Suchergebnisse

An ongoing challenge within all approaches to ethical decision making is reducing the degree of doubt about what action is right, good, or at least better in a given situation. The process of moral discernment within Christian thought is no exception; however, different Christian communities tend to understand moral doubt and moral certainty differently, to pursue different ways of allaying doubt, and to expect—and accept—different degrees of moral certainty. Drawing especially from Aristotelian virtue theory, selected teachings from the Eastern Orthodox tradition on humility, and recent discussions of the 'grace of self-doubt,' I sketch an account of virtuous moral doubt as a mean between the extremes of excessive and deficient moral doubt. My hope is doing so will help to make space and provide the framework for an ecumenical understanding of doubt's proper role in moral discernment.

As the number of people displaced by disaster reaches record highs, this article describes how international law is relevant to disaster displacement, how refugee law is probably not the answer, and synthesises recent developments into contemporary application. New interpretations of international human rights law have advanced legal protections such that planning and preparedness to address future disasters now form an express component of states' international legal obligations. At the same time, climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, exacerbating factors that cause disaster and displacement and rendering the effective implementation of international law more difficult. The further 'othering' of migrants during the Covid-19 pandemic could stymie the realisation of protections as national governments close borders, anti-immigration sentiment is stoked, and economies decline.

Abstract
As an author central to postwar literature on the concentration and death camp experience, Tadeusz Borowski chose to depict the relatively taboo subject of excremental violence. Borowski's documentary fiction depicted an aspect of history that was, especially in 1946 after his own incarceration and survival, both raw and controversial. Writing in Polish as part of a collective work, Borowski was intent on speaking in his native language to a shattered Polish nation. This article analyzes how Borowski drew attention to human rights violations by writing about excremental violence. It further examines how Borowski eschewed oversimplified postwar categories of perpetrators, victims, and resisters. Instead, drawing upon his own experiences in Auschwitz, Dautmergen, and Dachau, his works articulate the powerlessness of those in the camps and the dehumanizing conditions they faced, thus challenging any misleading narratives regarding heroic agency.

Abstract
As scholar-activists, the authors explore efforts of police disarmament within the context of an emerging social movement sweeping the University of California system. The Disarm UC coalition challenges the myth of policing as necessary for the production of a "safe" society, especially in an era in which fear-mongering has helped to naturalize far-right and authoritarian systems of control. Instead, this article asks how policing is always already a violent system within the American academy and how these historical precursors normalize the current militarization and mobilization of lethal force within universities. Such normalized violence reproduces historical inequities within academia and has material consequences for students and workers. Finally, the authors explore how social movements like Disarm UC disrupt police violence within the university, producing new social and material conditions for change.

AbstractDeepfakes are a new form of synthetic media that broke upon the world in 2017. Bringing photoshopping to video, deepfakes replace people in existing videos with someone else's likeness. Currently most of their reach is limited to pornography, and they are also used to discredit people. However, deepfake technology has many epistemic promises and perils, which concern how we fare as knowers. Our goal is to help set an agenda around these matters, to make sure this technology can help realize epistemic rights and epistemic justice and unleash human creativity, rather than inflict epistemic wrongs of any sort. Our project is exploratory in nature, and we do not aim to offer conclusive answers at this early stage. There is a need to remain vigilant to make sure the downsides do not outweigh the upsides, and that will be a tall order.

Neonatal brachial plexus palsy is a complication that occurs during difficult vaginal delivery or due to unexplained causes, probably prenatal in which some or all brachial plexus branches are affected (avulsion, rupture, stretching). A cohort of 28 cases evaluated in our clinic in 6 years and 6 months (Jan 2007-July 2013) from the clinical and paraclinical point of view, treatment, and the outcome were analyzed. 17 (60.7%) of the patients were boys and 11 (39.2%) were girls. 14 (50%) had right brachial plexus palsy, 12 (42.8%) had left brachial plexus palsy and 2 (7.1%) had bilateral involvement. 5 (17.8%) of them had reconstructive surgery done. 11 (39.2%) had good to complete recovery. The purpose of this paper is to underline the importance of early presentation for neurological evaluation and the beginning of physical therapy.

Abstract
Following Newman and Goetz's call for 'a critical turn in community development practice and research' and Fursova's call for 'community development as a critical practice aimed at advancing the commons', this paper argues for a critical community development praxis around gentrification that emphasizes anti-displacement policy. It is more important than ever to look beyond market-friendly strategies and the site of the neighbourhood to shape municipal policy in favour of the 'right to stay put'. As city governments begin to take the loss of affordable housing in urban centers more seriously, community developers can use vital, localized knowledge to strengthen legislative outcomes. I use a case study of a faith-based community development conference circuit to highlight and analyse the limitations of market-based community development and the promising possibilities of anti-displacement policy advocacy.

Gun ownership is a key predictor of gun policy preferences, political advocacy on behalf of gun rights, and political engagement. Theories have linked both racial and gender ideologies to gun ownership among white Americans, but the evidence is spotty. Statistical analyses provide some limited confirmation that racial resentment is a key predictor of gun ownership, but the role of sexism has not been tested quantitatively especially in conjunction with racial resentment. We use the 2004–2016 ANES and a 2015 Gun Survey to statistically test the relative importance of racial resentment and sexism in predicting gun ownership, rationales for owning firearms, and NRA membership among whites. We find strong evidence that racial resentment is associated with gun ownership, rationales for owning firearms, and NRA membership, but the results for sexism are generally not consistent with expectations.

We review the literature on the rise of identity politics and populism in Europe. Populist parties have gained large vote shares since the Great Recession of 2008. We observe in many countries, and even in the European Parliament, a transformation of the main dimension of politics from the left–right cleavage to a new cleavage opposing the mainstream parties to populist parties. We examine how this transformation relates to changes in voter attitudes and the adjustment of political parties to these changes. Two main types of causes for the rise of populism have emerged: economic and cultural. In reviewing the evidence, we find a complex interaction between economic and cultural factors. Economic anxiety among large groups of voters related to the Great Recession and austerity policies triggers a heightened receptivity to the messages of cultural backlash from populist parties.

Federally funded research in Canada is of significant scope and scale. The implications of research in the colonial project has resulted in a fraught relationship between Indigenous Peoples and Western research. Research governance, as an aspect of public administration, is evolving. The relationality inherent in new public governance (NPG)—a nascent public governance regime—may align with Indigenous relationality concepts. Recent societal advances, such as the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), the Truth and Reconcilliation Commission of Canada (TRC), and the Indigenous Institutes Act in Ontario, provide further impetus for Indigenous self-determination in multiple domains including research. This article advocates for Indigenous research sovereignty and concludes with suggestions for ways in which federal funding agencies, specifically the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC), could contribute to the advancement of Indigenous research sovereignty.

The ontology of the social memory of war needs a contemporary fundamental rethink because we have overlooked the existential and ontological problems of the USSR/RF, and it has led to an identity crisis. The 21st century is the era of the transition to the so-called 'simulacra of wars'. Their 'project' is initially described without any correlation with reality, and their 'headquarters' use increasingly sophisticated methods of information warfare. Therefore, it is really necessary to return to the origins, to the borderline situation of war to gradually develop the existential identity in young people, who must remember and cognize the exact truth of the events of 1941–1945. This updates the existential aspects of modern social consciousness that should be comprehensively revived and fully recovered to educate the younger generation about right and adequate thinking.

This chapter analyzes the dilemma that Swiss citizens face between the reintroduction of some form of immigration control and the continuation of the bilateral agreements with the European Union (EU). More specifically, the purpose of the chapter is to shed light on the sociodemographic and political characteristics of the pivotal group of voters who supported the initiative against mass immigration in 2014 but, when asked about the dilemma, say they would give priority to the continuation of the bilateral agreements over immigration control. To that end, I pool data from three different opinion surveys conducted in 2014, 2015 and 2016 and I estimate logistic regression models. The results highlight the importance of age, trust in government, left-right orientation, support to Swiss traditions and political interest as determinants of individual attitudes towards bilateral treaties and immigration control.

This research examines how the European Union promotes public health in its external relations and evaluates the effectiveness of such action. The study aims at two sub-objectives: an examination of the constitutional framework governing EU public health, with a particular emphasis on its external dimension, and an assessment of the factors influencing the effectiveness of the promotion of EU public health at the global level. While the research attempts to undertake a horizontal study of EU public health, it is illustrated by numerous case studies. These include the Union's external promotion of tobacco-control legislation, its role in the fight against cross-border health threats, the balance of trade interests and public health in bilateral trade and investment agreements, and the position of the Union towards intellectual property rights and public health at the WTO.

The image of a political leader is considered as a discursive phenomenon, structured by a set of practices. Two practices bring together the images of Stalin and Putin: 1) use of specific nominations of a leader; 2) reproduction of laudatory slogans addressed to a leader. The gatekeeping practices and the content of leaders' images in considered discourses are fundamentally different. The modern Russian media select the most spectacular breaking news with the participation of Putin and construct the star image, well sold to the Russian consumer. Soviet media refuse any sensationalism, covering only official and routine events with the participation of Stalin. So the contradiction is revealed between the ordinary actions of the leader and the endless praise for Stalin as a deified father. © 2020 University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn. All rights reserved.

This report presents an analysis of the pre-removal detention centers in different European countries focusing on the impact of the COVID-19 outbreak. The purpose is to provide an overview of the situation for third-country Nationals held in pre-removal detention centers. The report begins with a recompilation of statements regarding pre-removal centers in relation to Covid-19 coming from relevant institutions and NGOs. Also, the report briefly presents the general legal framework on immigration detention including Human Rights law framework and European Union law. The case studies are: Czech Republic, Italy, Slovak Republic, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. For each case, there is an analysis of the national legal framework (including grounds for detention, asylum seekers, children and families; and alternatives to detention) and a general overview of the detention system. ; Briefing paper: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5191518