Falerii d'artistes grecs ou hellénisés, actifs dans la céramographie et dans la choroplastique, à partir de la fin du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cette tradition se relie à celle sur l'origine étrusque, par l'information de Servius, selon lequel Halesus serait le grand-père du roi de Véies Morrius. Le souvenir d'une descendance de la ville étrusque est commune aussi a Capena où, d'après une nouvelle de Caton, rapportée par Servius, les luci Capeni avaient été fondés par des jeunes de Véies, envoyés par un roi Properce, dans le nom duquel a été identifié une origine non étrusque, mais bien italico-orientale. Du point de vue historique, le rapprochement entre Véies, falisques et capenates sera documenté dans les sources par la présence constante des deux peuples au flanc de la ville étrusque au cours des luttes contre Rome entre la deuxième moitié du Vème et le début du IVème siècle av. J.-C. D'un tel système complexe d'influences participe aussi la sphère religieuse de la zone en question. Il est intéressant de noter, à ce propos, que la principale divinité masculine du panthéon falisco-capenate, le dieu du Mont Soratte, Soranus Apollon, constitue le correspondant exact de l'étrusque Śuri, comme l'a démontré Giovanni Colonna. La particularité du culte de Soratte, toutefois, est déterminée par la cérémonie annuelle des Hirpi Sorani, qui marchaient indemnes sur des charbons ardents et dont le nom, dans le récit étiologique sur l'origine du rite transmis par Servius, est expliqué en relation à hirpus, le nom sabin pour «loup», parfaitement cohérent avec la caractéristique frontalière de ce territoire. D'origine sabine est aussi la divinité vénérée dans le seul grand sanctuaire connu dans le territoire capenate, le Lucus Feroniae. La diffusion du culte à partir de la Sabine, version soutenue déjà par Varron, est largement acceptée par la critique récente, sur la base d'une part de l'analyse linguistique du nom de la déesse et d'autre part vu la présence sur le territoire sabin des principaux centres de culte (Trebula Mutuesca, Aminternum), d'où ceux-ci se diffusent, outre à Capena, vers l'Ombrie et le territoire volsque. Les attestations de Feronia dans d'autres zones, comme en Sardaigne, en territoire de Luni, à Aquilée et à Pesaro sont généralement à mettre en relation avec des épisodes de colonisation romaine. Le caractère explicitement commercial du Lucus Feroniae, affirmé par Denys d'Halicarnasse et par Tite-Live, qui le décrivent comme un lieu de marché fréquenté par les sabins, les étrusques et les romains déjà à l'époque de Tullius Ostilius, rend parfaitement compte de la variété des fréquentations et des influences qui caractérisent le sanctuaire à partir de l'Âge archaïque. Bien que n'ayant pas de documentation archéologique relative aux phases les plus antiques, l'information sur la vitalité du culte capenate déjà à l'époque royale semble fiable. Feronia, en effet, est couplée, à Terracina, à Iuppiter Anxur, divinité éponyme de la ville volsque, ce qui semble faire remonter l'introduction de son culte au début de la présence volsque dans la plaine pontine, c'est-à-dire vers les premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cela fournit, en plus, un indice possible d'une provenance septentrionale de l'ethnos volsque depuis la zone sabine. Il est donc envisageable que la déesse ait été adorée dans le sanctuaire tibérien, en face de la Sabine, bien avant son arrivée dans le Latium tyrrhénien. Au-delà de la simple fréquentation du lieu de culte et du marché, un rôle de premier plan joué par l'élément sabin pour le Lucus Feroniae en époque archaïque semble suggéré par l'épisode de l'enlèvement de marchants romains relaté par Denys d'Halicarnasse. Les ravisseurs sabins effectuent une rétorsion contre les romains, qui avaient enfermé certains des leurs sur l'Asylum, entre le Capitole et l'Arx, ce qui fait penser que les sabins exerçaient une sorte de protectorat sur le sanctuaire tibérien et qu'ils avaient sur celui-ci une capacité de contrôle semblable à celui que les romains avaient sur l'Asylum romuléen. La vocation commerciale du Lucus Feroniae est naturellement liée à son emplacement topographique, à l'endroit où les parcours sabins de transhumance à courte distance traversent le Tibre, entre les deux grands centres sabins de Poggio Sommavilla et Colle del Forno, pour se diriger vers la côte méridionale de l'Etrurie. La dislocation près du lieu d'arrivée des principaux sentiers de la zone apennine, habitée de peuplades sabelliques, est, en outre, une caractéristique commune aux plus anciens lieux de culte de Feronia, comme par exemple Trebula Mutuesca et Terracina, qui partagent avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate l'emplacement à l'extrémité d'un territoire ethniquement homogène. Il a été observé combien, dans ces sanctuaires, l'activité commerciale maritime était liée à l'échange du bétail et il faut prendre en compte l'ouverture à l'économie pastorale sarde pour comprendre la fondation romaine en 386 av. J.-C. d'une Pheronia polis en Sardaigne, près de Posada. De cette localité provient, en outre, une statuette en bronze, datable entre la fin du Vème et les premières décennies du IVème siècle av. J.-C., qui représente un Hercule de type italique, divinité dont on connaît le lien avec la sphère de l'échange, et surtout son rapport avec les troupeaux. L'époque de l'apoikia sarde a amené à envisager une relation avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate, vu que déjà entre 389 et le 387 av. J.-C. dans le territoire de Capena des colons romains s'étaient établis, unis à des déserteurs provenant de Véies, Capena et Falerii. La filiation du culte sarde à partir du culte tibérien semble, en outre, parfaitement compatible avec les rares attestations relatives à une présence d'Hercule dans le sanctuaire capenate. A ce sujet il est intéressant de remarquer que sur une Heraklesschale, encore inédite, provenant du dépôt votif du sanctuaire, le dieu est représenté avec la leonté et la massue dans la main gauche, et le skyphos en bois dans la main droite. Ces deux derniers attributs d'Hercule étaient conservés dans le sacellum près de l'Ara Maxima du Forum boarium, à Rome, et le skyphos, utilisé par le préteur urbain pour faire les libations au cours du sacrifice annuel auprès de l'Ara, apparaît aussi dans la statue de culte d'Alba Fucens, dans laquelle, en raison de nombreuses similitudes, on a proposé de reconnaître une réplique du simulacre du sanctuaire du Forum boarium. La répétition iconographique de ces éléments dans un sanctuaire-marché situé le long des voies de la transhumance, comme était le Lucus Feroniae, ne semble pas un hasard et pourrait d'ailleurs, dans un certain sens, évoquer le culte de l'Ara Maxima et en particulier un aspect fondamental de celui-ci, représenté par la liaison avec les Salinae aux pieds de l'Aventin. Celles-ci, situées près de la porta Trigemina, et donc proches de l'Ara Maxima, étaient le lieu de dépôt du sel provenant des salines d'Ostie destiné à la Sabine, et en général aux populations établies à l'intérieur de l'Italie centrale et vouées à l'économie pastorale. L'Hercule du Forum boarium, qui protégeait les activités économiques liées aux échanges de bétail, gouvernait aussi à l'approvisionnement du sel, et c'est en ce sens que doit aussi s'expliquer l'épithète de Salarius, attesté pour le dieu à Alba Fucens où, comme on l'a vu, le sanctuaire d'Hercule avait la fonction de forum pecuarium. La dislocation de sanctuaires-marchés le long des voies de transhumance garantissait donc aux pasteurs, après compensation nécessaire, la possibilité de se pourvoir en sel, et la même chose devait advenir au Lucus Feroniae. Ceci semble confirmé par le fait que, comme il a été démontré récemment, la route le long de laquelle se dresse le sanctuaire, l'actuelle route provinciale Tiberina, doive en réalité être identifiée comme la via Campana en territoire falisque, mentionné par Vitruve, en relation avec une source mortelle pour les oiseaux et les petits reptiles. Le nom de la route s'explique, en effet, en relation à son point d'arrivée, le Campus Salinarum situé à l'embouchure du Tibre, où se trouvaient les salines. Dans la zone falisque, l'analyse de la documentation relative aux lieux de culte a mis en évidence une influence majeure de Véies par rapport à la zone capenate. Cela résulte particulièrement important dans un centre comme Narce, marqué, depuis le début de son histoire, par une nette influence de Véies, et dont le déclin coïncidera avec les années de la conquête de la ville étrusque. Pour nous limiter à la sphère du sacré, déjà à partir d'un premier examen du matériel retrouvé dans le sanctuaire suburbain de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, dont on attend la publication intégrale, on a signalé, à partir du Vème siècle av. J.-C., époque à laquelle commence la fréquentation de l'aire sacrée, la présence de prototypes provenant de Véies, qui sont à l'origine d'une production locale de petites terre cuites figurées. A un modèle de Véies sont reconductibles les citernes à ciel ouvert, qui flanquaient l'édifice templier dans au moins deux des principaux sanctuaires de Falerii Veteres, celui de Vignale et celui de Scasato I, tous deux à identifier comme lieux de culte dédiés à Apollon. Plus difficile est par contre le rapprochement de celles-ci aux citernes fermées retrouvées proche d'une aire sacré urbaine, récemment identifiée dans la moderne rue Gramsci, dans la partie méridionale du plateau de Civita Castellana, tandis que c'est seulement grâce à une vieille note des archives de la Surintendance que nous savons de l'existence d'une citerne semblable retrouvée près de Corchiano au début du Vingtième siècle. Dans les cas mieux documentés de Vignale et de Scasato, de tels systèmes hydrauliques résultent contemporains à la phase la plus antique du sanctuaire, et correspondent à un schéma qui revient à Véies dans le sanctuaire d'Apollon au Portonaccio, proche du temple à oikos de la Piazza d'Armi, dans le sanctuaire de Menerva près de la Porta Caere, ainsi que dans le sanctuaire situé en localité Casale Pian Roseto. Il n'est pas facile de déterminer la valeur exacte à attribuer, selon les cas, à de telles citernes, mais l'emphase topographique qu'on leur accorde dans le cadre des sanctuaires ne semble pas permettre de pouvoir exclure une relation avec les pratiques rituelles. Pour le site de Falerii on a pensé à une relation avec le sanctuaire de Portonaccio, entre autre sur la base d'une correspondance des cultes centrée sur la figure d'Apollon, et la piscine a ainsi été expliquée en relation à des rituels de purification liés à un culte oraculaire. Après la défaite de Véies, Falerii dut faire face non seulement à Rome du point de vue militaire, mais elle dut aussi se montrer non inférieure par prestige et capacité d'autoreprésentation, étant l'autre grand centre de la basse vallée du Tibre. Cet aspect a été noté, en particulier, sur la base de la décoration des temples de la ville falisque, qui connaît vers la deuxième – troisième décennie du IVème siècle av. J.-C. un renouveau général dû à la naissance d'une importante école choroplastique, dont l'activité se reconnaît aussi dans le fragment isolé de relief d'argile représentant une Nike, provenant de Fabrica di Roma. Une autre réaction à la prise de Véies est attestée dans l'autre important centre falisque, celui de Narce, aussi grâce à la documentation fournie par le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote. Le lieu de culte continue à être fréquenté après la crise de la ville, comme le démontre une consistante contraction des nécropoles à partir du IVème siècle av. J.-C., mais dans la première moitié du IIIème siècle une ultérieure réduction du culte est prouvée dans de nombreux secteurs du sanctuaire, en parallèle à l'introduction de nouvelles catégories d'ex-voto, comme les ex-voto anatomiques, les nouveaux-nés enveloppés dans des bandes, les terre cuites représentant des animaux. Ces changements ont été mis en relation avec la victoire romaine sur les Falisques en 293 av. J.-C., alors qu'un deuxième moment de contraction du culte semble coïncider avec la définitive conquête romaine de 241 av. J.-C. Depuis le début du IIIème siècle av. J.-C., on assiste aussi dans les dépôts votifs de Falerii à l'introduction de nouveaux types d'ex-voto, dont on a parlé précédemment, et, comme pour le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, on enregistre la présence de pièces de monnaie romaines, qui commencent à constituer des offrandes. Une telle donnée devient encore plus éloquente lorsqu'on considère l'absence de monnaies locales dans les contextes préromains, qui semble trahir l'indifférence des populations falisques envers un tel type d'offrande. Il est donc évident aussi pour Falerii une influence du marché romain après les évènements belliqueux qui marquèrent la victoire de Spurius Carvilius sur les Falisques. La ville semble toutefois réussir à affronter la crise, au point de ne pas mettre en danger ses institutions, comme le démontrent les dédicaces falisques adressées à Mercure, dans le Sanctuaire dei Sassi Caduti, par les efiles, seuls magistrats attestés en ville. Par ailleurs, aussi avec la construction du nouveau centre de Falerii Novi, la documentation relative à la sphère religieuse prouve la conservation, au niveau public, de la langue et de la graphie falisque, par exemple dans la dédicace à Menerva effectuée par le préteur de la ville, pendant la deuxième moitié du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. (CIL XI 3081). Ce que nous savons sur les cultes de l'époque républicaine se limite au sanctuaire de Lucus Feroniae, où pratiquement tout le matériel et les sources épigraphiques peuvent être situés durant le IIIème siècle av. J.-C., et à deux dédicaces du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La capitulation de Capena immédiatement après la chute de Véies (395 av. J.-C.) rend, à cette période, la présence romaine stable depuis environ déjà un siècle, et on ne se surprend donc pas du fait que les inscriptions sacrées utilisent un formulaire spécifiquement latin, avec même une présence plutôt précoce d'expressions qui deviendront courante au cours du IIème siècle av. J.-C. Un des premiers exemples attestés d'abréviations aux seules initiales de la formule de dédicace d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) se trouve dans CIL I, 2435, et provient de la nécropole capenate de Saliere. La plus antique documentation archéologique sur la vie religieuse de la zone prise en examen provient de Falerii Veteres. En ordre chronologique, la première divinité présente épigraphiquement est Apollon, dont le nom apparaît gravé en langue falisque sur un fragment de céramique attique remontant aux premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C., qui provient du sanctuaire de Vignale. Il est intéressant de noter qu'il s'agit dans l'absolu de la plus antique attestation connue du nom latinisé du dieu, ce qui indique son assimilation précoce dans le pantheon falisque où, déjà à partir de cette époque, il faut reconnaître comme déjà effectuée l'identification entre Apollon et le dieu local Soranus. Le culte du dieu de Soratte, attesté épigraphiquement seulement à l'époque impériale, à travers deux dédicaces à Soranus Apollo, peut être situé de manière cohérente parmi les plus antiques manifestations religieuses du territoire falisco-capenate, et probablement le centre du culte du Mont Soratte devait servir de point de jonction entre les deux zones. Dans le territoire falisque la présence du dieu laisse des traces plus consistantes, à travers la duplication du culte d'Apollon à Falerii Veteres et une dédicace d'époque républicaine venant de Falerii Novi, tandis qu'elle semble s'affaiblir dans l'aire capenate, où on en trouve trace seulement dans deux dédicaces à Apollon, datant de la première époque impériale à Civitella S. Paolo, et dans un passage controversé de Strabon qui, apparemment par erreur, situe au Lucus Feroniae les cérémonies en l'honneur de Sorano, qui étaient au contraire célébrées sur le Mont Soratte. Cette information toutefois s'insère dans un système de correspondances cultuelles qui, associées à une déesse chtonienne, de la fertilité, et à un parèdre de type « apollinien », c'est-à-dire une divinité masculine, jeune, d'aspect infernal et mantique. Ce n'est pas un hasard, dans ce contexte, que le sanctuaire pour lequel est attestée une plus antique fréquentation à Falerii Veteres soit celui de Iuno Curitis, une divinité qui semble répondre au schéma de déesse matronale et guerrière (il s'agissait d'une Junon armée, mais aussi protectrice des matrones) pour laquelle, en outre, on a la preuve de l'association cultuelle avec un jeune dieu, de la même typologie que celle présente à Sorano. Même si on n'a pas d'attestations directes de l'existence de rapports entre Iuno Curitis et Sorano Apollo, il semble qu'il ne faille pas délaisser le fait que l'unique statuette d'Apollon jouant de la lyre, du IVème siècle av. J.-C., retrouvée à Falerii Veteres provienne justement du sanctuaire de la déesse; en outre lorsqu'elle fut évoquée à Rome après la prise de Falerii en 241 av. J.-C., en même temps que son temple situé in Campo, un autre temple fut construit, celui de Iuppiter Fulgur, une divinité du centre falisque pareillement évoquée, et pour laquelle on peut établir des parallèles avec Soranus, au travers de l'assimilation avec Veiove. Dans le territoire falisque comme dans celui capenate, les plus anciennes attestations cultuelles se réfèrent donc à un couple de divinités qui, tout en ayant des différences dans des aspects spécifiques du culte, semblent répondre à des exigences cultuelles plutôt homogènes. Durant l'époque impériale, enfin, le panorama des cultes de la zone considérée semble devenir plus homogène, en suivant par ailleurs une tendance générale. La manifestation plus évidente est formée, naturellement, par le culte impérial, présent très tôt en Etrurie méridionale. Le plus antique témoignage du culte impérial connu en Etrurie provient de Nepi, et il est constitué d'une dédicace en l'honneur d'Auguste de la part de quatre Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'inscription est datable à 12 av. J.-C., année de la fondation du collège de Nepi et de l'institution à Rome du culte du Genius d'Auguste ainsi que des Lares Augusti, vénérés dans les compita des vici de la ville. D'autres exemples d'une diffusion plutôt précoce du culte impérial viennent de Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, datable entre 2 av. J.-C. et l'an 14 ; CIL XI, 3076, époque augustéenne); de Lucus Feroniae, où vers 31 av. J.-C. l'usage de la formule in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295) est documenté pour la première fois. Le fait que la diffusion du culte impérial dans le territoire falisco-capenate ait commencé pratiquement dans les mêmes années qu'à Rome semble aussi lié aux rapports qu'eurent Auguste et la dynastie julio-claudienne avec ce territoire. Après Anzio les vétérans d'Octave obtinrent des terres en Etrurie méridionale, le long du cours du Tibre, et ce n'est pas un hasard si l'Augusteum de Lucus Feroniae, le seul en Etrurie méridionale connu outre que de manière épigraphique aussi grâce à ses vestiges, ait été érigé entre 14 et 20 apr. J.-C. par deux membres de la gens sénatoriale, filo-augustéenne, des Volusii Saturnini. Auguste lui-même et des membres de la dynastie participèrent directement à la vie civile des centres de la région: Auguste fut pater municipii à Falerii Novi, Tibère et Druse Majeur furent les patrons de la colonie à Lucus Feroniae, entre 11 et 9 av. J.-C. La présence, en outre, d'affranchis impériaux sur le territoire capenate, chargés de l'administration du patrimoine de l'empereur, fait penser à l'existence de fundi impériaux. La documentation d'époque impériale est formée d'une série d'inscriptions qui difficilement peuvent nous faire remonter à des lieux de cultes bien précis, et desquelles dans de nombreux cas, on déduit surtout une demande de santé et de fertilité à la divinité, comme il était fréquent à l'époque républicaine, entre le IV et le IIème siècle av- J.-C., qui s'exprime au moyen d'offrandes d'ex-voto anatomiques dans les sanctuaires. On connaît aussi quelques attestations de cultes orientaux (Mater Deum et Isis, parfois associées, provenant de Falerii Novi et de son territoire ; une dédicace à la Mater Deum de Nazzano, en territoire capenate), qui entrent dans le cadre d'une dévotion privée, sauf dans le cas du sacerdoce d'Isis à Mater Deum présent à Falerii Novi. ; The list of documentary sources concerning the religious life of the falisco-capenate area aim at findings the places of worship that can be identified with certainty. Whenever this has not been possible we have signalled the worship anyway. Through these documents we intend to reconstruct the history of the cults of the area examined, from its beginning to imperial age. The examined area, included in the Regio VII Etruria of the territorial organisation of Augustean Italy, is enclosed within the natural limits of the Bracciano lake and Vico lake at west, of the Tiber at east; the northern and southern limits are marked, respectively, by the Cimini mounts and Sabatini mounts. The sites considered are Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutrium et Nepet. ; XIX Ciclo ; 1977
The Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) is an iconic fish species with a widespread historic abundance, but recent decades have witnessed a dramatic decline in wild stocks due to a variety of anthropogenic factors, especially overfishing and loss of habitat. To mitigate the impacts of these anthropogenic effects, millions of hatchery-reared Atlantic salmon are released yearly into rivers through stocking programs, which aim to augment the productivity of wild populations. However, these stocked fish are reared under uniform and stimulus-poor hatchery conditions and consequently, they are behaviourally naïve at time of release. For example, hatchery-reared salmonids often show impaired foraging and antipredator behaviour compared to wild conspecifics, which contributes to the observed high post-release mortality rates in stocked fish. Although the effects of the hatchery environment on fish behaviour are relatively well described, the brain, which is the key organ that translates environmental stimuli into appropriate behavioural responses, remains gravely understudied. The few studies which have investigated the impact of the hatchery environment on the fish central nervous system have mostly mapped the expression of neuroplasticity and neurogenesis genes in the entire brain, or large brain structures, such as the whole telencephalon. However, the brain is a complex organ, composed of a plethora of neural subpopulations, each with distinct functionalities and characteristics. When quantifying whole-brain levels of neuroplasticity markers, one studies a conglomerate of many different neural subregions, and regional differences can therefore not be detected. The aim of this thesis is to gain a better insight into the neural differences between wild and hatchery-reared fish, specifically within neural subpopulations of the telencephalon, and how innovative hatchery protocols can improve the neurobiology, behaviour and post-release survival of hatchery-reared salmon. First, we made a detailed characterisation of the neurobiology of juvenile wild and hatchery-reared Atlantic salmon parr. This was achieved by quantifying the expression of the neuroplasticity marker brain-derived neurotrophic factor (bdnf) and the neural activity marker cfos in five neural populations within the telencephalon of wild and hatchery-reared juvenile salmon under both basal and acute-stress conditions (Paper I). We found that expression of bdnf and cfos varied greatly between the studied telencephalic subregions, confirming that these subregions have a distinct responsiveness to environmental stimuli. Compared to wild fish, hatchery-reared fish of the same genetic origin showed higher post-stress neural activation in the ventral area of the dorsolateral pallium (Dlv), which is an important brain region associated with relational memory and spatial orientation. Furthermore, wild fish displayed stress-induced upregulation of bdnf in the dorsomedial pallium (Dm), which regulates emotional learning and stress reactivity, while this was not the case for hatchery-reared individuals. This study showed that targeting telencephalic subregions can reveal expression patterns that escape detection when studying the entire telencephalon as a whole. Moreover, we demonstrated that the hatchery environment affects neuroplasticity and neural activation in brain regions which are important for learning processes and stress reactivity, providing a neuronal foundation for the behavioural differences observed between wild and hatchery-reared fish. After we had characterised neural differences in telencephalic subregions between wild and hatchery-reared salmon, we assessed whether structural environmental enrichment (EE) of the rearing environment could increase region-specific neural plasticity and stocking success in hatchery-reared salmon (Paper II). After seven weeks of treatment, EE-reared parr showed higher post-release freshwater survival rates compared to control individuals, which were reared in standard uniform hatchery tanks. This improved stocking performance did not, however, appear to be linked to significant changes in the expression of telencephalic plasticity markers. Although structural EE has shown some, albeit inconsistent, beneficial effects on fish stocking success across studies, hatchery managers are reluctant to implement this measure in their hatcheries because of hygienic and operational limitations. Therefore, it is important to develop alternative rearing methods which can enhance fish neural development and are more practical to implement in the hatchery. One of these alternative rearing methods is swimming exercise, which has previously been linked to increased post-release survival in salmonids. As running exercise is associated with increased neural plasticity in mammals, we investigated in Paper III whether swimming exercise could serve as an alternative rearing strategy to promote Atlantic salmon neural plasticity and cognition. After eight weeks of sustained swimming, we found increased expression of neuroplasticity-related transcripts in the telencephalon transcriptome of exercised salmon. However, we did not find any evidence for increased cognition in exercised fish, in terms of their ability to solve a spatial orientation task in a maze test. While previous studies have reported positive physiological effects of swimming exercise, such as improved growth efficiency and stress reduction, this is the first time that exercise-enhanced neural plasticity has been reported in salmonids, building a case for exploring further the potential of implementing swimming exercise to improve the stocking success of reared salmonids. In summary, the results presented in this thesis advance the field of applied fish neurobiology in a stocking context by characterising telencephalic neural plasticity markers in Atlantic salmon on a more detailed level than previously studied. We demonstrate that EE can improve juvenile salmon survival during freshwater residency, but that the effects of EE on neural plasticity are limited in the studied telencephalic regions. We identify swimming exercise as a promising novel tool to improve neural plasticity in salmon, and we remark that exercise has additional physiological benefits and is relatively easy to implement in hatcheries. We therefore suggest that future work should aim at validating the potential use of exercise in the optimisation of hatchery conditions for stocking programs, and that further research is needed to increase our understanding on the link between the rearing environment, the brain and behaviour. ; Laks (Salmo salar) er en ikonisk fiskeart som historisk sett har funnes i overflod, men som de siste tiår har opplevd en dramatisk nedgang i villpopulasjonen. Denne nedgangen skyldes hovedsakelig antropogene faktorer som overfisking og habitatinnskrenkning. Som en motkraft til den minkende populasjon blir det gjennom kultiveringsprogrammer satt ut millioner av fisk fra klekkerier og ut i elvene årlig. Disse fiskene er imidlertid vokst opp under uniforme og stimuluslave omgivelser, noe som gjør dem atferdsmessig naive i møte med elven. For eksempel viser utsatt laks nedsatt forings- og antipredatorevne sammenlignet med villaks, noe som bidrar til høyere dødelighet hos denne gruppen. Selv om klekkerimiljøets effekter på atferd er relativt godt beskrevet, så er hjernen, selve hovedorganet som omsetter omgivelsenes stimuli til en passende atferd, fremdeles underbeskrevet. De få studiene som har undersøkt påvirkningen fra klekkerimiljøet på fiskens sentrale nervesystem har stort sett kartlagt uttrykket av gener involvert i nevroplastisitet og nevrogenese i enten hele hjernen eller større hjernestrukturer, som telencephalon. Hjernen er imidlertid et komplekst organ, sammensatt av et utall nevrale subpopulasjoner, hver med distinkte funksjonaliteter og karakteristikker som driver ulike atferder. Når man kvantifiserer markører for nevroplastisitet på helhjerne-nivå, så studerer man et konglomerat av ulike nevrale regioner på samme tid og kan dermed ikke detektere eventuelle regionale forskjeller. Hensikten bak denne avhandlingen var dels å bedre forståelsen av potensielle nevrale forskjeller mellom klekkeri- og villfisk, og dels å undersøke om innovative klekkeriprotokoller kan forbedre nevrobiologien, atferden og overlevelsen til kultivert laks etter elveutsettelsen. Arbeidet startet med en detaljert karakterisering av nevrobiologien til kultivert og vill parr (juvenil laks). Dette ble oppnådd ved å kvantifisere genuttrykket av en nevroplastisitetsmarkør, brain-derived neurotrophic factor (bdnf), og en nevral aktivitetsmarkør, cfos, i fem ulike nevrale populasjoner innad i telencephalon til parr av klekkeri- og villaks under både basale- og akutte stress-tilstander (Artikkel I). Her fant vi at genuttrykket av bdnf og cfos varier sterkt mellom de ulike delene av telencephalon, noe som bekrefter at disse delene har distinkte responser til omgivelsene. Sammenlignet med villfisk har klekkerifisk, med det samme genetiske opphav som villfisken, høyere nevral aktivering etter stress i den ventrale delen av det dorsolaterale pallium (Dlv), et viktig område av hjernen assosiert med deklarativ hukommelse og romlig orientering. Videre hadde villfisken en stressindusert oppregulering av bdnf i det dorsomediale pallium (Dm), et område som regulerer emosjonell læring og stressreaktivitet, mens dette ikke var tilfelle for klekkerifisken. Dette studiet illustrerte at å undersøke delregioner av telencephalon kan avsløre mønstre som blir maskert ved å undersøke telencephalon som en enhet. I tillegg ble det vist at klekkerimiljøet påvirker nevroplastisiteten og den nevrale aktiviteten i hjerneområder viktige for læreprosesser og stressreaktivitet, noe som gir et nevralt fundament for de atferdsmessige forskjeller som blir observert mellom vill og kultivert fisk. Etter karakteriseringen av de nevrale forskjellene i telencephalons delregioner mellom vill og kultivert laks, undersøkte vi videre om strukturell berikelse av oppvekstmiljøet (EE) kunne bedre den regionspesifikke nevrale plastisiteten og kultiveringssuksessen av klekkerilaksen (Artikkel II). Etter syv ukers behandling viste EE-oppfostret parr høyere overlevelse etter utsetting i ferskvann enn kontrollindivider oppfostret i standard uniforme klekkeritanker. Den forbedrede kultiveringen ble imidlertid ikke gjenspeilet i signifikante endringer i telencephalons genuttrykk av plastisitetsmarkører. Selv om strukturell EE har demonstrert å gi noen, dog inkonsekvente, fordelaktige effekter på kultivering i flere studier, er klekkeriledere motvillige til å implementere dette grunnet de hygieniske og operasjonelle begrensinger de kan føre med seg. Det er derfor viktig å utvikle alternative oppfostringsmetoder som kan bedre fiskens nevrale utvikling og samtidig være mer praktisk å innføre i produksjonen. Ett slikt alternativ er svømmetrening, noe som tidligere har blitt knyttet til økt overlevelse hos laksefisk etter utsetting. Ettersom løping er assosiert med økt nevroplastisitet i pattedyr, undersøkte vi i Artikkel III om svømming kunne virke som en alternativ strategi for å bedre laksens nevroplastisitet og kognisjon. Etter åtte uker med vedvarende svømming fant vi økt uttrykk av nevroplastisitet-relaterte gentranskripter i telencephalons transkriptom hos de trente laksene. Vi testet deres evne til romlig orientering i en labyrinttest, men fant ingen bevis for økt kognisjon hos den trente fisken. Til tross for at tidligere studier har rapportert positive fysiologiske effekter av svømmetrening, slik som økt vekst eller stressreduksjon, så er dette første gang at trenings-stimulert nevroplastisitet har blitt rapportert i laksefisk, noe som indikerer at svømmetrening bør utforskes som en potensiell måte å øke utsettingssuksessen av klekkerilaks. Oppsummert bidrar resultatene i denne avhandlingen til en avansering av den anvendte fiskenevrobiologien i kultiveringssammenheng gjennom å karakterisere telencephalons nevroplastisitetsmarkører i laks på et mer detaljert nivå enn tidligere beskrevet. Vi viser at EE kan forbedre overlevelsen til parr i ferskvann, men at effektene av EE på nevroplastisitet er avmålte i de områder av telencephalon som ble studert her. Videre demonstrerer vi svømmetrening som et lovende nytt verktøy for forbedring av nevroplastisiteten i laks, samtidig som vi understreker at trening har ytterligere fysiologiske fortrinn og er relativt lett å få implementert i klekkeriene. Vi foreslår derfor at fremtidige arbeid har som mål å validere den potensielle nytten av trening i optimaliseringen av klekkeribetingelsene for kultivering og at fremtidige undersøkelser søker å forstå sammenhengen mellom oppvekstmiljøet, hjernen og atferd. ; De Atlantische zalm (Salmo salar) is een iconische vissoort die oorspronkelijk in overvloed voorkwam, maar door menselijk handelen zijn de wereldwijde aantallen in de afgelopen decennia sterk gedaald, met name door overbevissing en verlies van leefgebied. Om afnemende wilde zalmpopulaties te ondersteunen worden jaarlijks miljoenen Atlantische zalmen gekweekt en vervolgens in rivieren vrijgelaten via uitzettingsprogramma's. De omstandigheden in de kwekerijen zijn echter zeer uniform en prikkelarm, wat tot gevolg heeft dat de vis zich naïef gedraagt na vrijlating in de natuur. Vaak vertonen gekweekte zalmen bijvoorbeeld minder efficïent foerageergedrag en vallen ze snel ten prooi aan predators, en mede daardoor hebben ze een lage overlevingskans in het wild. De effecten van het kweken op het gedrag van vissen zijn redelijk goed beschreven, maar de effecten op de hersenen – het orgaan dat omgevingsprikkels vertaalt in geschikt gedrag – zijn tot nu toe sterk onderbelicht gebleven. De weinige studies die de impact van de kwekerijomgeving op het centraal zenuwstelsel van vissen hebben bestudeerd, hebben met name de expressie van neuroplasticitiets- en neurogenesegenen in kaart gebracht in de gehele hersenen, of in grote hersenstructuren zoals de gehele voorhersenen (telencephalon). De hersenen zijn echter een zeer complex orgaan en bestaan uit een overvloed aan neurale subpopulaties, ieder met verschillende functionaliteiten en kenmerken die specifieke typen gedrag aansturen. Bij het kwantificeren van neuroplasticiteitsmarkers in de gehele hersenen bestudeert men een verzameling van al deze neurale populaties, en nuances tussen hersengebieden kunnen niet worden gedetecteerd. Het doel van dit proefschrift is om een beter inzicht te krijgen in de neurale verschillen in subregio's van het telencephalon tussen wilde zalm en gekweekte zalm, en hoe innovatieve kweekmethoden verbeteringen kunnen bewerkstelligen in de neurobiologie, het gedrag en de overleving van gekweekte zalm. Allereerst hebben we een gedetailleerde karakterisatie gemaakt van de neurobiologie van juveniele wilde zalm en kweekzalm. Daarvoor hebben we de expressie van de neuroplasticiteitsmarker bdnf en de neurale activiteitsmarker cfos gekwantificeerd in vijf neurale subregio's van het telencephalon in wilde zalm en kweekzalm, zowel voor als na blootstelling aan een acute stressor (Paper I). We ontdekten dat de expressie van bdnf en cfos sterk varieerde tussen de bestudeerde subregio's, hetgeen bevestigt dat deze regio's ieder individuele eigenschappen hebben met betrekking tot hun reactie op externe stimuli. Vergeleken met wilde vis vertoonde de kweekvis van dezelfde genetische oorsprong na blootstelling aan stress een hogere neurale activering in het ventrale gebied van het dorsolaterale pallium (Dlv), een hersengebied dat belangrijk is voor relationeel geheugen en ruimtelijke oriëntatie. Gestresste wilde zalm vertoonde een verhoogde expressie van bndf in het dorsomediale pallium (Dm), dat belangrijk is voor het emotioneel geheugen en de stressrespons, terwijl dit niet het geval was voor gekweekte zalm. Deze studie toont aan dat het bestuderen van neurale subregio's in het telencephalon bepaalde expressiepatronen kan onthullen die niet gedetecteerd kunnen worden wanneer het telencephalon in zijn geheel bestudeerd wordt. Verder hebben we aangetoond dat het kweken van invloed is op de neuroplasticiteit en neurale activatie in hersenregio's die belangrijk zijn voor leerprocessen en de stressrespons. Deze resultaten kunnen een mogelijke verklaring geven voor de gedragsverschillen die worden waargenomen tussen wilde zalm en gekweekte zalm. Nadat we de neurale verschillen tussen wilde zalm en gekweekte zalm hadden gekarakteriseerd in de subregio's van het telencephalon, hebben we in Paper II onderzocht of de hersenplasticiteit en overlevingskansen van gekweekte zalm kunnen worden verbeterd door de kwekerij te verrijken met objecten als stenen en planten ('milieuverrijking'). Na zeven weken in een verrijkte omgeving hadden gekweekte zalmen een significant hogere overlevingskans na uitzetting in de rivier, vergeleken met een controlegroep die onder standaard omstandigheden was gekweekt. De verhoogde overlevingskans leek echter niet gepaard te gaan te met significante veranderingen in hersenplasticiteit. Hoewel milieuverrijking een aantal (maar inconsistente) gunstige effecten heeft laten zien op het succes van uitzettingsprogramma's, zijn de eigenaren van kwekerijen terughoudend om milieuverrijking te implementeren vanwege hygiënische en operationele bezwaren. Het is daarom belangrijk om alternatieve kweekmethoden te ontwikkelen die een gunstig effect hebben op de neurale ontwikkeling van vissen, zonder praktische nadelen mee te brengen voor kwekerijen. Een van deze alternatieve kweekmethoden is het implementeren van zwemtraining, waarvan in eerdere studies al is gebleken dat het de overlevingskans van uitgezette zalm ten goede kan komen. Daarnaast is bekend dat rennen positieve effecten heeft op hersenplasticiteit in zoogdieren, maar de neurologische effecten van zwemtraining zijn nog nooit grondig onderzocht in vis. Daarom hebben we in Paper III onderzocht of zwemtraining de hersenplasticiteit en cognitie van Atlantische zalm kan bevorderen. Na acht weken zwemtraining vonden we verhoogde expressie van hersenplasticiteit-gerelateerde genen in het telencephalon van getrainde zalm. Echter, we hebben geen bewijs gevonden van verhoogde cognitie in getrainde vissen met betrekking tot het ruimtelijk geheugen bij het oplossen van een doolhof. Hoewel eerdere studies positieve fysiologische effecten van zwemtraining in vissen beschrijven, zoals een efficiëntere lichaamsgroei en verminderde stress, is dit de eerste keer dat is aangetoond dat zwemtraining ook de hersenplasticiteit van zalmen kan bevorderen. Daarom lijkt zwemtraining een veelbelovende methode om de overlevingskansen van uitgezette zalm te bevorderen. De resultaten die gepresenteerd worden in dit proefschrift leveren een bijdrage op het terrein van de toegepaste visneurobiologie doordat we de expressie van hersenplasticiteitsmarkers in het telencephalon van Atlantische zalm op een meer gedetailleerd niveau hebben gekarakteriseerd dan ooit tevoren. We laten zien dat milieuverrijking de overlevingskans van jonge zalm in de zoetwaterfase kan verbeteren, maar dat effecten van milieuverrijking op hersenplasticiteit beperkt zijn in de bestudeerde regio's van het telencephalon. We identificeren zwemtraining als een veelbelovende alternatieve kweekmethode om de hersenplasticiteit in zalm te bevorderen, en merken daarnaast op dat zwemtraining toegevoegde fysiologische voordelen biedt en relatief eenvoudig te implementeren is in de kwekerij. Daarom stellen we voor dat toekomstige studies zich richten op de validatie van zwemtraining als methode om kweekomstandigheden te optimaliseren, en dat verder onderzoek de samenhang tussen kweekomstandigheden, hersenen en gedrag nauwkeuriger in kaart brengt. ; The European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement no. 642893: Improved Production Strategies for Endangered Freshwater Species, "IMPRESS" The Europeun Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 652831 (AQUAEXCEL2020) for providing Transnational Access to Wageningen University & Research for Paper III The Research Council of Norway under the HAVBRUK programme, project number 268075/E40, for supplying a travel grant to support the work presented in Paper III COST Action FA1304 "Swimming of fish and implications for migration and aquaculture (FITFISH)" for funding the short-term scientific mission that led to Paper III The Physiology Division of the American Fisheries Society for providing a travel award to attend the 13th International Congress on the Biology of Fish in Calgary, Canada
¨The actions taken by the Armed Forces are not a mere overthrow of a government but rather the final closing of a historical cycle and the opening of a new one in which respect for human rights is not only borne out by the rule of law and of international declarations, but is also the result of our profound and Christian belief in the preeminent dignity of man as a fundamental value.¨ (…) ¨It will be the objectives of the Armed Forces to restore the validity of the values of Christian morality, of national tradition and of the dignity to be an Argentinean; (…) a final solution to subversion in order to firmly found a reorganized Argentina on the values of Western and Christian civilization by eradicating, once and for all, the vices which afflict the nation. This immense task will require trust and sacrifice but has only one beneficiary the Argentinean people¨ (1). With these words the military junta addressed the Argentines after taking over the government through a coup d'état the 24th of March 1976. Already in this first official communication it is possible to find the strong messianic discourse where the armed forces were fulfilling their holy mission to protect the Christian-national identity of the country.For the first time in the history of Argentina catholic-nationalism, as a nationalist ideology, had an absolute control of the State and was backed by the entrepreneurship and by important sectors of the middle class.(2) The military junta, leaded by Jorge Rafael Videla, was the perfect embodiment of a permanent alliance between religion and fatherland. The armed forces were compelled, being the institution that gave birth to the nation, to fulfill a decisive role in the "holy mission" to morally regenerate the country. This would have allowed Argentina, and therefore all of the Western-Christian civilization, to not just vanquish communism but, also, all of its roots like liberalism, democracy and agnosticism. The military, alongside the Argentinean Catholic Church and its supporters, were convinced that the final battle of the "third world war" was taking place in Argentina. Generals Ramon Camps and Menéndez would even call the "Argentinean theater of operations" as third world war, where they thought the international subversive movements were playing a pivotal role (3). This extremely eschatological feeling was completely different from other similar Cold War scenarios in other developing countries. In Argentina the "final showdown against international communism" syndrome was exacerbated by this alliance between the sword and the cross that would fight communism in order to make a "healthy" society possible, which would lead the way to the regeneration of the "atheist infected" western world. This expectation was the pillar of messianic spirit that justified the extermination plan.But the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (National Reorganization Process), as the military junta denominated the period that begun with the coup d'état, was more than an extermination plan; it aimed at a total "restoration" of society. The speech given by Lieutenant Jorge Eduardo Goleri at a book burning gathering in Córdoba in April 1976 clearly shows what the Junta was aiming for: "God's will requires that the military preserves the natural order manifest in the Western and Christian civilization to which Argentina is integral, but the East had organized a massive international conspiracy to subvert that civilization by restructuring society in accordance with the seditious and atheistic doctrine of communism. We are facing the imminent doom of our way of being Christian under the assault of subversion"(4).The Junta regarded itself as the creative agent of historical destiny(5). In their eschatological mindset they were analogous to the Messiah. They saw themselves as the mythological/biblical Hero that defended the most sacred/holy interests and appeared when a series of afflictions required his abilities of salvation. The Hero needed a nemesis in order to act and what better foe than international communism. But the latter was constructed in a Manichean, epical and apocalyptical manner. The myth of the Hero was opposite to the myth of a "Metaphysical Enemy". The former would engage in a Mythological/Holy War against an invisible but encompassing "Evil". Violent acts from left-wing guerrilla groups, which the Junta labeled as terrorism, perfectly ascribed that ontological description. Communism, with its terrorist offspring, was foreign, atheist and ideological. The military, then, had to combat it not just in the streets or countryside; but in the people's minds, and souls, as well. Guerrilla fighters were just the armed side; the roots of communism, meaning of terrorism and anti-Catholicism, were to be found in individuals that had ideas contrary to the Juntas' weltanschauung. They were ideas that opposed the catholic foundations of the nation and the society that it embodied.The Junta's adversary was an essentially ideological foe as General Videla stated to a British journalist: "A terrorist (read communist or atheist) is not just someone with a gun or a bomb, but also someone who spreads ideas which are contrary to Western and Christian civilization" and he continued, "…Subversion is all action that seeks the alteration or the destruction of the people's moral criteria and form of life, with the end of seizing power and imposing a new form based upon a different scale of values"(6). The guerrilla was not the most dangerous enemy; because in military terms it was already defeated before the Junta took power. The nemeses were communism, liberalism and democracy, ideologies that advocated an "Anti-Christian Revolution" that subverted the catholic foundations of the country(7). Accordingly, the subversive was guilty of the most serious crime against the Augustinian concept of "Common Good". In this latter sense, the battle against that invisible, but spiritual, Evil was a conflict inside each one of us. Like Massera said: "…the Third World War is not only fought in battlefields but, more importantly, in the believer's soul" (8). This Holy War mobilized the Junta as a "warrior-savior", as a modern crusader fighting for God and freedom from foreign atheist ideologies. This, in part, self-perceived holy mission strengthened the Junta's self-image as Christ's vicar, as crusading defender of Christianity and its Natural Order from the "pagan agents and antinational beings of the Antichrist"(9). Not surprisingly, the military profession was defined by Monsignor Bonamín as a profession of religiosity. Consequently, it is no wander that before the armed forces toppled Isabel Peron's government, they asked for the Catholic Church benediction the night before the coup(10). The Argentinean Catholic Church was as deeply as it could possibly be involved in this crusade. The Crusade's sanctification by the ChurchAfter Videla and Massera were blessed by the heads of the Argentinean Episcopate the night before the coup, Parana's Archbishop and military Bishop Adolfo Tortolo announced that the Catholic Church would positively cooperate with the new government (11). The Church was actively supporting and legitimizing the imminent armed forces' putsch. This probably did not surprise the future Junta's leaders. In December 1975, just three months before the coup d'état, Tortolo had called for the military to inaugurate a "purification process" and his subordinate Bonamín had stated, during the mass in front of future Junta leader General Viola, that Christ wanted the armed forces to be beyond their function in the future (12). The vicars of Christ on Earth were actually telling the military what were their Lord's orders. This symbiosis between the sword and the cross continued even after the first accusations of human rights violations against the Junta. On October 1976, Tortolo declared that he did not know of any evidence that proved that human rights were being violated or abused. In 1977 he went even further by affirming that the Church thought that the armed forces were acting accordingly to the special demands of the present juncture; meaning that the military was fulfilling its duty (13). The same with Bonamín's declarations regarding the role of the armed forces: "…it was written, it was in God's plan that Argentina did not have to lose its greatness and it was saved by its natural custodian: the army"; "…Providence has given the army the duty to govern, from the Presidency to the intervention in a trade union"; and finally "…the anti-guerrilla fight is a battle for the Republic of Argentina, for its integrity, but also for its altars (…) This fight is a fight in morality's defense, of men's dignity, ultimately a fight in God's defense (…) That is why I ask for the divine protection in this dirty war to which we are committed to." (14)The vast majority of the Argentinean Catholic Church favored and strongly supported the military junta's government and repression. Only four of the eighty-four clerical members of the Argentinean Episcopate publicly denounced the regime's repression (15). However, the Church was not just backing the Junta because it legitimized its sacred duty to defend the fatherland or because it identified itself in the Junta's messianic mission; but because Church also had to deal with its own internal enemies. The Argentinean Catholic Church was, perhaps, the most conservative Latin-American national Church. It was strongly in disagreement with the three most important progressive movements inside the Catholic Church: the Second Vatican Council, the Third World Priesthood Movement and the Latin-American Episcopal Council of Medellin. The Theological Liberation Movement that spread through Latin America during the 60s and 70s was extremely popular among young Argentineans. Several priests identified themselves with the Movement and tried to bring change to the Argentinean Church through their communal and pastoral actions among poor sectors. Additionally, several Montoneros' members were former catholic school's students that had radicalized, in part, because of their experience with the Theological Liberation Movement. The Catholic Church, then, supported, or did not protest too much against, the "internal cleansing" done by the military; like the killing of Father Mujica, Angelleli and four Palotines clerics among other cases (16).Lastly, the Catholic Church was involved in a much sinister way with the Junta's actions. The heads of the Argentinean Church knew about the repressive methods being used by the security and armed forces and chose not to condemn them. They considered them as necessary sacrifices for the Common Good. Nevertheless, several clerics went further by assisting and taking an active part in the implementation of torture and other repressive mechanisms used by the Junta. More than two hundred prelates participated in four different ways: offering confession/absolution to the victims before being executed or thrown into the sea; assisting the torturers by playing the "good cop" role; being themselves the torturers; and, by confessing and spiritually assisting the torturers and other victimizers (17). The priest Christian von Wernich is, maybe, one of the best examples of the fusion between the cross and the sword. Not only he assisted the torturers in their tasks, he even was involved in the kidnapping and torture of several desaparecidos and in the infiltration of exiled groups in New York (18). He, among others like Archbishop Plaza, Fathers Astigueta, Castillo and Perlanda López that also assisted torture sessions, justified the repressive methods, not considering them sins, by legitimizing their, and the military, behavior under the Augustinian and De Vitorian doctrines of "just war". The support of the Catholic Church for the fight against subversion and its blessing was a pivotal element in the implementation of the plan of extermination and its suppressive mechanisms. The repressive methods, chosen by the Junta, were not void themselves of a messianic and divine nature. Divine and Redemptory Violence The three main types of violent acts that reflected the Junta's Messianic crusade, which were an integral part of their repressive methods, were: torture, thevictim's throwing into the sea and the appropriation of the victims' children by families deemed proper by the military. These violent means, chosen by the perpetrators to perpetually annihilate the ideas that were subverting the Argentinean Catholic traditions, were constructed under the discourse of "love" in two different ways: firstly, the kind of love upheld by Thomas Aquinas where the authority could legitimately kill evil-doers when the formers were motivated by charity. The crusading Junta envisaged that the repressive methods it used had a transcendental value. That type of violence was constructive rather than destructive, insofar as it was able to eradicate evil in order to create good (19). Love was considered the reason for an act of violence, for a punishment that redeemed the sinner, disregarding whether the latter survived the penitence. General Ramón Camps, commenting of how the detention centers perfected the victims through torture, said: "It is love that prioritizes and legitimates the actions of soldiers. The use of force to put an end to violence does not imply hate since it is nothing other than the difficult search for the restoration of love. In the war we are fighting, love of social body that we want to protect is what comes first in all of our actions" (20). Massera and Videla also referred to the dictatorship's repression as an "act of love" or "work that began with love"(21). All these statements reflected how the just war's discourse of Christian charity was in their minds by giving love a pivotal place.Secondly, there was another, and more complex, kind of love in the Junta's Christian-inspired crusade, which contrasted with the former metaphysical type and appeared exclusively in the torture tables of the detention centers, and should be labeled as sexual love. The torture sessions were filled of sexual symbolisms and discourse. The eroticism present in the torments was the exteriorization of the torturer's sexual -religiously repressed- desires into the body -the sexual surrogate totem- of the tortured. Consequently, the act of torture symbolized the act of sex(22). Like Jacobo Timerman perfectly put it, the Junta's violence was the emotional and erotic expression of a militarized nation (23).An expression orchestrated by the use of the picana. The latter was the preferred torture instrument used by the torturers for many reasons. Historically, it was first used by the nationalists during Uriburu's dictatorship and it was extremely effective in administering the desired amount of pain. However, symbolically, thepicana represented, better than other torments, the rawest manifestation of the Junta's conception of power related to "love's twofold sense". Considering torture as a Christian act of love, the picana was the necessary instrument to get a confession from the torturer that would eventually get him redemption. But thepicana had to fill a "void space". According to the perpetrators the victims were atheists (then they were not Argentines), which meant that in order to get any kind of absolution they had to, somehow, recognize and accept the Word of Christ. The Word would fill the empty victims; but first the picana would have to fill them with the will to "repent" and "convert". Once the tortured had received several electric shocks, they would receive and recite the Word by being ordered by the torturers to deliver Catholic prayers (24). Through these confessions the Junta's self perceived role of being the vicars of Christ on Earth was realized every time. They had defeated the atheist enemy but, employing Christian charity, they also had won the battle for the subversives' souls. Redemption was offered to anyone, even the irrecoverable cases. Even if their bodies were deprived of life their souls were saved. One of the ways that the ones not redeemed during confession were granted spiritual salvation was by the purifying power of water. By throwing them into the sea alive they were bestowing them a new, or first, "baptism" (25). It was the perpetrators' holy mission to redeem the victims' souls in life or in death. The picana, when considering torture as a sexual act, was also a phallic symbol. The torturer would make use of the picana-phallus to inflict pain and, at the same time, through the victim's screams and spasms satisfy his own repressed sexual desires. The perpetrator would systematically use the picana-phallus in the erogenous parts of the body. The body of the tortured would then transform into the sexual object of the repressor's desires. A sinful object that had to be purified with repent or conversion but only after the torturer's sexual desire had been satisfied (26). Symbols of divine violence can be found in other examples of torture sessions during the Junta's dictatorship. The torturers would yell at the captives, and would also made them say, "Viva Cristo Rey" and would make them thank God for another day by make them recite prayers before sleep. The picana was sometimes referred as "giving holy communion" as well as water-boarding was named "baptism". Among the many names that the torture chambers were given by the perpetrators there were: "the confessionary" and "the altar" (27). The latter clearly reflects the idea of sacrifice embedded in the repressors' minds. Regarding the victims' religious creeds the torturers would make a distinction between the recoverable and irrecoverable cases. Among the former ones there would be victims that had a catholic background because they had gone to catholic schools or because they knew how to recite prayers (28). Nevertheless, being catholic was not synonym of survival. The irrecoverable Catholics would only have their souls saved, but not their lives. Amid the desaparecidos there were an important proportion of Jews. About 1% of the Argentine population was of Jewish origin, but 20% of desaparecidos shared the same religious background (29). The Junta believed in an international communist conspiracy that, like the Nazis before, was leaded by the Jewry. Being Jewish meant being a Bolshevik. Additionally, the Junta's Messianic trope further propelled the kidnapping and execution of the community that, according to them, was responsible for Christ's crucifixion (30). Lastly, the appropriation of the desaparecidos children by the military was, perhaps, the most sinister of the Messianic-inspired repressive acts done by the military., The kidnapped pregnant women that gave birth in captivity, after being tortured regardless of their condition, were deprived of their children. The newborns were appropriated by families that would rise according to Catholic tradition. Motivated by Christian charity and its doctrine, these children would avoid the atheism, Judaism or wrongly conceived Catholicism that their parents would have offered them. These newborns were, according to the Junta, truly "innocent" and deserved to have the chance to live a proper life in genuine catholic families. Concluding RemarksThe Messianic ideology during the dictatorship was present not only in the Junta's ideology, but also in its discourse and repressive methods. Even if not everything that happened during the military regime can be explained through the catholic-nationalist ideology, the latter provides the essential motivation for the government. It is difficult to imagine that the magnitude, and chosen methods, of the repression would have been the same without the Messianic trope. By comparing the level of Argentinean repression to other military regimes of the Southern Cone in the same period, the distinction is remarkable. Not only the repressive mechanisms used by the Argentinean dictatorship were distinct, and more sadist and cruel, than the Chilean, Uruguayan and Brazilian cases, but the amount of Argentina's desaparecidos dwarfs those cases.Additionally, the Argentinean Catholic Church was the only one to completely back the regime and its repressive methods. In Chile, for example, the heads of the Church were divided in supporting Pinochet. Ultimately, the majority of the Church would condemn the Chilean regime. Regarding the political leadership, there are no religious discourses that serve as justification for the regimes in the other Southern Cone's dictatorships. The military juntas of those countries never legitimized their governments or their respective coup d'états in God's will or the salvation of Christian-Western civilization. National security and the fear of communism were their justification. Even if the regimes were ideologically justified, these were never of a religious nature like in the Argentinean case. It is probably the catholic-nationalist ideology, matured in the 30s, augmented by the international communist conspiracy typical of the Cold War that prompted the Junta in Argentina to completely wipeout what they perceived as atheist and foreign elements in society. Without a Messianic military that was ready to fight a crusade in order to restore order to the nation and without the blessing and active support from the Church, the repression would not have had the size and the horror that it had. The armed forces were fighting what they thought was the last crusade of the 20th century against the atheist forces of communism. The "Third World War" was already happening to them. Winning it was more than strategic, it was a holy mission. (1) Excerpts from a radio announcement made by the Junta after taking control of the State. Cited in Loveman, David and Davies, M. Thomas; The Politics of Antipolitics: The Military in Latin America; University of Nebraska Press; Lincoln; 1978; pp. 177. (2) See Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003. (3) See Clarin, June the 26th 1976. Cited in Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003; pp. 93. (4) Cited in Frontalini, Daniel and Caiati, Maria C.; El mito de la guerra sucia; CELS; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 90. Note how the East is viewed as the geopolitical source of "evil" similar to the Nazis' fear of the East. (5) See Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp. 120.(6) See CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 342. (7) See Castro Castillo, Marcial; Fuerzas armadas: Ética y represión; Nuevo Orden; Buenos Aires; 1979; pp.120. (8) Massera, Emilio; El país que queremos; FEPA; Buenos Aires; 1981; pp. 44. This concept of an internal and spiritual struggle is common to all religious fanatic ideologies. For example the original significance of Jihad was that of the soul's struggle against temptation. The concept would later evolve to holy war. (9) As subversives were defined by Ramon Agosti. Cited in Verbitsky, Horacio; La última batalla de la tercera guerra mundial; Legasa; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp.16. (10) La Nación, March the 25th 1976; cited in Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986; pp.25. (11) See Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986; pp.25. Additionally, Tortolo was Videla's private confessor. (12) Ibid; pp. 25(13) Ibid; pp. 26-28. (14) Ibid; pp. 30-31. (15) See Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003; pp. 99 (16) Ibid; pp. 97(17) See Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986; and CONADEP;Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 342-360. (18) See Mignone, Emilio; Iglesia y Dictadura; Colihue; Buenos Aires; 1986pp.179-188. (19) Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp.152(20) See Camps, Ramón; Caso Timerman: punto final; Tribuna Abierta; Buenos Aires; 1982; pp. 21. (21) CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 348. Additionaly, it is interesting to notice how Carl Schimitt's political theology theory is translated into the Junta's discourse. In this sense, the Junta's actions would be a Schimittian case of politics not being able to be dettached from religion. This, in turn, would contradict several secularization theories. See, Schimitt, Carl, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignity, Chicago Univertisty Press, Chica, 2006.(22) Interestingly, Saint Augustine described copulation in such a dreadful way that it seemed like an act of torture. See Foucault, Michel; Historia de la Sexualidad: Vol. 1, La voluntada del saber; Siglo XXI; Buenos Aires; 2008; pp. 37. (23) See Timerman Jacobo; Preso sin nombre, celda sin número; De la Flor; Buenos Aires; 2002; pp. 17. (24) See CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 347-360; and Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp. 166. (25) It is rather interesting to note that throwing victims alive into the sea or rivers was a common killing method used by other strongly catholic Messianic inspired authoritarian regimes or groups. The falangistas would throw communists, anarchists and socialists (and whoever they thought was not catholic enough) to the rivers during the Spanish Civil War. The Algerian French and later the OAS would throw FLN suspects to the Mediterranean during the Algerian War of Independence. Even in Argentina, during the 1930s, the nationalists were talking about pushing the communists into the sea. A more detailed research should be conducted on this issue. Probably the Spanish Inquisition's torture methods, involving boiled water or a pool where the suspected heretics would drown, clearly influenced all of these cases into using natural sources of water to purify their sacred lands from the nonbelievers. (26) For more on torture as a sexual act and the picana as phallus see Graziano, Frank; Divine Violence. Spectacle, Psychosexuality, & Radical Christianity in the Argentine "Dirty War"; Westview Press; Boulder; 1992; pp. 158-190. (27) CONADEP; Nunca Más; Eudeba; Buenos Aires; 1984; pp. 26-50. (28) Many tortured victims remember how the torturers were clearly surprised to see the formers wearing crosses after making them take out their clothes. In some of these cases the torturers would say to the victims that their life would be saved because they were Christians but had lost their way and it would be the repressors' task to show them the right path. (29) See Novaro, Marcos and Palermo, Vicente; La Dictadura Militar; Paidos; Buenos Aires; 2003; pp. 115. (30) During the trial of torturer known as Jorge "El Tigre" Acosta a witness remembered him saying, after killing a captive while torturing him, that he was happy that he had died because he was going to be freed but he did not want a Jew to walk freely in Argentina; all Jews were guilty because they had killed Christ. See Diario Perfil; "Juicio al Tigre Acosta por el asesinato de Hugo Tarnopolsky"; May the 12th 2007. *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.E-mail: guere469@newschool.edu
From nuclear weapons to terrorism, the United States and Iran clash on nearly even front. Yet, it has not always been this way. As recently as 1979, Norwich University, the oldest Senior Military College in the United States, played host to nearly eighty Iranian Midshipmen. Although Norwich's Iranian program was short-lived, it was one of the most successful cultural exchanges in the university's history. In the face of tremendous adversity, Norwich overcame all obstacles and successfully academically, militarily, and socially integrated the Iranian Midshipmen into the Corps of Cadets and the greater Norwich community. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the University Archives category, honorable mention. ; Tribulation, Triumph, and Tragedy: Norwich University's Iranian Program (1976-1979) Joseph C. Chatterton History 249- Historical Methods Dr. Bennett 3, December 2021 Word Count: 3159 1 January 29, 2002, just five months after the most devastating terrorist attacks in American history, in his first State of the Union since the beginning of War on Terror President George W. Bush branded Iran as a member of the so-called Axis of Evil along with the likes of North Korea and Saddam Hussian's Iraq. In one line in particular, President Bush decried the Islamic Republic and made it clear that in his role as Commander and Chief, he regarded Iran as one of America's greatest geopolitical foes stating, "Iran aggressively pursues these weapons and exports terror, while an unelected few repress the Iranian people's hope for freedom."1 President Bush's remarks are unsurprising. After all, as recently as May of 2018, prominent Iranian politicians congregated in the hallowed halls of their Parliament to burn American flags and chant "Death to America."2 From nuclear weapons to terrorism, the United States and Iran clash on nearly even front. Yet, it has not always been this way. As recently as 1979, Norwich University, the oldest Senior Military College in the United States, played host to nearly eighty Iranian Midshipmen. Although Norwich's Iranian program was short-lived, it was one of the most successful cultural exchanges in the university's history. In the face of tremendous adversity, Norwich overcame all obstacles and successfully academically, militarily, and socially integrated the Iranian Midshipmen into the Corps of Cadets and the greater Norwich community. In the fifty years since the birth of Iran's Islamic Republic, scholars, historians, and government officials have devoted the vast majority of their analysis on the dramatic collapse of the Shah's regime, the ensuing hostage crisis, and the profound implications it had on American foreign policy. While the significance of this is undeniable, far less research has been done into 1 George W Bush, "2002 State of the Union ," National Archives and Records Administration (National Archives and Records Administration, January 29, 2002), https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/stateoftheunion/2002/. 2 "Iranian Politicians Set Fire to US Flag in Parliament," BBC News (BBC), accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-middle-east-44055625. 2 academic links which bound the two nations, and the effects that the regime's collapse had on the vast number of Iranian students studying in the United States. Norwich's Iranian program was not the first of its kind, however it was the most successful. Similar programs were attempted at other military academies such as at The Virginia Military Institute (VMI) and the Citadel. However, both of these programs were plagued by difficulties. In 1976 Lieutenant Colonel Paul LaFond, the Deputy Commandant of Norwich's Corps of Cadets, visited VMI to observe VMI's Iranian program so that Norwich might draw lessons for the establishment of its own program. Following the trip Colonel LaFond compiled a detailed report. In the report, it becomes quickly evident that the VMI program consistently struggled to successfully integrate the Iranian students. Major flash point included the serving of Pork products during chow time and their "more relaxed idea of the honor code,"3 LaFond ends this memorandum with a section dedicated "Staff, Faculty and Cadre reaction to the Iranian Program." In this section it becomes evident that many prominent leaders of VMI had less than positive things to say about the program. One Cadet advisor remarked, "The Iranians have put a great strain on our system. The school has been weakened." he continued on dramatically stating, "If we had large numbers for very long it could destroy our system."4 Probably the gravest signal that VMI's Iran program was less than successful are the somber closing remarks of the schools highest ranking officials, the Commandant of Cadets: " You will have a severe problem. Are you ready to cope and is it worth it? There will be many problems with your own cadets."5 The first half of this quote is simple enough to analyze. Of course, there will be many general challenges with introducing a large contingent of foreign midshipmen into a military environment such as 3 Paul LaFond. Memorandum to Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 4 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 5 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 3 VMI, yet it is the second part of this quote that really requires some unpacking. What exactly was the Commandant's intent when he stated, "There will be many problems with your own cadets."6 As mentioned previously VMI's Iranian program was notorious for its struggles to integrate the Iranian Midshipmen into their Corps of Cadets, one aspect of this often overlooked is the initial hostility between American Cadets and the Iranian Midshipmen. Earlier in the memorandum VMI's Commandant is quoted to have stated in subsection 5, Discipline and Control, "At first, the 'Old Cadets' harassed the Iranians, and were hard on them. A period of turbulence resulted," he goes on to articulate his point stating that he "cautions, to watch our martinets that they don't cause trouble and states that this type of cadet is particularly frustrated when working with Iranians."7 Although the wording in certain sections of this memorandum can be somewhat confusing for a twenty-first century perspective to comprehend, the general theme is clear, VMI's Iranian program was plagued with trials and tribulations, many of which remained unresolved at the time of its publication. In spite of this evident adversity, Norwich remained resolved to push forward and succeed where VMI failed. With this in mind one must question why Senior Military Colleges such as Norwich placed such an emphasis on creating relations with Iran? For thousands of years Iran has been a strategic regional power. Throughout antiquity the Persian Empire was one of the world's premier powers, and this prominence continued into the Middle Ages. In the 7th century CE, the nation played a vital role in helping to facilitate the spread of Islam from the Arabian peninsula to Central Asia.8 As time progressed the nation's strategic value only grew. During the age of European Imperialism, Iran held a vital role as a 6 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 7 Paul LaFond, Memorandum to Loring Hart. 8 Kathryn Babayan, "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1/4 (1994): 135–61. 4 buffer between the British lion and the Russian bear.9 By 1879, Iran was a colony within the British Empire in all but name. The Iranian government was forced to grant monopolies on everything from "the construction of railways, canals and irrigation system,"10 to control of the nation's banking system.11 Yet the nation's greatest strategic value laid below its surface. In 1908, as oil was beginning to gradually replace coal as the key to industrialization, foreign interest in the country skyrocketed with the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company discovery of black gold beneath the waters of the Persian Gulf.12 Iran entered the Cold War in a very interesting position. Many of its institutions, and much wealth continued to be controlled by foreigners in London and by this point Washington. Understandably this angered many Iranians and many turned to socialist politicians like Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nassar, and in Iran's case Mohammad Mosaddegh. In the general election of 1951 Mosaddegh campaigned on the simple message that Iran must free itself from the British imperial yoke. He would win the Prime Ministership in a landslide, and upon assuming the highest office in the nation he set out to make good on his campaign promise. Symbolically on May Day in 1951, Mosaddegh announced the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. In October of that year he doubled down, expelling all British subjects from the nation. Yet the Western powers did not take kindly to being forcefully evicted from Iran, especially taking into consideration the ongoing Cold War, the nation's strategic geography, and its valuable resources. Thus, the British Intelligence service (MI6) in conjunction with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), began planning for regime change. In August of 1953 Operation Ajax (alternatively known as Operation Boot) successfully ousted the democratically 9 Chris Paine and Erica Schoenberger, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers: 1872-1954." MERIP Reports, no. 37 (1975): 3–28. 10 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 11 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 12 Paine, "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers. 1975. 5 elected Mosaddegh, and bestowed the on nation's monarch or Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi near absolute power.13 The Shah's Iran played a vital role in the United States' middle eastern policy. As described in his journal article, American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era, Dr. Mathew K. Shannon "The Shah's Iran provided to successive American administrations, with a toe hold in the Persian Gulf region … a bulwark against Soviet expansion… and guaranteed the westward flow of Iranian oil."14 With this in context it is understandable that the United States wished to do everything within its power to strengthen its strategic relationship with Iran. While on one hand this means providing Iran with military funds and equipment, it also means flexing the United States' soft power. The Oxford dictionary defines "soft power" as, "a way of dealing with other countries that involves using economic and cultural influence to persuade them to do things, rather than military power."15 In the 1970s the United States had many of the top universities in the world, as well as one of the most robust and modern educational systems. Thus, it seems only logical that the US utilizes its education system, as a bastion of strength. Dr. Joseph Nye, a well-established political scientist and the former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs is quoted for stating, "The ideas and values that America exports in the minds of more than half a million foreign students who study every year in American universities and return to their home countries, tend to reach elites in power."16 Throughout the Cold War the United States would 13 Moyara de Moraes Ruehsen. "Operation 'Ajax' Revisited: Iran, 1953." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 3 (1993): 467–86. 14 Matthew K. Shannon, "American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era" Diplomatic History 39, no. 4, (2015) 661. 15 "Soft Power,"Definition, pictures, pronunciation and usage notes, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. 16 Carol Atkinson, "Does Soft Power Matter? A Comparative Analysis of Student Exchange Programs 1980–2006" Foreign Policy Analysis 6 no. 1, (310) 2. 6 faithfully follow Dr. Nye's advice to further develop its relationship with the Shah's Iran. The previously mentioned Dr. Mathew Shannon notes the rapid and substantial growth of Iranian students in the United States stating, "The population grew from a mere five hundred in 1950, to upwards of fifty thousand in the late 1970, making them the largest national group of students in the United States."17 The significance of this cannot be understated. Upon graduating from American Universities these students returned to their homeland and played an active role in building the new modern Iran. It was on their shoulders that the "bulwark against Soviet expansion rested." It was the alumni of American universities that ran Iran's state oil company and made the plans for modernizing Iranian industry and infrastructure. These alumni would hold high positions in the nation's civil service, would serve as elected members of Iran's Majlis (Parliament), and crucial to Norwich as officers in the Iranian Military. While Iran benefited from this influx of a highly educated, professional class, the United States was able to stock the Iranian government with those sympathetic to the West. Norwich University first began accepting Iranian Midshipmen in the fall of 1976. President Loring Hart and his administration put a great deal of emphasis on naturalizing the Iranian Midshipmen to the University from the onset. Captain M. Ali Foroughizadeh an Iranian Imperial Navy officer stationed in Arlington, Virginia, would serve as the main point of contact between the University and the Iranian government, for much of the program's existence. The correspondences between Captain Foroughizadeh and President Hart provide unique insight into its early development. The process of integrating Iranian students into the Corps of Cadets and the greater University community did not begin in August with the traditional start of the school year, but rather in June of 1976. As detailed by William F. Beatty, the Executive Assistant to the 17 Shannon, American-Iranian Alliances, 662. 7 President, "Currently fifty-two Iranian midshipmen are undergoing an intensive English, Mathematics and Physical education study program at Norwich in preparation for their enrollment next September as members of the class of 1980."18 Clearly even from the onset of its program Norwich was taking the proactive? steps to fully integrate the Midshipmen firmly into the Corps. Although at times it can become easy to forget, at the end of day Norwich is not merely a remote outpost of the US military but is a university with a long and storied tradition of academic excellence. As such, the importance of academic integration for the Universities Iran students cannot be understated. One of the key takeaways from VMI's tumultuous Iranian program was that failure to integrate the Iranian students in the classroom could have disastrous consequences. Thus, Norwich's faculty and administration made every effort to thoroughly integrate the Iranian students academically into the University. Associate professor Dr. Hollis D. McBride of the Engineering Department described the climate in the classroom stating "Conflicts between Irani and Americans in class have been few." Dr. Hollis does briefly pause his praise to note that the Iranian students seemed more inclined to help each other than their fellow American students, and does advise that having fewer Iranians per class would "reduce their dependence on each other."19 Yet in spite of these challenges Dr. McBride makes it abundantly clear he believes that the presence of the Iranian midshipmen had a profound and positive impact on the education of all students of all nationalities. McBride's praise for the program goes as far as to state, "Never have I seen a class of students work as hard as both Irani and Americans." He goes on to state "I am convinced that the example of the Irani working 18 William F Beatty, Letter to CDR Abghari, 4 November 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 19 Hollis D McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier, 15 July 1977. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 8 overcomes the more usual image of upperclassmen playing to encourage this premier academic effort I have witnessed in my ten years at Norwich."20 Great strides were also taken to properly integrate the Iranian midshipmen socially into the Norwich community. In one of his first memorandums regarding the arrival of Midshipmen, he encourages members of the staff to "host one or two Iranian students for an evening meal to socialize."21 The University also made a significant effort to integrate Iranian and American students within the barracks. The previously mentioned engineering professor, Dr. McBride makes a strong case for integration stating, "An American roommate is a plus, but even more important is an American roommate of the same major."22 The logic behind this is self-evident. Forcing American and Iranian students to live together in close quarters means they are far more likely to develop close cross-cultural bonds, which in turn are "beneficial to both the American and the Iranian."23 Having an American roommate also forced the Iranian Midshipmen to use English on a daily basis and forces them to not to rely solely on their fellow Iranians. Sports and extracurricular activities also played a role in assimilating the midshipmen into the campus community. Many of the Iranian midshipmen played soccer both competitively and recreationally for the school. President Hart remarks upon the Midshipmen in a memorandum he sent to Iranian Admiral Farzaneh regarding the filming of a promotional video stating, "we might arrange a game for the Iranian Cadets on the soccer team." 24 While it is easy to overlook such trivial events as American and Iranian athletes competing together, surely the connections and 20 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 21 Loring E Hart , Memorandum to Distribution Lists I and II, 15 June 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 22 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 23 Hollis McBride, Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier. 24 Hart, Loring E, Memorandum to Vadm D. Farzaneh, 11 December 1978. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 9 comradery built on the playing field can overcome linguistic and cultural differences and help the Iranian students merge into the student body. Despite these successes, a shadow lurked over the entirety of the program. One with a limited knowledge of world history, might wonder why the program was so short lived if it was clearly so successful The simple answer: revolution. Despite the guise of modernization beneath Iran's surface, discontent was brewing against the Shah and his authoritarian regime. Chief among the dissenters' grievances were not only the brutal human rights violations committed by the secret police (SAVAK), but the perception of American imperialism, and backlash for the increasingly secular nature of Iranian society. By 1978, demonstrations against the Imperial government occurred across all the nation's major cities with riots targeting symbols of the West such as banks, cinemas, and restaurants.25 The nation's Shiite clergy also played a major role in the overthrow of the Imperial regime. With his health failing and the regime crumbling, the Shah and his family were forced to flee in exile in Egypt. Simultaneously the Ayatollah Khomeini, a leader of the Shiite clergy, and an outspoken critic of the government returned from exile just in time for revolutionary forces to capture Tehran.26 Meanwhile back in Northfield, President Hart's administration was doing everything within its power to look after the best interests of the Iranian Midshipmen. Initially it appeared that the situation was under control. As late as November 9th, 1979, the Institute of International Education wrote "Foreign students who are in this country to pursue an and who are lawfully engaged in that pursuit, properly enjoy the protection of the laws which allow them to enter the 25 Said Amir Arjomand, "The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." State, Culture, and Society 1, no. 3 (1985): 41–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006816. 26 Said Amir, Arjomand,"The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." 10 country and permit them to remain."27 Five days later University Vice President James Galloway echoed similar sentiments, writing that the state department had advised him that "State and Defense were discussing Iranian students, but were oriented towards those Iranians holding student visas, not members of an organized program. Current guidance was the status quo, and to maintain a low profile."28 Unfortunately this good news would be short lived. November 4, 1979 saw the storming of the American embassy in Tehran and the capture of 52 American hostages, President Carter issued an executive order calling for all the review of all educational visas for Iranian students in the United States.29 The optimism that the program could survive evaporated Almost overnight. Less than a month later Vice President James Galloway was forced to send out a new memo with a far different tone. While the November addition spoke of maintaining the status quo, the updated version stated, "On the basis of official order from the Iranian government or the U.S government, the Norwich Naval Contingent is directed to terminate their school and depart or prepare to depart."30 Throughout the winter of 1980 the campus held its breath bracing for the inevitable. On April 7, this finally occurred when "The State Department severed diplomatic relations with Iran and ordered the deportation of "employees" and "officials of Iran by Friday April 11 at midnight."31 The next day on April 8, a glimmer of false hope set in, with 27 Hughes Jenkins, "Educational Exchange Agencies Urge Care in Coping with Iranian Students in U.S, 9 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 28 James V Galloway, Memorandum For Record, 14 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 29 Will Tiague, Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981. The Arkansas Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2018): 113-130. 30 Harry A Buckley, Contingency Plan for the Iranian Crisis, 4 December 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 31 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events, 7-14 April 1980. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. 11 the general feeling being that "the Iranian Cadets would be classified as students rather than as officials or employees, and would therefore be permitted to finish the semester."32 However, the next day such hopes would be shattered when the State department reversed its decision and labeled the Midshipmen as Officials of Iran. Two days later on April 10, President Hart briefed the Corps on the unfolding situation. In a testament to the successes of the program when Iranian Midshipmen " c/CPT Kazem Yahyapour bid farewell to the American students on behalf of the Iranians students, he received a standing ovation from the Corps. Faculty, and staff."33 On April 12, 1980 the Iranian program would officially die with the departure of 80 Iranian students and officials. The last communication upon touchdown in Tehran was simple and sober, "We received and are warm and ok."34 The Iranian program was over. Since that infamous date in 1980 the relation between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran have only grown worse. Today it would be unimaginable for Midshipmen from Iran to study at an American military college such as Norwich University. Yet only fifty years ago between 1976 and 1979 over 80 Iranian students were fully integrated, academically, socially, and militarily into the Norwich community. Although the program ended in tragedy, in a world where military cooperation continues to grow increasingly important, the story of success remains relevant and worth remembering. 32 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 33Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 34 Philip R Marsilius, Sequence of Events. 12 Bibliography Primary Sources Beatty, William F. Letter to CDR Abghari, 4 November 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Galloway, James V. Memorandum For Record, 14 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Hart, Loring E. Memorandum to Distribution Lists I and II, 15 June 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Hart, Loring E. Memorandum to Vadm D. Farzaneh, 11 December 1978. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. LaFond, Paul. Memorandum to Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Marsilius, Philip R, Sequence of Events, 7-14 April 1980. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. McBride, Hollis D. Memorandum to Dr. Hart and Dr. Chevalier, 15 July 1977. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Jenkins, Hughes. "Educational Exchange Agencies Urge Care in Coping with Iranian Students in U.S, 9 November 1979. President Hart's Files on the Iranian Students, Norwich University Archives, Northfield Vt. Secondary Sources Arjomand, Said Amir. "The Causes and Significance of the Iranian Revolution." State, Culture, and Society 1, no. 3 (1985): 41–66. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20006816. This article provided valuable information about the events of Iran's Islamic Revolution. It discusses the initial protests and the peoples major grievances against the secret police, the west, and the increasing secular nature of society. Babayan, Kathryn. "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism." Iranian Studies 27, no. 1/4 (1994): 135–61. 13 This article provides information on the history of Islam in Iran. Initially it was used to help inllistrate how historically Iran has been very stratiegic, but it also serves to introduce Islam, which would prove to be a very important factor in the 1979 Revolution. Carol Atkinson, "Does Soft Power Matter? A Comparative Analysis of Student Exchange Programs 1980–2006" Foreign Policy Analysis 6 no. 1, (310) 2. This article helps to illustrate the significance of soft power, particularly the use of student exchange programs to project American power across the globe. Clearly this is very relevant to Norwich's Iranian exchange program, and helps to explain its significance and one of its purposes. Bush, George W. "2002 State of the Union ," National Archives and Records Administration (National Archives and Records Administration, January 29, 2002), https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/stateoftheunion/2002/. Used in the introduction to help establish the very hostile relationship that that United States currently has with the Islam Republic of Iran. "Iranian Politicians Set Fire to US Flag in Parliament," BBC News (BBC), accessed November 4, 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-middle-east-44055625 Used in the introduction to help establish the very hostile relationship that that United States currently has with the Islam Republic of Iran. Shannon, Matthew K. "American–Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights during the Pahlavi Era" Diplomatic History 39, no. 4, (2015) 661. Provides valuable background information into the nature of the Iranian state, and the Iranian education system during the Shah's reign. Key to Norwich, this article mentions exchange programs particularly those with the United States. Moyara de Moraes, Ruehsen. "Operation 'Ajax' Revisited: Iran, 1953." Middle Eastern Studies 29, no. 3 (1993): 467–86. Discussed the Anglo-American coup which overthrew Iran's democratically elected government, and handed the Shah absolute power. Played a vital role in creating the Iranian government which Norwich cooperated with, it is also key to understand the underlying factors behind the 1979 Revolution. Paine, Chris, and Erica Schoenberger. "Iranian Nationalism and the Great Powers: 1872-1954." MERIP Reports, no. 37 (1975): 3–28. Helps to establish the early history of Iran, and its history of Anglo-American domination. 14 "Soft Power,"Definition, pictures, pronunciation and usage notes, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. Provides a definition for soft power, to help illustrate its significance to the United States particularly in a strategic ally such as the Shah's Iran. Tiague, Will. Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981. The Arkansas Quarterly 77, no. 2 (2018): 113-130. Provides context for the Iranian hostage crisis, President Carter's reaction, and the effects that it had on the vast number of Iranian students studying in the United States. Yarbrough, Tinsley E. Federal Alienage Doctrine and the Iranian Student Litigation. Human Rights Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1982): 243–60. Discusses the legal issues facing Iranian students facing deportation in the United States following the Islamic Revolution.
The Mercury February, 1902 R. ST. Cl.AIK POFFENBARGER. J. F. NEWMAN. MISS ANNIE M. SWARTZ. CURTIS E. COOK. E. C. RUBY. A. B. RICHARD. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY The Literary Journal of Pennsylvania College Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. X GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1902 No. 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS My Heart, Be Not Dismayed 241 Significance of the Insignificant 242 Hasty Judgments 248 His Two Girls 249 Wit That Wounds and Wit That Cheers 250 The Most Interesting Man That I Have Known 252 Editorials 257 The Record of a Notable Year 259 Causes of the Decline of Poetry 260 The Crowning Event 262 Money 265 The Gains and Losses from a Territorial Division of Labor 270 Exchanges 273 Book Reviews 275 MY HEART, BE NOT DISMAYED [TRANSLATION FROM HEINE] E. C. R., '02. Oh my heart, do not be in dismay, But bear thou thy destiny. New Spring will give back to thee, What the Winter has taken away. How much unto thee is remaining! How pretty the world, indeed! My heart, in love may'st thou feed, On all that to thee may be pleasing. ■ The tongue is prone to lose the way, Not so the pen, for in a letter We have not better things to say, But surely say them better. —EMBRSON. 242 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY i SIGNIFICANCE OF THE INSIGNIFICANT HERBERT FINCH, '98. " T F anyone should write the history of decisive loves that have * materially influenced the world in all its subsequent stages it would be an astonishing history." This is the observation of Sir Robert Palgrave in his "History of Normandy and England." The thought is striking. Because it calls attention to those little happenings, which we have all seen, yet have never taken the time to trace out in their true bearing. The significance of the insignificant. It is the operation of the principle, not a particular example, or instance of its operation to which we would call attention. A principle operating not only in the "amiable feelings" but every1 where and at all times. The play of what seems to be mere chance in the physical world, as well as in that more subtle sphere, the sphere of life and conduct. It is a common observation that the precise forms which mat-ter takes is determined by the accidents of location, environment, and the multitude of its disturbances; likewise that the most care-fully arranged plans of conscious conduct are defeated in the ex-ecution by the unforseen and unexpected contingency which shapes things to its own ends, not to our plans. This is the truth that gives the "little falls of fate," as we call them, a new setting, and brings out their real significance. A significance which is simply startling. We need not fancy that this is the first time in the ages that the gleams of this open fact have beeu seen under the dust and tangle of affairs. If you so fancy, take up your Roman and Greek mythologies, the Iliad, the Odyssey, and the Aeneid, and read again. The votive horse to Minerva—a ruse of a wily Greek—was the fertile source of calamities and adventures enough to form the subject of the tragedies and epics of Greek and Roman literature. And I doubt not is the inspiration of three-fourths of the imaginative literature since. That strategy of Sinon, fatally believed, ended a siege of ten years, and ac-complished what arms, bloodshed and the heroism of demigods could not. That deception succeeded where the wisdom of Nestor failed, and his maturest plans were mocked by a skillful lie. All this is the thrilling development of a contest for the I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 243 prize of beauty, so insignificant in itself and so foolish. Yet it set Aeneas on his wanderings ; it founded the Roman State; and to that State the world owes most of that which is of value in religion, politics, law, art, and literature. It was only a pebble thrown in the water by a careless hand, but that pebble is the beginning of circles of influence, gliding quickly the one after the other, and spreading till the face of the vast sea is transformed by the turmoil. The shifting fortunes of war and peace, the rise and fall of nations, and the uncertainty of individual achievement were facts with which these men saw that they had to deal, and life became the more intensely interesting to them thereby. Our science is not so ingenious as that of the Greek's. We are not always ready to give as definite a reason for each thing that happens, as they. The storm that rages and dashes the boats against the rocks is not necessarily the divine wrath wreak-ing vengeance for some act of impiety or neglect. Cassandra's wisdom of foresight and prophecy may be the innate quality of a naturally gifted mind, and not the gifts of a divine lover. He who goes through the battle unhurt may never have heard of the invulnerable mail of Vulcan. We do not expect to find some personalty or agency so imme-diately behind every act. It belongs to the child age to imper-sonate the forces and materials about them. Yet, who will deny that there is a great truth at the heart of this childlike simplicity? "Alice and little Dot are sisters, and very fond of each other. So' when Alice went away over the great sea, Dot was very sad and restless and went about, looking in all the corners as if she could find Alice in them. At last she came and said, 'Is Alice gone over the great deep sea ?' Yes, she has gone over the great, deep sea, but she will comeback again some day. Some water poured out in a basin was standing on a chair nearby. Dot ran to it, and got up on a chair, and dashed her hands through the water again and again ; and cried, 'Oh, deep, deep sea ! send little Allie back to me.' " There's a dear little heathen for you. The whole heart of Greek mythology is in that prayer. And how natural and beautiful it all seems. Yes, before the modern nations of Europe and America were born, the paradox of the vast influence of little things was ap-" parent to the ancient peoples. And the fact of the matter is, we ■ I ■ -'■ I I ■ 244 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY cannot escape seeing this paradox if we will but open our eyes to what is every moment going on about us. The little crystal of snow embodies the laws and forces of the universe to the mind that can see it. The filthy mud under his feet has wonderful possibilities in it to the mind of the seer. "When left to itself this mass of mind will cease its anarchy and competition, and will be mud no longer. The clay in it will whiten and crystalize and harden into a beautiful gem, to gather and concentrate the azure blue of the sun's rays, and you call it a sapphire. The sand will gather in rows, wash off its soot, and look real nice and clean. Then if you will just leave it to itself for a little while, it will crystalize into that beautiful drop of the aurora, called opal. The soot under the same law of co-operation loses its blackness, and obtains in exchange the power of reflect-ing all the rays of the sun at once in the most vivid rays any solid can shoot. This we call a diamond. And what is left of the mud ? A drop of water. If you wish it will become a dew-drop, glistening like orient pearl on your favorite flower. Yet, if you insist it will crystalize into a star." And for the ounce of slime—by a single accident—the accident of rest, we have a sap-phire, an opal, and a diamond set in the midst of a star of snow. The mud in the foot-path will always be mud. Why? Be-cause it was placed in a bad environment. An environment in which there is an eternal broil among the members. By a differ-ent chance and a nobler fate, the sand, the clay, the soot, andthe water, in rest and co-operation, reach their true destiny in the opal, the sapphire, the diamond, and the crystal of snow. But the importance of this truth, which we shall call the "significance of the insignificant" is of far greater moment and in-terest in the influence on life, character and conduct; and es-pecially the direction given by it to the great movements of life, which we call history. A great historian begins a chapter on a famous battle by say-ing, "Arietta's pretty feet twinkling in the brook made her the mother of William the Conqueror. Had she not thus fascinated Duke Robert of Normandy, Harold would not have fallen at Hastings. No Anglo-Norman Dynasty could have arisen, no British Empire;" and we may bring it still nearer to our own hearts and say, no English speaking America. What is brought out in this statement? Only the play of ac- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 245 cident, the effects of which we saw in the mud and the gems. But the idea has gained a new significance, because its objects are no longer stones, but men and women. To state that the quality of blood which flows in the veins of the great English peoples, was determined by the chance view of a peasant girl's pretty feet, dangling from the bank of a brook, or "twinkling in the water," looks like an impious burlesque of serious history. A play of the imagination for effect only. A dramatic situation to set events in a bolder relief. It is none of these, but the statement of a great and eternal truth. "There is no great and no small To the Soul that maketh all." 14fe, with all that word means, is changed by just such chance occurrences. Eed off in a new direction, reaching a different goal, changed eternally by an act, which, at the time, was a mat-ter of indifference. Life is comparable to a busy highway, with opeu doors all along its course. Entering one of these doors quite accidentally one day—only for rest and refreshment—an idea, a purpose, sprang to your mind ; that purpose did not rest till it became an act; the act has long since become a habit ; that habit is a part of your character. You will pardon the digression if I ask the nature of that habit; whether it sets in your character like a beautiful jewel. Is it a jewel beautiful and priceless, of which you are proud ? Does it blend in color and symmetry with the other gems into something exquisitely lovely and precious ? Or is it a coal needing only the torch to destroy it and the others as well? Oh, the power for weal or woe in the little things of life ; in the indifferent thought, word and deed. And what is the testimony of History ? What does its per-spective show to be the turning point in great national and world crises? Some trifling circumstance, the miscarriage of a message, the choice of the wrong path ! These are the small hinges on which turn the immense doors that open into destiny. When the racial domination of Europe and America was the issue of a contest between Carthage and Rome ; and the question of oriental superstition and sloth, or Christian hope and industry was being decided in that questionable balance-war ; it is awful to trace the fortune of a single mission on which hung the decision of the momentous contest. ■■ w 246 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Hannibal, the prince of generals has carried his arms from the deserts of Africa, over the steep and frozen Alps into the very-heart of Italy. He has not only maintained them there on his own resources, but has won a series of magnificent victories : the battles of Trebia, Thrasymene and Cannae. Rome is reduced to extreme exhaustion and desperation. The flower of her sons has fallen in battle, her treasure is spent, her fields are unsown, her commerce is destroyed. And with all this sacrifice, nothing has been accomplished against her born enemy, the eldest of the "lion's brood." Can you imagine her dismay then, and the terrible realness of the danger, when Hasdrubal, the second of the "lion's brood," a general scarcely inferior to his great brother, appears in Italy with an army of veteran soldiers, trained in the wars of Spain ? The brothers are now within two hundred miles of each other. Should they succeed in forming a juncture of their forces, a terri-ble fate awaits Rome. The necessity of acting in concert with the other Carthaginian army, in the South, is evident. Hasdrubal therefore sends a message to Hannibal, announcing his line of march, and the place where they would unite their armies, to wheel round on Rome. The message traveled in safety the greater part of the distance to Hannibal's camp ; but when near the goal, fell into the hands of a detachment of Roman soldiers, and Hasdrubal's letter, detail-ing the plans of the campaign, was laid, not in his brother's hands, but in the hands of the enemy. The victory so nearly won! a hairsbreadth ! Three thousand miles traveled in safety, only one more to go, then to fall in the hands of the enemy ! Through the failure of a messenger boy to deliver his message, the plans, the toils, the travels of years dashed to the ground ! It is tremendous. Yet, when we look down the vista of the years from our van-tage ground, and see the beneficence of the accident, we marvel not at Hannibal's defeat, but that such beneficence should ap-parently be left to the hazard of a messenger to accomplish its mission. We marvel that so small a thing as a letter discovered on the person of a spy, should be the means for wresting the dominion of the Western World from the Phoenician, and of giv-ing it to one "better fitted to receive and consolidate the civiliza-tion of Greece ; by its laws and institutions to bind together bar- MPHW|Ni«TOWJA**rr THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 247 barians of every race and language into an organized Empire ; and to prepare them, when that Empire is dissolved, to become the free members of the commonwealth of Christian Europe and America." No less striking is the turn of events, when all Europe was convulsed by the ambitions of the modern Hannibal, when institutions and governments were crushed under the colossal stride of him who aspired to the throne of all Europe, and came dangerously near achieving his aspiration. When neither arms nor bloodshed, coalitions, nor council, nor even his island fastness, could tame the restless spirit of Napoleon. The lying words of a peasant boy to a French General, "Go this way and not that," decided Waterloo and Napoleon's fate. The fall of Napoleon, but the liberation of Europe, is in that sentence of the peasant lad. Grouchy was expected and Bliicher came up. Destiny has its turn in the road. A rustic lad is the mouthpiece, or sign-board, if you choose. "The throne of the universe was looked for and St. Helena's islet-prison loomed up !" These are a few instances in which we see the significance of little things, the insignificant, and the way they become the hinges on which the great changes in nature, individual destiny, and the world movements are made to turn. And when we think what these contingencies entail—injury of body and dis-tempers of mind, their influence on charac ter and destiny, the way they make for war and peace—weak and helpless in the face of these uncertainties, we cry in the words of Tennyson : " Are God and Nature then at strife, That Nature lends such evil dreams ? So careful of the type she seems, So careless of the single life ; " That I, considering everywhere Her secret meaning in her deeds, And finding that of fifty seeds She often brings but one to bear, " I falter where I firmly trod, And falling with my weight of cares Upon the great world's altar-stairs That slope through darkness up to God, " I stretch lame hands of faith, and grope, And gather dust and chaff, and call To what I feel is Lord of all, And faintly trustithe larger hope. " 248 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY MASTY JUDGMENTS M. R. HAMPSHER, '04. TVTEBSTER defines a judgment as an act of the mind in com- w paring ideas or examining facts to ascertain the truth. We easily perceive that there can be different methods by which the mind ascertains the truth : by a careful study of the facts, or by a superficial view of them. We also know that a hasty decision is sometimes made necessary by the attendant circumstances ; for instance, in the case of a man in imminent danger of death. But, since hasty judgments are formed on the spur of the moment and without due deliberation, they are usually inaccurate or incorrect and are productive of more harm than good. The evil^effect of hasty judgments may be considered in three aspects : social, in-tellectual and moral. It seems somewhat irrational to make the statement that hasty judgments are an evil in society. Yet they have created discord and confusion in social life. They have been the means of sep-arating good friends; for many times have persons made state-ments concerning the character of their friends which they would not have made after some reflection, and friends have often fallen into controversy over a matter which careful consideration could settle immediately. How careful, then, one should be in express-ing his judgment, in order that he may not cut asunder the bond of friendship ! Again, the hasty distribution of justice is often the cause of discord in government. A rash judgment of a law court creates confusion and establishes unlawful precedents ; and, therefore, national and international relations should be the object of care-fully weighed judgments. All treaties, agreements, etc., should be examined in every detail ; for a single mistake often plunges both nations into a dispute more bitter than before. It is very important then, to take time to consider the question under dis-cussion, before one expresses his judgment of it. The Schley Court of Inquiry furnishes us a good illustration of this statement. Review its proceedings, its investigation of de-tails, one by one, and contemplate the effect, if the inquiry had been conducted in any other way. The intellectual phase of this evil presents itself in the injury to the mind of the man who indulges in it. He becomes careless THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 249 in his habits of thinking; his reasoning power is weakened and his will is under the influence of other men. He gradually grows narrow-minded, and the amount of knowledge he receives is ma-terially lessened. His whole intellectual growth is retarded much more than if he had formed the habit of investigating things and finding their true meaning. If in no other way, however, hasty judgments are morally wrong, both towards God and man. Ever since the great teacher gave the command "Judge not, lest ye be judged," this truth has been evident. We wrong our fellowmau by misjudging the intention of his deeds. Almost all the slanders and gossip that help to injure a man's reputation arise from hasty judgments of his actions. All past history teaches us that such judgment is a moral injury to our neighbor. But we wrong our God, also, when we do not investigate his teachings, and when we pass hasty judgments on certain doctrines and beliefs. Infidelity, the greatest foe to Christianity, wins the most of its adherents through their own hasty and impulsive judgment. The evil of hasty decisions, therefore, is very great, socially, intellectually, and morally. And we should exert our utmost efforts to overcome the habit in ourselves, and to form the habit of expressing our opinion only after a long and careful judgment. HIS TWO GIRLS THE GIRI, HE WANTED. She must be fair as summer skies, With cheeks of crimson gloam, And the light that lies in her starry eyes, Outshine the twinkling- dome. Her lips like roseate bowers must coat The pearly gates of song, And the notes that float from her liquid throat, Must match an angel's tongue. Her locks like silken mist must fall Adown their Albion steep, Her dainty ears smile out through all, Like atolls of the deep. i She must be crowned with fortune's gold, Lead on the social row, Her graces must the blending hold, Of heaven's ethereal bow. I I■ I i 250 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Her heart, whene'er it leaves its cage To wing- love's fragrant air, Must find in mine its foliage, And nestling, warble there. THE GIRL HE GOT. She is deaf as Egypt's mummied kings, And blind as tawny owls, No song her dry tongue ever sings, No smiles erase her scowls. Her nose stands out, a parrot beak, Her ears they are no pair, Her toothless mouth is sadly weak, And fiery is her hair. Of gold she has no single grain, Of sense no fool's estate. No power has she o'er hearts to reign, Can neither love nor hate. You wonder how it happened thus, 111 fortune's quick decline, I'll tell you friends, the damsel was A comic valentine. —J. B. BAKER. WIT THAT WOUNDS AND WIT THAT CHEERS MAY T. GARLACH, '04. '"PRUE wit, that subtle "flavor of the mind," is just what man *■ needs to bring him out of himself, and add the zest and spice and relish to the life that is apt to be dull and prosy, if taken too seriously. It is, indeed, "the salt" that makes life palatable and keeps it from being stale, flat and unsatisfying. Wit is just the ingredient needed to give the proper seasoning of mirth, cheerfulness and lightness to a life that would otherwise be heavy and sad. But, like every other good thing, wit can be and often is, abused. It is too often used as a lash to wound and hurt and torture. Its cruel scorn and withering contempt are blighting in their effects, and its underlying impulse of hatred and malice makes it doubly disagreeable and hurtful. In this capacity wit is a dangerous weapon. Sydney Smith says: "When wit is combined with sense and information, when softened by benevolence and restrained by THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 251 principle ; when it is in the hands of a man who can use it and despise it, who can be witty and something more than witty, who loves justice, good nature, morality and religion ten thousand times more that wit—wit is then a beautiful and de-lightful part of our nature. Genuine and innocent wit like this is surely the flavor of the mind." And herein lies the secret of true wit. The keen delicate thought that is quick to detect the hidden or absurd connections between remote ideas; the wit that shows the old idea in a new and entirely different light, that creates only pleasant surprise and goodnatured laughter, is truly the wit that charms and cheers. The gentle humor, which is without hostility to anything or anybody, stimulates and amuses by its sprightly life and spicy repartee. Its brightness in making old thoughts new, its keen-ness in criticising without giving offence, its sparkle and flash in illuminating and making sunshine, all minister to man's innate love of fun and laughter and happiness. The irresistible humor that can point out the imperfections and peculiarities of men and at the same time appeal to their sense of the ludicrous, is indeed a boon to over-sensitive mankind. We have examples of this delightful wit in Shakespeare, Dickens, Irving, Lowell and Holmes. Of these each wrote in his own peculiar style, sometimes criticising with sharp sarcasm the follies and frailties of mankind; sometimes delightfully humorous, simply witty in a good-natured way. Their apt power of attributing to their fictitious characters such faults and im-perfections as the reader recognizes to be his own, and their sharp yet ludicrous criticism of these same failings, has a tendency toward good, for while men laugh and are amused, they will yet try to remedy the weaknesses thus pointed out, and which they feel to be their own. On the other hand stands the wit that wounds. Here sarcasm and ridicule hold full sway, and are adepts in the art of wound-ing, while irony stalks, sometimes unattended, sometimes hand in hand with these, its co-workers of pain. Malicious, biting sarcasm puts the knife into its victims heart and twists it, and laughs with fiendish glee. Cruel, relentless ridicule uses the lash of derision, and flays its subject in full sight of the heartless, mocking crowd. Irony, with veiled hatred, hurls its "boome-rang which goes in a different direction from that which it is I 252 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY thrown, and does not strike the one at whom it is seemingly aimed." Truly, in all the world, there are no surer implements for wounding than these three qualities of wit. There is, however, just one field in which their cruelty may serve to good purpose, and that is where they attack the pre-teutions and follies and faults of maukind in general. Here their stinging, biting humor may rouse men to a sense of their weakness, and stimulate them to better action. Considered in its best sense wit is invaluable, since it not only tends toward reforming the manners and customs of the times, and correcting the faults of mankind; but also, by its brightness, sharpness and sparkle brings man out of his prosy self and gives him room for laughter, which, although it is "considered a weakness in the composition of human nature, still it breaks the gloom that is apt to damp the spirits of man, by gleams of mirth, and therefore he should take care not to grow too old for laugh-ter." " Laugh, and the world laughs with you, Weep, and you weep alone. This sad old earth must borrow its mirth, It has trouble enough of its own. " *$&> THE MOST INTERESTING MAN THAT I HAVE KNOWN F. L., '04. '"THREE miles southeast of the town ofW , along the line of ■*■ the H. & B. railroad, a high ridge rises almost precipi-tously from the flood plain of the little Antietam. This ridge, higher than any part of the surrounding country, extends in an unbroken line for mile after mile in a southern direction. Twenty feet above the level of the stream, at the end where the ridge takes its abrupt rise, yawns a black cavern almost large enough for a man to enter without stooping. A short distance within, this passage opens into a large room twenty feet high and forty in width. This subterranean passage, like the ridge in which it lies, extends for mile after mile and has never been explored to the end. Almost directly in front of the mouth of this cave, and on a lower plane, stands (or rather stood, for lam now writing what a boy often years heard and saw) a neat cottage built of limestone. Well do I remember the ivy clinging to its walls, its neatly kept THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 2S3 little lawn with boxwood-bordered walks, and farther on the gar-den where flourished the grandma wonders of the olden time. At the rear of the house was the orchard in a beautifully level, green meadow extending back to the creek and away from the foot of the ridge to a point where a railroad bridge spans the creek. Follow this creek two hundred yards in a northeastern direc-tion, look across a narrow meadow and you see a large farm house, likewise of stone. Here for two brief years, happy, happy days all of them, they now seem, lived my younger brother and I, the privileged sons of an industrious farmer. Those days, with their marvelous experiences, their soul thrills, I shall never for-get. We were at an age when our young souls were just open-ing to nature's wonders, when stories of adventure had a won-drous charm, when from the few books we had read life was ap-pearing superbly grand and beautiful, when imaginations were most active, and when in the overpowering feeling of some moments we tried to blend into one comprehensive whole all we knew of the past, the marvelous wonders of the present, and the vaguely comprehended aspirations for the future, and in such times how the soul did pant and leap and swell till we were more than earth or sky or sea. We had read Scottish Chiefs, Pilgrim's Progress, Robinson Crusoe, and a Child's History of the United States, full of Indian stories. The sorrows, the struggles, the sufferings, the triumphs of the chief characters of these books were made our own, and any strange phase of nature would present one or another to us. How unbearable was the steady, persistent croak, croak of the frogs down by the big spring pool on an April evening, or the chirp, chirp of those nameless crea-tures in the thicket beyond ! Why was it that those sounds so rasped on my soul and filled me with such shuddering ? One summer evening our mother strolled with us along the bank of that ever murmuring Antietam. I dipped my bare feet in the water, a little duck swam by alone, and all at once I was afraid and urged an immediate return across the meadow to the house. What was it that made me afraid, and why do I remember that? And I remember how the moonlight used to come down on the fog along the creek between our house and the high ridge oppo-site. What that put into my soul I cannot describe nor will I ever forget. And so the nights were strange, weird, mysterious,something 1 254 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY of another world. But the days how different, how rich, how full! That shallow stream was our Mississippi, that bit of thicket the endless forest, the timid rabbit, the fleet deer. With bows and arrows of our own handicraft we hunted him, or climbed the hills and stormed the fortresses of Scotland. Following down that bit of forest we met with all the adventures of Crusoe on his island, or skirmished with Indians hidden behind trees and stumps. Our wanderings in this direction brought us to the rail-road, and beyond we saw the stone cottage. But little we knew of it yet. In May, 1889, came the memorable Johnstown flood. Our little stream was swollen beyond its banks, and all night long it surged, and groaned, and roared down by the bridge. When the waters subsided, it was found that the bridge had been weakened and a new one was ordered built in itsstead. The workmen came, and many an afternoon we watched them digging out for the foundation, and swinging the ponderous stones in place. But more than this we saw. Below the bridge, the flood had cut away the left bank of the stream, and the water had overflowed the orchard meadow, carrying away the top soil and leaving the surface covered with sandstones. Here we saw an old man at work day after day, carrying the stones from his meadow and with them building a high new bank for the creek. We gradually made his acquaintance, and, children-like, gave proof of our de-sire to be friends by helping him in his work. The physical appearance of the man had caught our eyes at the very first. Still tall and broad-shouldered, though now some-what stooped, he gave evidence of having been a powerful man in his day. He was quite active for his age, being then as he told us in his ninety-first year. He had personal recollections of three wars, being a boy in 1812, and having served as a private in the Mexican war and as a corporal in the Civil war. This was enough to make him a hero in our sight. So we visited him from day to day. He took us with him to the cottage sometimes, and we learned that its only other inmate was a spinster daughter, who seemed nearly as old as himself. Sometimes we sat with him in the shade, back of the house by the little spring, whose waters we drank from a cocoanut shell. At such times what conversations we had ! For us he was an oracle. What questions we asked him about his life and experi- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 255 ences, about this spring, that stream, that hill, about the Indians who once drank where we did then, about the thousand other things which the imaginations of boys of that age will suggest! He answered us with all patience. In fact he seemed to enjoy our prattle. For us life lay beyond with all its sunshine and promise. It was an ideal world and we longed for a fuller knowl-edge of it. For him life was a thing of the past. He had with-drawn from the interests and conflicts of the world. So neither he nor we were in the great whirl of life, and though we were at its opposite barriers, still we felt that we stood on common ground. He certainly felt this, or why would he have chatted with us so long and so pleasantly ? The memories of his own life were streaming down to him across the years, some sad, some happy, and so he strove to have us know what was good and noble and brave in life. In our simple way, he made us feel the great basal principles of manliness. The man, the time, the circumstances were so blended that those lessons can never pass from my memory. Once or twice we climbed the hill together to the great dark cave. On a smooth stone at its entrance were cut the names with dates of its earliest visitors. One I remember was 1775. That carried us back to the Revolution when, as we thought, all men were good and brave. The Indian legends counected with the cave had come down through the earliest settlers in that com-munity to our old friend as a boy, and now he related them to us. How we wondered at their strangeness ! How our hearts leaped as he told of the brave deeds of war performed there by the forest children. How we listened with bated breath as he told us how the pale faces had been tortured in this place. But he did not frighten us. He tempered the stories to our years, and made us rejoice in the better times in which we lived. Still, I remember, how we stood one quiet afternoon in October at the mouth of that cave. We looked down at the trees scattered along the stream and in the bit of woods yonder. The sun, just one hour high, was touching their drapery into gold, and flashing from the rip-ples in the creek. Then all my soul welled up in me. Life was offering such grand possibilities, and I was longing for the time to take advantage of its opportunities. And turning to the old man, whose face was turned pensively toward the sinking sun, I felt that somehow he was causing these impulses in me. 256 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY One evening in November we went with our father to spend an hour with this friend by his fireside. It was one of those stormy, blustering days heralding the advent of winter, and this evening a wood fire blazed on the hearth as the custom was in that house. He and father talked on various subjects for a time. The fire gradually died down, suffusing a soft mild light through the room. His interest began to flag in matters of neighborhood concern, his face took on a more sweetly pensive expression, and he looked at brother and me sitting at his feet in a manner that was all tenderness. Then he told us of other happenings spent around that hearth in the long ago, and, for the first time, of the two little boys long since lost, whose places we seemed to be filling that night, and of the mother whose headstone we hadseen in the burying ground on the next farm. Finally he ceased, the fire burned lower still, but no one dared speak, for we felt that the place was sacred with the presence of the long-departed. At length we rose to go, and "goodnight" was said in a reverent hush. As we crossed the meadow path, what thoughts came into my mind ! How strange life seemed ! What is death ? Why do some live so long, and others die so early ? These are scattered reminiscences of a man intensely interest-ing to me then, and one whom I shall never forget. What makes him so interesting and so long remembered ? I cannottell unless it be because he came into my life at such an impressionable time, bringing the very things which keen perceptions and an active imagination were ready to lay hold of. \ DVICE is a good thing, but it will always be something of a **■ nuisance until the givers of it accept responsibility for the bad as readily as they take credit for the good. —Saturday Evening Post. Christian faith is a grand cathedral, with divinely pictured windows. Standing without you see no glory, nor can possibly imagine any; standing within, every ray of light reveals a harmony of unspeakable splendors. —Ha-wthorne, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the PosioJJlce at Gettysburg as second-class matter Voi,. X GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1902 No. 8 E. C. RUBY, '02, Editor-in- Chief R. ST. CUAIR POFFENBARGER,' 02, Business Manager J. F. NEWMAN, '02, Exchange Editor Advisory Board TROF. J. A. HIMES, A. M., LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M. D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Assistant Business Manager CURTIS E. COOK, '03 Assistant Editors Miss ANNIE M. SWARTZ, '02 A. B. RICHARD, '02 Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price. One Dollar a year in advance; single copies Fifteen Cents. Notice to discontinue sending- the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors, and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS "VVTITH this issue of the Mercury we complete its tenth volume " and shift the duties and responsibilities belonging to the publishing and editing of the same upon the shoulders of our successors. We would bespeak for them a successful year. The journal is in excellent condition financially, and, as far as we were able, we tried to maintain its literary position. There is plenty of room for improvement and no doubt we shall see some of this improvement before another year shall have passed by. Among the first of these improvements which we are sure the editorial staff will heartily favor ought to be a greater liberality on the part of the student body in furnishing material for the journal. This step could not help but encourage the staff iu making other improvements. That this suggestion may not be in vain is the wish of the retiring staff. "Heaven helps those who help themselves," is an old proverb, truer than most proverbs are. No race, no nation, no tribe has ever been civilized by the mere outside application of ■ I■ ■ Im 258 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the forms of civilized life. No amount of philanthropy has done more than make a miserable loafer of the American Indian, who seems less capable than most other races of taking into his soul the minor virtues of Christian culture. And so no man has ever risen to eminence except by his own efforts, while too many have fallen short of greatness, or of what is better, usefulness, merely by the superabundance of means at their command. " The right man in the right place" is not such an accident as most good-natured people suppose, but the legitimate result of perseverance, energy of purpose, patience, courage, and self-control, applied in the proper direction, or, indeed, in any direction, one might say; for the man who has these qualities is pretty sure to work himself out of the woods somewhere. It is not the man who cries lustily to Hercules that gets out of the mire, but he who puts his shoulder to the wheel and does not fear to soil his Sunday clothes—in fact, perhaps, has no Sunday clothes. RESOLUTIONS BY PHILO SOCIETY. "Death touched him and he slept." The merciful angel of death has taken from Philo society a much esteemed member, Paul Cover ; therefore be it Resolved, That, as in him we have lost a most faithful member, our devotion to the society may be strengthened by his example. That we emulate his modest disposition and gentlemanly character. That we as a society express our appreciation of his life and services by extending to the bereaved family our sincere sym-pathy. That a copy of these resolutions be recorded on the minutes of the society and published in the college and town papers. HAROLD S. L,EWARS, FRANK LAYMAN, WILBUR H. FLECK, Committee. RESOLUTIONS OF RESPECT BY THE CLASS. WHEREAS, It has pleased Almighty God in his infinite wis-dom to call from our midst to his home on high, Paul Homer THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 259 Cover, whom we have always regarded with the utmost esteem as a classmate and student. Therefore, at a meeting of the class of '05, Pennsylvania Col-lege, January 7, 1902, be it unanimously Resolved, That by the will of God one of the most worthy members of our class has been removed, whom we always knew as being upright and noble in character, faithful in his studies and Christian duties, whose pleasant disposition gained for him many friends during his short career at college ; and also Resolved, Although our class has been saddened by the un-timely death of a fellow-student at the beginning of our college course, we humbly submit to the will of God, believing that he in his mysterious ways doth all things well ; be it further Resolved, That we extend our heartfelt sympathies to the af-flicted family, and that we implore God's blessing upon them in their dark hour of trouble, and also Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the sor-rowing family, and to the college journals and town papers. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, HARRY R. RICE, BENDER Z. CASHMAN, Committee. THE RECORD OF A NOTABLE YEAR TNTJRING the year just closed the two greatest nations of the *~* world changed rulers. Queen Victoria died at 6:30 P. M., January 22, and the Prince of Wales became king, with the title of Edward VII. On the sixth of September Leon Czolgosz twice shot President William McKinley, and the victim lingered until 2:15 o'clock, Saturday morning, September 14. The afternoon of the same day Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt took the oath of office. The Ameer of Afghanistan died on October 3, and five other deaths notable in the politics of the world were those of Ex- President Benjamin Harrison on March 13 ; Hoshi Toru, Japa-nese statesman, assassinated June 21 ; Prince von Hohenlohe, who died on July 6 ; Signor Crispi on August 11, and L,i Hung Chang on November 6. The war in South Africa dragged along at an expense to the British of millions a week. So far the cost is about a billion dol- I I 260 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY lars, and the English losses in men have been about 20,000. In the Philippines Aguinaldo was captured by the brilliant Funston, and the effort was made to inaugurate civil government in the islands, but the pacification is by no means complete, and the year ended with fears of a general uprising, and with a message from General Chaffee that he would need all his 60,000 soldiers for twelve months or more to come. Matters improved in Cuba, and a President will be elected on the twenty-fourth of February next. The Powers withdrew from China and the Court began its return to Peking. In our national affairs important progress was made. The re-apportionment based on the census of 1900 increased the mem-bership of the House of Representatives to 386. The army can-teen was abolished. The centennial anniversary of the elevation of John Marshall to the head of the Supreme Court was celebrated. The count of the electoral votes gave McKinley and Roosevelt 292 each, Bryan and Stevenson 155 each. The most important de-cision of the Supreme Court concerned our relations with our new possessions. By narrow majorities it was held that the Constitu-tion follows the flag, subject to the action and regulation of Con-gress. This led to special legislation for Porto Rico and for the Philippines. President Roosevelt urged reciprocity with Cuba. The various reciprocity treaties which have been hanging fire for more than a year are still unacted upon. The Pan-American Congress in the City of Mexico was a social success and a politi-cal failure. The great international fact of the year was the Hay- Pauucefote treaty, by which Great Britain allowed to this country the right to go ahead and build the Isthmian canal. The treaty was ratified by an overwhelming vote. —Saturday Eve?ii?ig Post. CAUSES OF THE DECLINE OF POETRY JOHN A. MAUGHT, '04. TN the treatment of this subject it may be well first to state what •*■ I believe poetry to be, and especially poetry such as this subject requires. True poetry is the concrete and artistic ex-pression of the human mind in emotional and rhythmeticai language. If all verse, which bases its right to be called poetry merely upon its rhythm and rhyme, should be adjudged as such, my THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 261 conviction that poetry is upon the decline could not exist, since, at the present time there is nolack of attempts at poetizing, which accomplish only what is least essential in poetry, namely rhyme. Poetry as it shall be considered here is that lofty and sublime language which carries with it universal truth and convictions. The cause for the decline of poetry may be classified under four heads, ist. The present manner of living. 2nd. The absence of an inspiring cause. 3rd. The literature of a nation is first made manifest in poetry and for that reason less attention is given to poetry after prose is introduced. 4th. The present preference of brevity and clearness to beauty and style. First, I shall try to show what is meant by the present manner of living. The growing inclination to mass in cities and towns is disadvantageous to poetic thought and passion, for what pro-duction of any consequence, either of poetry or of prose, was ever composed amid the unceasing noise and bustle of a city ? Poetic passion to materialize most needs quiet and repose. Again, men are engaged in too persistent a chase after wealth to allow themselves to be inspired either by the beauties of nature or by the embellishments of daily life. In time past, dating from the founding of Rome to the dis-covery of America, men were content with sufficient wealth to comfortably maintain life, whereas to-day opulence is apparently the highest ambition. Has a true poet ever lived who was avaricious? The absence of an inspiring cause shall next be considered. In order to produce poetry the soul must for the time being have reached that state of exultation, that state of freedom from self-consciousness, which is most beautifully por-trayed in the following quotation from Tennyson : "I started once, or seemed to start, in pain, Resolved on noble things, and strove to speak As when a great thought strikes along the brain And flushes all the cheek. " Into this mood the poet must always pass before he can write a truly poetic line. But in order that this mood may exist must there not be first a cause ? Paradise Lost, that famous epic of Milton, would never have been written had it not been for the English Revolution. If Dante had not been banished from Florence by the relentless Charles of Valois his memory would never have been perpetuated by the Inferno. We now come to I wMiiMiwiiMfflinn 262 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY the third head. Since the literature of a nation is first manifested through poetry, as the language grows older its style changes from that of a purely poetic strain to a more matter-of-fact way of expression. The literature of France was first introduced by the Trouleadours and Trouviurs, the poets of Southern and Northern France. But after fifty years prose began to share the literature with poetry and from that period dates the preference for prose in France. And so it has been in the case of the literature of ancient Greece and Rome, Arabia, China, Germany, and of other nations needless to mention. The fourth and last reason now confronts us—the now prevalent preference of brevity and clearness to beauty and style. In this the 20th century a composition accurate in detail and replete with poetic sentiment is not desired nor is it greatly appreciated. This lack of preference for lofty composition may be attributed to two causes. 1st. The great popularity of the newspaper. 2nd. In this age of activity men have not time to read a detailed and difficultly comprehended article when a clearer and more concise style may be had. And in conclusion, I may say that as the world advances in years, poetry, like a time-worn structure, shall eventually pass into oblivion. THE CROWNING EVENT CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, 'OS. 'THE crowning event or turning point comes earlier or later in *■ every man's life. Will he be ready to meet it as did Christ? Or will he succumb to his baser passions as did Mohammed ? A man's morals is one of the essential things which lead up to the crowning event. There have been very many men who have gained power in various countries ; but their morals have been very base. Too often the morals are overlooked. It is a shame that such a man who has gained power is considered to be smart, the people therefore overlook his morals. He must have the stamp of honesty and purity in his face. Benedict Arnold, the traitor, had no stamp of honesty about him. Suppose Arnold had been allowed to go on with his schemings, he would have succeeded. Then the weak minded would have apologized for him and said, "Oh, suppose he was dishonest and tricky, he suc-ceeded." Strong will power and moral courage is needed not to 1 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 263 succumb to the weaker passions. The theorists tell us that Christianity is good to keep up the nation in morals. The people themselves are required to do this by having strong will power and not yielding to dishonest passions. For a man to succeed in life it is essential that he should have a stable character. Character is not formed in a day. It is formed day by day as we grow. The crown of life is character. Charac-ter is nature in the highest form. There is no use to ape it. True, a young man in forming his character does meet with obstacles, temptations and discouragements ; but with a strong will power he can overcome them- Each battle will make him stronger. He will be able to develop a character without suspicion or reproach. A character that will be an example for others. When the turn-ing point does come he will be ready to meet the storm calmly. Energy is the secret of success. Energy exerted in the proper sphere becomes a second nature or habit. Mr. James, in his Psychology, says, "Let no youth have any anxiety about the up-shot of his education, whatever the line of it may be. If he keep faithfully busy each hour of the day, he may safely leave the final result to itself." Be full of enthusiasm and ardour in whatever you may under-take to do. 'Are you in earnest ? Seize this very minute ; What you can do, or dream you can, begin it! Boldness has genius, power, magic, in it ! Only engage and the mind grows heated ; Begin it, and the work will be completed.' The one thing mankind mostly desires is action of some kind, something which has life in it; and the more mankind receives, the more their pleasure and satisfaction. For a number of men are dull and weary. Think out some rich thought and commu-nicate it to mankind. We are born to communicate ourselves to our fellow mortals. Above all let there be no delay in beginning, no more dreaming. The value ofself confidence is also necessary in going on toward the crowning event. Many a young student has failed because he lacked tenacity and persistency. They decide that luck or fate is against them, and that it is of no use to try further. Outside of character itself, there is no loss so great as that of self-confi-dence ; for when this is gone, there is nothing to build upon. It 264 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY is impossible for a man to stand erect without a backbone, es-pecially when he has much weight to carry. Nothing can keep a man down when he has grit and determination. Self confidence makes men gods, whose wills must be obeyed. The victor who wins life's battles wears the air of a conqueror. His manner, gait, and voice show that he is a conqueror. It is vivifying. It makes the weaker assume a stronger role of self-confidence. The crowning event came to Christ's life when he was tempted by Satan. As a man he met the temptations. His morals, pure-ness of life, character, determination and self-confidence had so implanted themselves in his life, that he was able to meet the storm calmly. At that moment he flung the power of the world from him. Mohammed on the other hand after the "Heigira" found that he had the balance of power in his hand. This was the turning point of his life. Previous to the "Heigira" he was content to preach his religion peaceably ; now he determined to spread it with fire and sword. Mohammed was willing to suc-cumb to his baser passions, to satisfy his own selfish desires at the cost of Arabia. Christ did not forget his mission on earth. Therefore the pureness of his life shines out. The crowning event generally comes to a college man after he has graduated from college. Then is when he must make his de-cision. How quickly an undecided, vascillating man communi-cates his uncertainty and vascillation to those about him. Every-one who comes in contact with him, unless he is well poised, catches the disease ; it is as contagious as small-pox. Everything about him drags, the whole atmosphere is loaded with indecision. A young man as he starts out on life's journey should always keep his ideal in sight. He starts out fresh from college, his mind charged with fine ideals and expectations. He is not out long before his lofty sentiments give way to the pursuit of wealth or position. If one will only read, for a few moments each day, one of the great masterpieces of literature, he will be able to keep his ideal before him. The more Christ is patterned as an ideal the more that ideal will be able to be realized. To live an ideal life is to associate with pure and noble souls. The potent personality of our divine Master draws us to follow him as an ideal. Christ believed in an ideal life and strove to in-culcate that ideal in man. A man's ideal is his guiding star. All those who struggle are able to reach their ideal. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 265 As to failure the less we think of it, the better. In thinking of failure, men lose the power of action. They will not work with the same view. Whatever they do, the shadow of failure shrouds them. Their ardour is gone. True our work does often seem to fail; and the world cries out, "He is defeated ; he saved others, himself he cannot save." These were the same words the crowds hurled at Christ when he was crucified. But Jesus, who lost himself in his work, knew that he had not failed. "I have finished the work.': "Consummatum est," he cried. It was the cry of triumph. In the end when we lay down the work assigned us we also can say as did the Christ. MONEY ROBERT W. LENKER, '03. TWJONEY is the most important factor of the world's activity. ■*■*■*• It is the boy's essential to procure his spinning top or sail-ing kite. It is the power that connects Continents with Suez Canals, and spans oceans with cables, tunnels mountains, and sends through their bowels speeding trains of human freight. It has annihilated space and brought Nations together in speaking distance. It has wrested from nature the wings of lightning. It has conjured into wedlock Niagara's waters and electric fire. Money is the food that sustains the world's commerce, whether the purchase of the feathers in a lady's hat or a line of railroads or ocean steamers, the one gives satisfaction to pride, the other to the millionaire's greed. Both are led by the same impulse which phrenologists call the organ of acquisitiveness, and which we possess respectively in a higher or lower degree. Cultivated by benevolent motives, it sends messengers on wings of healing and charity, perverted, it goads the criminal to murder, and a Judas Iscariot to betray his Savior for thirty pieces of silver. Money is the synonym for the possession of the good things of the world, for it will procure them. Persons may preach of the discipline and advantage of poverty, but, practically, men will not listen to the arguments against the pursuit of silver or gold, when they are out at the elbows, and their children are crying for raiment and food. Lord Bacon says "Believe not them that seem to despise riches, for they despise them who despair of 266 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY them." Who has ever seen a scowl upon the minister's face on a Sunday morning when he found a twenty dollar gold piece in the contribution box ? Who has ever known any one to do violence the universal craving for the good things of the earth, and refuse an unexpected windfall by the death of a rich old uncle or aunt ? Men will make any sacrifice for money. For it they will delve in the deep and dangerous mines of the earth, work at un-healthful labor, making matches or powder. The galleons of Spain ploughed the stormy ocean in search of gold. Not so much the love and teaching of the cross led Cortez to murder the rulers of the Montezumas, and Pizarro the Incas of Peru ,as the lust for gold. A problematical silver or gold mine, of supposed fab-ulous wealth and magnificetit distance, has many a time been the key which unlocked the hoarded savings to sink them in the stocks of the bogus mines. Likely there is danger in loving money too much. The love of money has seared or hardened the soul of the rich man, it has caused the giddy wife to leave her husband, it has filled the land with thousands of rum-holes, which fill our poorhouses and jails with paupers and criminals, and burden us with taxes. But the love of money is not the root of all evils. There are many other evils that do not radiate from a silver or golden stump or tree. The use of money and the possession of riches may in themselves be all right, while their abuse may be all wrong. Solomon, Abraham and Job did not lose their favor in the sight of the Lord on account of their riches, but on the contrary, they were ap-proved of. No one seeks poverty from choice, as the dangers of poverty are manifold greater than the dangers of riches. When one lacks the luxuries, yes, the necessaries of life, and is exposed to want, sickness, and disease, discouragement and despondency, he is in no condition to exercise the highest function of mind and soul. It is true that the ennobling virtues are sometimes practiced in spite of poverty, but not because of it. Job was an exception, but his faithful wife could not bear the pressure of affliction and wanted her husband to curse the Lord. The girl that makes shirts for six cents apiece and lives in a garret, and the boy without work, money or home, are driven to temptations of which the rich know nothing. The philosophy which teaches a contempt for money is not very deep. We THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 267 should all seek to lay up something for old age, and keep us from want in sickness and out of the poorhouse. It is true that the Saviour taught his followers not to be over anxious about to-morrow, but like many of his sayings, this teaching was prompted by local influences and surroundings. This was the case in the genial clime of Jordan, where the earth brought forth food spontaneously and required little effort from man. The want of money is the stimulant to our work and the appetizer to the business nerve. It is that which gives stimulus to ingenuity, invention, intellect and ambition. It is this want of money and the constant struggle for it that keeps society and the world in equilibrium. L,et each one have a few dollars more than he is sure he needs for a life time, and anarchy would follow. His effort of mind and brain would be spasmodic. The very labor a man has to put forth to obtain money brings out his self denial, economy, energy, tact, it is his education. It will bring out his practical qualities as well as his mental and moral qualities. A writer has said "The soul is trained by the ledger as much as by calculus and gets exercise in the account of sales as in the account of the stars." The provident man must of necessity be a thoughttul man; living as he does not for the present but for the future. Knowledge is power, but it is not all power. Money is power. It brings comfort, it brings influence, sometimes unworthy influence. Shakespeare says "The learned pate ducks at the golden fool." With many the intellectual pigmy becomes a giant of influence. In our country the only title seems to be based upon greenbacks, and the young dude who is still struggling with his embryo side whiskers beneath his ears and a few millions to his name, is con-sidered the catch of the season, while some of our millionaires' daughters sell themselves to the scrofulous owners of foreign titles. The love of money and the abuse of wealth have their evils, but the present age is blest witii great opportunities and enjoy-ments. Science has done much for the luxuries and comforts of the working class and those of moderate circumstances. Money is the magicians' wand which places at their disposal the means of cultivation and refinement. It means gas, electric light, and cheap travel. It means warm, well ventilated, 1 ■I I 268 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY \ commodious houses, filled with pictures, aud music, and books. It helps to make the home the earthly heaven of the family. Money sends our ships to bring to the washer woman's table the teas of China, and the fruits of southern climes. From sunny Italy it brings the costly fibre from the silk worm's looms to clothe our factory girls in silken garments. It gives us choice seats in the cars and lecture rooms. It comforts us in sickness and necessary idleness. The want of it produces cheerless and comfortless homes, haggard and pinched features, distressed looks and pale cheeks such as may be seen any day in our great cities. What causes this difference in worldly condition ? On the one hand men are endowed by nature with the instinct of making money and how to save it. Their dollars come regularly and multiply rapidly, by shrewd bargains, and judicious invest-ments. They would be untrue to their gift of nature if they did not accumulate money, for the talent and inclination to make money, is as strongly worked and uncontrollable in them as the power and desire of Beethoven and Mozart to produce the beautiful symphonies, and that which led Phidias and Michael Angelo to bring forth their immortal statues of marble and of gold. The mission of each is pointed out by the faculties which the Creator has given him. Hugh Miller, though a poor boy, while playing truant in the caves on the coast of Scotland, received his inspiration from the surrounding rocks, and revealed their history in his grand works. So our Peabodys, Pordees and Girards followed only the promptings and guidings of their nature; and to do violence to them by turning away, would be wrong. Their accumulations have left rich blessings in hospitals, colleges, and railways to make thousands happy. It does not necessarily follow that a millionaire should dwarf his spiritual nature and turn his brain into a ledger and his heart into a millstone; if he does he perverts his gifts. The owner of capital often reaps the least reward of it and it often gives as much power or pleasure. He can occupy only one house at a time, each member of his family but one seat in cars, or theatre, or church. He can eat, drink and wear only a man's portion of the good things of the world. To be healthy he must eat like a poor man. If he eats more than a man's portion, he will have a perverted aud dis-tended stomach, conjested liver, and sleepless nights. Stephen IHE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 269 Girard wrote to a friend "As to myself I like to live like a galley slave, constantly occupied, and often passing the nights without sleeping. I am wrapped up in a labyrinth of affairs and worn out with cares. The love of labor is my highest motive. I work during the day so that I can sleep soundly at night." No one should worship the golden calf or mortgage his soul to mammon. The love of gold has starved every other affection. Let us then get the true estimate of money. Let us neither love it nor despise it. We should earn a little more than we spend. We should avoid debt. The class that toil the hardest spend most recklessly the money they earn. The man that spends twenty cents a day for beer and tobacco spends that, which with its compound interest, in fifty years would amount to twenty thousand dollars. Some say that is a long time ; but many men live to be seventy-five, and they can begin to save long before they are twenty-five. It is not so much what one earns as what he saves that brings comfort. Every man should acquire the habit of saving. We may practice economy without being miserly; God himself does not waste. Every atom that He created still exists. He does not destroy, but only changes. Herculaneum and Pompeii were not destroyed ; they were only buried. Ice melts into water, water is made into steam, and one has as much matter as the other. "Go and gather the frag-ments" said the divine teacher, after the feast on loaves and fishes. The autumn leaves have fallen for centuries to enrich the soil. The bodies of the dead fatten the wheat fields of Gettysburg and Antietam. Nature knows no waste, she saves every action. Let us do likewise. We have no right to enjoy that for which we do not pay. Many a youth blows away his brain and prospective manhood in cigarette smoke, while he rides an unpaid or installment bicycle—better walk. To drink unpaid beer or champagne is the act of a cheat. To sing loud hymns, and repeat loud prayers from an unpaid pew, is the act of a hypocrite. Let us resolve to be in no man's debt, to earn all we can and spend it in the way it was intended by the one who put coal into our mountains, diamonds into our rivers, and gold into our rocks. ■ I I 270 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY THE GAINS AND LOSSES FROM A TERRITORIAL DIVISION OF LABOR rx IVISION of labor as applied to tbe individuals in a communi- *-* ty is a principle which greatly increases the productive capa-bility of that community, ist. By shortening the term of ap-prenticeship. 2nd. By developing dexterity on the part of the laborer. 3rd. By obviating the loss of time and the distraction of thought which would be involved in passing from place to place and exchanging tools. 4th. By facilitating invention and leading to the discovery of improved processes and new material. 5th. By giving employment to women and children and partially disabled men. 6th. By placing the most efficient men in such an order where they can labor to the best advantage. These gains, however, are not secured without any losses. There is a degradation of the laborer, who, by the repetition of one single movement, which is as simplified as possible, is reduced to play a purely mechanical part. Indeed, as soon as the work has been so simplified as to become mechanical, it will not be long before the workman is replaced by a machine. There is also an extreme dependence of the workman who is incapable of doing anything except the fixed and special operation to which he has become accustomed. In an organized society where division of labor is firmly established, man becomes so dependent upon his fellows that if he is separated from them, it is almost impossible for him to live. But serious as these losses may seem theoretically, they are practically of little consequence when compared with the great gains in production in the community where the principle of division of labor is fully carried out. Since this principle is so advantageous to the productive capability of a single community, many are disposed to think that by analogy the same principle will apply equally as well to communities and nations, or in other words, that territorial division of labor would be just as advantageous in the same proportion. This idea can be accepted or rejected only by comparing its gains with its losses when thus extended. So then let us consider what the gains and losses to the economic world would be by extending the principle to communities and nations. When the principle of division of labor is extended to different communities in the same nation it must assume a some- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 271 what different form. We can no longer speak of divisions in one industry into individual laborers, but of division into industries, and of these as occupying their places so as to bring about the most efficient and economical productiveness. This form of division in a single nation certainly has some advantages which must not be overlooked. There are very few nations which do not have within their boundaries sections which are peculiarly adapted to certain industries. It may be that the mineral resources are in one section, the best physical conditions necessary for agriculture in another, the greatest economical advantages for manufacturing in another, and thus these in-dustries can be carried on in their respective sections with far greater gains in the productiveness of the nation than if they were all equally distributed throughout each community. The people in each section as a group will become more and more efficient in their work and thus increase the produce and in all probability lower the price of that product There are also gains arising from the production of the various commodities on a larger scale where the entire group of laborers can be em-ployed in those places of greatest advantage. Thus we see that the gains from a division of labor among communities are some-what similar to those obtained from a division in a single industry. Now let us see whether the losses under this extension of the principle are in the same proportion. It would hardly be fair to speak of groups of individuals as becoming degraded because they are engaged in the same industry all their lifetime, nor as being in danger of displacement by machinery, for it would mean the degradation or displacement of the industry itself. But when we come to the question of dependence upon others we find that there would be a very serious loss, if the principle were strictly enforced. Those who engage in one industry exclusively become dependent upon all the other industries in at least two ways, ist. For the sale of their own product in excess of their own consumption. 2nd. For the purchase of the commodities produced by the other industries. For the bringing about of these transactions to the greatest advantage there must be a market as close as possible. The nearer this market the greater the economy. This fact has caused the various industries to group themselves together as closely as possible. Hence we find nearly all the industries sometimes confined within a very 272 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY small circle. Of course, this loss from inconvenience to market is gradually becoming less on account of the increasing facilities for transportation and the national security in the freedom of exchange carried on between different sections of the same nation. Another loss might arise from the fact that many small sections would remain undeveloped because the industry could not be profitably carried on there and those people who have preferences in employment would crowd certain localities and exhaust them in a shorter time and thereby endanger the existence of that particular industry. Take for instance coal mining. If the smaller and less profitable mines were allowed to remain un-worked until the larger ones were exhausted it is hardly likely that the same industry would be continued. In such a case how would it effect those who are dependent upon this industry ? In the case of some of the other industries the dependents may also be seriously affected by local calamities. Thus we see that the proportion between the gains and losses is changing as the principle of division of labor is extended to communities. In-deed, the gains and losses under this extension of the principle are approaching each other very closely. It now remains to be seen whether they continue to approach or begin to diverge when the same principle is extended beyond the limits of a nation. That there would not be some gains in a further extension of the principle of division of labor so as to include nations no one attempts to prove. For if we consider the fact that there is a great difference between the efficiency in workmanship in different kinds of work among the different nations we must admit that there would be a gain in the production of wealth if labor were so divided as to place these different nations in their proper workshops. Then again, there are some nations which have better physical conditions for production of a certain kind. In fact nearly all the gains which are secured in the consecutive division of labor in a single industry or the contemporaneous division in a nation can be attributed to a national division. But since the division is not as complete in the last instance the sum of the gains will not be in the same proportion. These gains would all depend upon a strict adherence to theoretical rather than actual conditions. If the natural agents and physical conditions were all so distributed upon the earth as to have definite boundary lines coincident with the national boundary THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 273 lines the proportion existing between the gains and losses in a single industry would still be slightly different from that under these conditions, because of the necessary separation from all marketSj This fact is serious enough under the existing circum-stances. As it is many misunderstandings arise between the manufacturer and the consumer so that the production of wealth is often retarded because of a failure to supply the demand at the proper time. If the consumers of the world would be dependent upon one nation for some particular commodity it would mean a very expensive commodity to those nations farther away, and besides, that nation may be engaged in the production of commodities which are of a relatively greater value and necessity. Thus even under a freedom of trade in exchange the great difference in the kinds of products would cause nations to discriminate in their exchange and so bring the nation which might be engaged in the production of luxuries to ruin. The prices of some commodities would be higher because of the necessity of transporting the raw material from a country where it can be produced best to the country where it can be best turned into manufactured goods. Would it not also destroy the com-petition between nations, a factor in the production of wealth which holds a very important relation ? Without the action of competition the productive capabilities of the nation will not reach its highest degree. This would result in very great loss when the spirit of indifference would exist in all the industries. Continuing the figure of the two lines approaching each other, I would express my conclusions by saying that these lines keep on approaching each other as the principle of the division of labor is extended until they intersect at a very short distance beyond the boundary line of a nation and after the intersection we find that the gains and losses have entirely exchanged places. EXCHANGES TN reply to a query in a recent edition of the Georgetown College *■ Journal, we wish to state that after duly examining the records we find that Messrs. Pope, Dryden and Byron have not matricu-lated at this institution ; neither could we discover that any of our students have ever made a reputation by asking impertinent questions. r:^mmmmmimmmmi 274 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY The Amulet, of West Chester Normal School, is a welcome addition to our exchange list. The Lesbian Herald continues to hold its position among the best magazines which visits our table. We are highly pleased with the Christmas number of the Kee MarJournal. It will always find a welcome place on our desk. J* It is unfortunate when a young man or a young woman has ambitions far beyond his or her powers of achievements. It is a fortunate day in our lives when we can recognize our limitations and we are doubly fortunate if we are able to abide cheerfully by the consequences of this discovery. There is sometimes some-thing fine and heroic in the giving up of one's high aspirations because it has been made clear that they are beyond one's power of achievement. Ambition without ability and intelligence, with-out force of character, has been the ruin of young men who had not the good sense, nor yet the good grace, to recognize their limitations and abide by them. —The Midland. THERE'S NOTHING LIKE A LETTER FROM MY SWEETHEART 30METIMES I get the blues, and in life all interest lose, And all the world seems somehow going wrong ; But the postman comes around, and my heart gives one great bound When he says "Will, here's a—" something just in season. Oh, there's nothing like a letter from my sweetheart. How I wish that I might get one every day ; For there's nothing sweeter, better, than just to get a letter From my sweetheart far away. And now I sing some song, or whistle all day long, How swiftly now the moments slip away ; Now my heart again is light, and everything's as bright, I've a letter from my sweetheart, that's the reason, Oh, there's nothing like a letter from your sweetheart, Don't you wish that you might get one every day ; For there's nothing sweeter, better, than just to get a letter From your sweetheart far away. —St. yohtt's Collegian. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 275 "A college contest in oratory is open to the diffident that he may learn of his own ability. It is open to the bashful that he may stand before men and exhibit his nerve. It is a benefit to the egotist if defeat draws him to the plane of his fellow students and teaches him that ordinary ability is common to man. It is a benefit to all participants when defeat is a stimulus to greater effort, and victory is followed by a modest conception of one's own ability." —Central Collegian. We acknowledge the receipt of the following :—Nassau Lit, University of Virginia Magazine, Dickinson Literary Monthly, Bucknell Mirror, Washington-Jeffersonion, Haverfordian, Susqne-hanna, Phoenix, Buff and Blue, College Student, Ursinus College Bulletin, Touchstone, Juniata Echo, Philomathean, Monthly, Mountaineer, et all. BOOK REVIEWS "The Art of Teaching." By E. E. White. American Book Co., New York. 'T'HE; author of this work is an acknowledged master of both *• the sciences and art of teaching. In this work he gives a clear and helpful discussion of the fundamental principles and practical methods which pertain to teaching as an art. He care-fully marks out the true value and limitations of all special methods in order to guard teachers against the common error of accepting them as general methods. This book will doubtless meet with a hearty reception among all active and progressive teachers. "Tales." By Edgar Allen Poe. The Century Co., New York. TN this attractive volume we have a collection of Poe's best ■*■ prose. In reading these tales, one is especially struck both with their ingenious plot and with their felicitous and often brilliant diction. His characters strike one, however, more as phantoms than as real and companionable personages. They are part of the machinery of horror and phantasmagoria which Poe loved to make use of to effect his weird purpose. They help to create that haunting atmosphere which enshrouds his characters and makes for the mystery of his stories. The ingenuity of his I 276 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY plots is no less remarkable than the skill with which they are wrought out, while the artifices of his style marvellously heighten their effect. Among the writers of the age few have excelled him or have more effectively enlisted the art of the literary conjurer for the purposes of ingenious prose narration. "Birth A New Chance." By Columbus Bradford. A. C. Mc- Clurg & Co., Chicago. Pries $r.jo. IN this book the author has posited a theory which resembles in *■ some respects that of Theosophy, and in his arguments to prove his hypothesis shows considerable skill in turning and twisting scriptural passagesto suit his own views. If the same personality reappears in another body in due time according to the conditions which the author supposes, it may not be impossible that we have in our midst in the body of the author himself the old Greek philosopher, Empedocles, with his ancient views slightly modified. As to the correctness of this theory of having more than one chance to aid in the perfection of the human race we feel that the author has not succeeded in presenting adequate proof. F. Mark Bream, Dealer in Fancy and Staple Groceries Telephone 29 Carlisle St., GETTYSBURG, PA. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER, DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER. 19 S. NINTH ST. PHILADELPHIA SPECIALTIES: Masonic Marks, Society Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered through A. N. Beau. No. 3 Main St., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. Our new effects in Portraiture are equal to photos made anywhere, and at any price. Weikert $ Crouse Butchers EVERYTHING IN THIS LINE WE HANDLE GIVE US A TRIAL Balto. St. Gettysburg PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. E. H. FORAE3T gather Beef, Veal, Pork, Lamb, Sausages. Special rates to Clubs. P .i85o-igoi. Our Name has stood as a guarantee of Quality for over fyalf a Century C. K. P>oas JEWELER and dlWERSttlTH 214 and 216 Matket St. Harrisbutg, Pa. Latest Designs Prices Reasonable CHAS. S. MUMPER (Formerly of Mumper & Bender) Furniture Having- opened a new store opposite W. M. R. R. Depot, will be pleased to have you call and examine goods. Picture Framing promptly attended to. Repair Work a Specialty Students' Trade Solicited I For a nice sweet loaf of Bread call on J. RAMER Baker of Bread and Fancy Cakes, GETTYSBURG. PA. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Century Double-Feed Fountain Pen. Fully Warranted J6 Kt. Gold Pen, Iridium Pointed. GEO. EVELER, Agt. for Gettysburg College PRICE LIST. No. 1. No. 1. No. 3. No. 3. Chased, long or short $2 00 Gold Mounted 3 00 Chased 3 00 Gold Mounted 4 00 Spiral, Black or Mottled $2 SO Twist, " 2 50 Hexagon, Black or Mottled 2 SO Pearl Holder, Gold Mounted S 00 THE CENTURY PEN CO., WHITEWATER, WIS. Askyour Stationer or our Agent to show them toyou. Agood local agent-wanted in every school &mmmmmmmmmvmmwwmwt£ PrittitigandBitidhij We Print This Book THE MT. HOLLY STATIONERY AND PRINTING CO. does all classes of Printing- and Binding-, and can furnish you any Book, Bill Head, Letter Head, Envelope, Card, Blank, or anything pertain-ing to their business in just as good style and at less cost than you can obtain same elsewhere. They are located among the mountains but their work is metropolitan. You can be convinced of this if you give them the opportunity. Mt. Holly Stationery and Printing Co. *SPRINGS, PA. ^ H. S. BENNER, .DEALER IN. Groceries, Notions, Queensware, Glassware, Etc., Tobacco and Cigars 17 CHAMBERSBURG ST. WE RECOMMEND THESE BUSINESS MEN. Pitzer House, (Temperance) JNO. E. PITZER, Prop. Rates $1.00 to $1.25 per day. Battlefield a specialty. Dinner and ride to all pointsof mterest,including the tb ree daj-s' fight, $1.25. No. 127 Main Street. R. A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott's Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Sta- People's Drug Store Prescriptions a Specialty. W. F. CODORI, StoonTcodort Dealer in Beef, Pork, Lamb, Veal, Sausage. Special rates to Clubs. York St., GETTYSBURG. J. A. TAWNEY »" Is ready to furnish Clubs and Bread, Rolls, Etc. At short notice and reasonable rates. Washington and Middle Sts., Gettysburg .GO TO. CHAS. E. BARBEHENN, Barber Eagle Hotel, Cor. Main and Washing-ton Sts. L. D. Miller, GROCER Confectioner and Fruiterer. Ice Cream and Oysters in Season. 19 Main St. GETTYSBURG The Pleased Customer Is not a stranger in our establish-ment— he's right at home, you'll see him when you call. We have the materials to please fastidious men. J. D. LIPPY, Merchant Tailor 39 Chambersburg St., Gettysburg, Pa. CityHote, ggjj? Free 'Bus to and from all walk from either depot Dinner with drive over field ■• with four or more, SI.35 Rates $1.50 to $2.00 per day- John E. Hughes, Prop. S. J. CODORI, arber C3f)op For a good shave or hair cut. Bar-bers' supplies a specialty. Razor Strops, Soaps, Brushes, Creams, Combs, Mugs, and Coke Dandruff cure will cure Dandruff. .No. 38 Baltimore Street. GryrT
