Suchergebnisse

This thesis explores the social meaning and function of what is known as avant-garde, or constructivist, housing estates located in central Moscow. Five of these estates – Budenovsky, Dubrovka, Khavsko-Shabolovsky, Nizhnyaya Presnya and Usachevka – comprise the empirical foci of the study. Built in the late 1920s, the avant-garde estates are the architectonic expression of specific ideals about everyday life and collective living for Soviet citizens. Exploring the avant-garde housing in their current post-Soviet setting, the thesis analyses the lived and social experiences of their residents in the mundane fabric of everyday life, against the backdrop of structural societal forces and the sweep of historical changes occurring in the built environment. Theoretically, the study draws on phenomenologically informed humanistic geography scholarship as well as Henri Lefebvre's Marxist analysis of everyday life and social space. Empirically, the analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with local residents, including walking interviews, and interviews with architecture historians and preservation activists, as well as a survey, a range of historical sources and state register data. The findings show that residents, in relation to the spatial, architectural and design features of their housing estates, make sense of their residencies as home places, thereby transcending the official historical and cultural heritage narratives. Furthermore, associated with the restructuring of housing markets in post-Soviet Moscow, the change in social (housing) relations has had a clear effect on the physical and social space of the estates, leading to novel patterns of place-based socialisation and politicisation. The thesis also demonstrates how residents rediscover the historical meanings and underpinnings of avant-garde housing in the course of their daily lives, showcasing the awareness and possibility of envisioning housing as a fundamental social right built with human needs, not profits, in mind. This study should be of special interest to those concerned with housing and urban planning, urban history, residential architecture and urban phenomenology. It is also an invitation to revisit and actualise the humanistic tradition in current human geography studies.

This study is part of the MAPLE Project, ERC – European Research Council Grant, 682125, which aims to study the Politicisation of the EU before and after the Eurozone Crisis in Belgium, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. In each of these countries, an online panel is to be carried out just before and just after the legislative elections. This report pertains to the pre-election panel of Portugal legislative elections 2019 held on 6 October. Our questionnaire seeks to model the political context of political choices, and to understand the importance that European attitudes may have in voting behaviour. In Portugal, we have partnered with Netquest. We present in this report a number of political attitudes according to stated partisanship in Portugal. We are interested in the way in which partisan preferences are related to political attitudes, including national issues as well as those pertaining to the EU. The target population is the general voting population aged >18 years old using the Census 2011 data. The sample size is 1540. The fieldwork was done using the Netquest online panel and took place between 19/08/2019 and 19/09/2019. The sample followed and fulfilled a socio demographic matrix which crossed three quotas: gender (male, female); age (18-34; 35-54; 55+); education (less than secondary; secondary; more than secondary). The resulting dataset was weighted according to a weight combining gender (male, female), age (18-34; 35-54; 55+), and education (up to secondary; secondary; postsecondary). Our sample included weights above 2 for less than 10% of the sample. To measure partisanship we used the following questions: the respondent was asked if s/he felt close to a party. To those who replied no in the first question, they were asked again, namely if they felt closer to one party than others. Only those who repeated no in this question too were coded as "without party id". All others were coded with their stated party identification. In the results we show all parties that 1% or more of ...

International audience ; The party system represents a privileged observation post for studying the systemic crisis of the Egyptian state. At the same time, it constitutes an arena in which the state seeks to resolve this crisis through elections, in order to find a new model for its relations with society.The former hegemonic party (the National Democratic Party, NDP) had entered into crisis as early as in the 1990s, due to the rise of new social elites, mainly businessmen. At the same time, the opposition parties were too weak to attract these new elites, or even to play a role in expressing social demand. They also proved unable to fill the vacuum left by the dissolution of the NDP in 2011, leaving the field open to political Islam, despite the growth of the electorate and the politicisation of the vote during the period 2011-2013. But supported mainly by the poor and marginalised areas in the South and along the country's borders, Islamists had to face hostility from the people in the heart of Egypt (Cairo, Alexandria, the Delta and the Canal) when they came to power in 2012.Since their fall in 2013, the regime has tried to set up different models for linking the state and society: the formation of a new elite through the creation of the Future of the Homeland Party, a national coalition of existing secular parties, or the merging of the aforesaid parties into three or four entities. So far, all these attempts have failed, and a new model for the relationship between the Egyptian state and its society has yet to be found. ; Le système partisan représente un poste d'observation privilégié pour étudier la crise systémique de l'État égyptien. En même temps, il constitue une arène au sein de laquelle l'État cherche à résoudre cette crise à travers les élections, afin de trouver un nouveau modèle pour ses relations avec la société.L'ancien parti hégémonique (le parti national démocratique, PND) était entré en crise dès les années 1990, du fait de la montée en puissance de nouvelles élites sociales, principalement ...

This study is part of the MAPLE Project, ERC – European Research Council Grant, 682125, which aims to study the Politicisation of the EU before and after the Eurozone Crisis in Belgium, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. In each of these countries an online panel will be carried out just before and just after the legislative elections. This report pertains to the pre-election panel of Greece legislative elections 2019 to be held on 7 July. Our questionnaire seeks to model the political context of political choices, and to understand the importance which European attitudes may have in voting behaviour. In Greece, we have partnered with Metron Analysis. We present in this report a number of political attitudes according to stated partisanship in Greece. We are interested in the way in which partisan preferences are related to political attitudes, including national issues as well as those pertaining to the EU. The target population is the general voting population aged >17 years old using the Census 2011 data. The sample size is 800. The fieldwork was done using Computer Assisted Telephone methodology and the fieldwork took place between 07/06/2019 and 21/06/2019. The sample followed and fulfilled a socio demographic matrix which crossed four quotas: gender (male, female); age (17-34; 35-55; 56-65;66+); education (up to secondary; post-secondary), as well as region (Northern, Mainland, Attica, Islands). The resulting dataset was weighted according to a weight combining gender (male, female), age (17-34; 35-55; 56-65;66+) and education (up to secondary; post-secondary) at NUTS1 level. The survey response rate was 12%. The margin of error for this survey is +/-3.5%. To measure partisanship we used the following questions: the respondent was asked if s/he felt close to a party. To those who replied no in the first question, they were asked a second time, namely if they felt closer to one party than others. Only those who repeated no in this question too were coded as "without party id". All others were ...

This study is part of the MAPLE Project, ERC – European Research Council Grant, 682125, which aims to study the Politicisation of the EU before and after the Eurozone Crisis in Belgium, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. In each of these countries an online panel will be carried out just before and just after the legislative elections. This Report pertains to the pre-election survey of Spain Legislative elections 2019. Our questionnaire seeks to model the political context of political choices, and to understand the importance that European attitudes may have in voting behaviour. In Spain, we have partnered with Netquest. In this report we present a number of political attitudes broken down by partisanship in Spain. We are interested in the way in which partisan preferences are related to political attitudes, including national as well as EU issues. The target population is the General voting population aged >18 years old. The sample size is 3.007. The fieldwork was done using the Netquest online panel and took place between 27/03/2019 and 12/04/2019. The sample was designed using data from the Census 2011 to create a socio demographic matrix which crossed four variables: gender (male, female); age (18- 24; 25-54; 55+); education (up to secondary; secondary, more than secondary), region (Noroeste, Noreste, Comunidad de Madrid, Centro, Este, Sur and Canarias). The resulting dataset was weighted according to a weight combining gender (male, female), age (18-24; 25-54; 55-64; 65+) and education up to secondary; secondary, more than secondary), using, also in this case, data from the 2011 Spanish Census. To identify respondents' partisanship we used the following procedure: the respondent was asked if s/he felt close to a party. To those who replied "no" in this question, they were asked if they felt closer to one party in particular. Those who repeated "no" in this second question were coded as "without party id". All others were presented with a list of political parties from which they could choose ...

Recent years have seen a re-militarisation around the world, with the military making a comeback on the political scene, especially in Latin America. In sub-Saharan Africa, though, the trend seems different: Before 1990, Africa was the region with most military coups, and many countries on the continent were ruled by military regimes. Since 1990, however, the military has been steadily returning to the barracks. Despite this, the armed forces still matter in politics and remain a force to be reckoned with.
More visible forms of military intervention in politics have decreased over the last few decades. Openly military regimes have virtually vanished. Military coups still occur, but their frequency is declining.
However, less visible forms of intervention by the military in politics persist. In almost 40 per cent of sub-Saharan cases, the military remains a powerful actor in politics; in 15 out of 49 countries, "generals in suits" rule as heads of government.
Causes of military involvement in politics include dissatisfaction with civilian governments and specific grievances and ambitions of officers. The diminished role of the military follows general trends of political opening after the end of the Cold War in Africa but can be also ascribed to both policies followed by regional organisations and a rejection of military rule by the respective populations.
Effects of politicised militaries are ambiguous and depend on context - particularly on regime type. Disloyal militaries threaten democracies but "democratising soldiers" can also contribute to the downfall of autocrats. Loyalty stabilises democracies, but in several cases the security forces are the main support for repressive autocrats.
Politicised militaries often get involved when countries face political and socio-economic problems. The most promising way to reduce politicisation is through professional security forces. Professionalism refers to staying out of politics, which facilitates an improved ability to tackle security risks such as terrorism and insurgencies without resorting to excessive force. Solutions must grow in Africa, but outside actors can support professionalism by assisting security sector reform.

International audience ; This article deals with politicisation through economic practices within the socialist consumer cooperative L'Union de Lille, at the turn of the 20th century. In addition to improving the way of living of Lille's working class, the cooperative's managers explicitly viewed consumption practices and democratic organisation within the cooperative as a way of strengthening a socialist project, and more specifically, strengthening Guesdism, then a very influential socialist current in Northern France. The practices and rules of the cooperative appeared to be an ideal way of teaching and shaping "socialist consumers", to unite the working class, as well as to finance the socialist party's activities. However, this politicised translation of the cooperative project was ambiguous, as it led the co-operators to take on practices and attitudes such as savings, planning for the future, voting and delegation. The study of socialist cooperatives such as "l'Union de Lille" highlights the complex rationales of acculturation of the working class to the dominant forms of doing politics during the Third Republic. ; Cet article traite de la politisation par les pratiques économiques développées au sein de la coopérative socialiste de consommation « l'Union de Lille » au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Au-delà de l'amélioration des conditions de vie des classes populaires lilloises, ses dirigeants inscrivent explicitement les pratiques de consommation et l'organisation démocratique de la coopérative dans la perspective d'un projet politique socialiste, et plus particulièrement dans le guesdisme alors très influent dans le socialisme du nord de la France. Les pratiques et règles apparaissent comme un moyen de former des « consommateurs socialistes » et de fédérer la classe ouvrière, tout en finançant les activités du parti socialiste. Cependant, cette traduction politisée du projet coopératif n'est pas sans ambivalences, en ce qu'elle amène les coopérateurs à apprendre l'épargne et la prévoyance, le vote et la délégation. L'étude de coopératives socialistes permet ainsi d'éclairer les logiques complexes d'acculturation des classes populaires, à travers l'économie, aux formes dominantes de la politique sous la Troisième République.

AbstractThe article comments on the ongoing de‐Europeanisation and re‐nationalisation of Europe from a historical perspective. The article argues that the building of national community from the 1870s onwards focused on the problem of social integration where the development of emotional feelings of belonging and solidarity was linked to the building of institutions for social politics in mutually reinforcing dynamics. The social question emerged in the wake of the spread of industrial capitalism. Its role is underexplored in the study of the building of national and European communities. The social question draws attention to the institutional capacity of nationstatesrather than nations based on emotions. Nationalism did not only mean the building of friend‐ enemy distinctions through ethnicity but also national socialism as a conservative reform strategy against class struggle socialism. This contention between two approaches to the problem of social integration moulded together national communities through emotions and institutions without deploying the concept of identity. The article outlines this development, culminating in the (West) European welfare states as nation– states in the strong sense of the merger of these two terms, and how it came to an end in the 1970s when a reverse development began towards social disintegration at the end accompanied by accelerating nationalism and xenophobia. The identity concept was mobilised in 1973 as a tool in the European integration project to compensate for the erosion of social institutions by means of emotions. It was taken over and politicised from having been a technical term in mathematics and psychoanalysis. The politicisation of the identity concept was an indication of a deep identity crisis in Europe and its nations. The identity therapy failed, and the identity crisis remains, accompanied by an ever louder nationalistic and xenophobic vocabulary. Emotions replace institutions. The methodological focus of the article is on the semantics around key concepts such as social politics, solidarity and identity in their historical context as forward‐looking and action‐oriented concepts in the construction of community. This approach with a focus onpast futuresis an alternative to the application of the retrospective analytical concepts of ethnic and civic nationalism outliningpresent pasts.

Even though ethics should not be instrumentalised, discussing ethical issues with participants and gatekeepers can nevertheless lead to new knowledge. Through examples from ethnographic research among children and families fearing deportation in Birmingham, UK and Malmö, Sweden, this article reflects upon how an ethics-as-process approach can become part of the knowledge production itself in sensitive and politicised research contexts. This is a result of the ambivalent nature of ethnographic research with vulnerable groups and the article therefore encourages researchers to embrace the ambivalences of co-constructing the field, working with gatekeepers and establishing trust and consent to enable a more transparent and reflexive knowledge production. In conclusion, it is suggested that the increased politicisation of the issue of child and family migration will make necessary that researchers, who wish to embrace this ambivalence, align with the self-expressed struggle of participants to enable high-quality participatory research among these groups. ; Aunque la ética no debería ser instrumentalizada, la discusión de cuestiones éticas con participantes y gatekeepers ('guardianes') puede guiarnos a nuevos conocimientos. A través de ejemplos de una investigación etnográfica con niños y familias con temor a ser deportadas realizada en Birmingham, Reino Unido, y Malmö, Suecia, este artículo reflexiona sobre cómo una aproximación de la ética como proceso puede convertirse en parte de la producción de conocimiento en contextos sensibles y de investigación politizada. Esto es resultado de la naturaleza ambivalente de la investigación etnográfica con grupos vulnerables y, el artículo, por lo tanto, anima a los investigadores a acoger las ambivalencias de co-construir el campo a través del trabajo con gatekeepers ('guardianes') y estableciendo confianza y consentimiento para posibilitar una producción de conocimiento más transparente y reflexiva. En conclusión, se sugiere que ante la creciente politización del área de los niños y las familias migrantes será necesario que los investigadores que deseen acoger esta ambivalencia, se alineen con la lucha expresada por los participantes para facilitar el desarrollo de investigación participante de gran calidad entre estos grupos.

The article looks at the political uses of liberal and revolutionary martyrs in the Kingdom of the West Has at the beginning of the nineteenth century. He seeks to show how romantic age saw a martyrs culture in the liberal opposition to Bourbons, based on the memory of the failed revolution of 1799, and then enriched in the 1840s of the victims of the repression of successive revolutions in the Kingdom. As illustrated by the case of the "moment 1848" provinces, the memory of martyrs has been both one of the preferred means of local identities and one of the main instruments of politicisation of the people at local level, crystallising very often imprecise political identities. This identity aspect continued in the early 1850s, while many liberals were in exile in the Kingdom of Piedmont: as martyrs become founding fathers of Italy in formation, they are mainly used to illustrate the superiority and primacy of the southern regions in the Italian national movement. ; International audience The paper aims to study the political uses of the liberal and revolutionary martyrs in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies during the first half of the 19th century. A culture of martyrdom appeared in the liberal opposition to the Bourbon monarchy, based on the memory of the failed revolution of 1799, then enriched in the 1840s through the victims of the repression of the successive revolutions that shook the kingdom. As shows the Calabrian case during the Revolution of 1848, the memory of the martyrs was one of the privileged supports of the popular politicization at the local scale, crystallising some very often imprecise political identities. It kept its identital function at the beginning of the 1850s, while many liberals were exiled in Piedmont : while the liberal martyrs became founding fathers of the Italian Risorgimento, they are mainly used to illustrate the Neapolitan and Meridional superiority and primacy in the Italian nation-building. ; The article looks at the political uses of liberal and revolutionary martyrs in the ...

Defence date: 7 July 2017 ; Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Harold Clarke, University of Texas at Dallas; Professor Geoffrey Evans, Nuffield College, University of Oxford; Professor Diego Gambetta, EUI ; This thesis presents four essays that aim to explain within-individual variation in voter turnout. The motivation behind this thesis is not only the importance of voter turnout to democracy, both in theoretical and substantive terms, but also the methodological and theoretical weaknesses in the existing literature caused by the lack of attention given to why individuals vote at some points in their lives and not at others. This deficit stands in contrast to the vast literature explaining aggregate level turnout – both within and between countries– and individual level turnout solely between individuals. Each of the four essays seeks to rethink one of the explanatory models of individual level voter turnout – mobilisation, resources, psychology and socialisation by applying many of their determinants to within-individual variation, as well as, in some cases, adding new ones. The methodological approach to explaining within-individual variation is to use fixed effects panel data models, as well as intermittently random effects models, cross-sectional models and structural equations. The data for these models comes from the British Household Panel Survey, the Swiss Household Panel Survey and the British Election Study. This thesis makes a number of theoretical, methodological and substantive contributions. I show that within-individual variation in voting seems to be fairly unaffected by such issues as material resources, 'antipolitical' sentiments, household politicisation or even feelings of personal ability to vote effectively – all of which have been mainstays of the between individual literature. Rather, I conclude that individuals vote when they are interested in the politics of the time, feel affinity towards a party or when a party has bothered to contact them, on the one hand, and, more fundamentally, by the lifestyle of the individual at the time of the election – with lifestyles built on rootedness, social integration and roles demanding responsibility increasing the individual's desire to turnout to vote.

Since the OPAL pipeline started operating, more than five years ago, Gazprom has been unable to use more than 50 per cent of its capacity – even if such was not required by third parties – due to a regulatory cap imposed by the European Commission (EC) in June 2009. In October 2016 the EC adopted a new decision which removed the cap and attempted to strike a fine balance between the interests of all parties involved: while it allows Gazprom to bid for the remaining 50 per cent of OPAL capacity, it also guarantees that third parties will have access to at least 20 per cent, as Gazprom is not allowed to outbid them for that share. The decision manifests a (belated) recognition on the part of the EC that there was no rationale, rooted in the acquis, for maintaining the OPAL cap, which has become increasingly illogical and prone to criticisms of having being imposed on political grounds. Having recognised that politicisation threatens to undermine the credibility of the EU regulatory gas framework, the EC moved back into the comfort zone of rules-based regulatory decision-making, of which the October 2016 decision is an example. Poland's legal challenge to this decision is an attempt to move in the opposite direction and risks creating a precedent in which political objectives are allowed to override regulatory rules. As such the October 2016 decision signifies an important turning point in how Russian gas will be transported to Europe in the future. It could serve as an enabler for finding a new contractual arrangement between Gazprom and Naftogaz (with mediation from the EC) for continuing transit across Ukraine post-2019 once the existing contract expires, thus reducing the urgency for the construction of Nord Stream 2 and/or the Turkish/South Stream pipelines. However should either the decision or the arrangement with Naftogaz fail or be further delayed by legal proceedings, the opposite could be the case. In any event, the decision could serve as a guidance for future regulatory treatment of onshore extensions ...

Abstract Background The roll out of antiretroviral therapy in the South African public health sector in 2004 was preceded by the politicisation of HIV-infection which was used to promote traditional medicine for the management of HIV/AIDS. One decade has passed since; however, questions remain on the extent of the use of traditional, complementary and alternative medicine (TCAM) by HIV-infected patients. This study therefore aimed at investigating the prevalence of the use of African traditional medicine (ATM), complementary and alternative medicines (CAM) by adult patients in the eThekwini and UThukela Health Districts, South Africa. Methods A cross- sectional study was carried out at 8 public health sector antiretroviral clinics using interviewer-administered semi-structured questionnaires. These were completed from April to October 2014 by adult patients who had been on antiretroviral therapy (ART) for at least three months. Use of TCAM by patients was analysed by descriptive statistics using frequency and percentages with standard error. Where the associated relative error was equal or greater to 0.50, the percentage was rejected as unstable. A p -value <0.05 was estimated as statistically significant. Results The majority of the 1748 participants were Black Africans (1685/1748, 96.40 %, SE: 0.00045), followed by Coloured (39/1748, 2.23 %, SE: 0.02364), Indian (17/1748, 0.97 %, SE: 0.02377), and Whites (4/1748, 0.23 %, SE: 0.02324), p < 0.05. The prevalence of ATM use varied prior to (382/1748, 21.85 %) and after ART initiation (142/1748, 8.12 %), p <0.05, specifically by Black African females both before (14.41 %) and after uptake (5.49 %), p < 0.05. Overall, 35 Black Africans, one Coloured and one Indian (37/1748, 2.12 %) reported visiting CAM practitioners for their HIV condition and related symptoms post ART. Conclusion Despite a progressive implementation of a successful antiretroviral programme over the first decade of free antiretroviral therapy in the South African public health sector, the use of TCAM is still prevalent amongst a small percentage of HIV infected patients attending public healthcare sector antiretroviral clinics. Further research is needed to explore reasons for use and health benefits or risks experienced by the minority that uses both conventional antiretroviral therapy with TCAM.

In the grip of ethnicity? The functioning of selected ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and CroatiaIn the last twenty years we have been able to observe an increase in the significance of regional and ethnic identities ("reethnification"), and a resultant proliferation of ethnoregional and regional groupings. But although ethnoregionalist parties (ERP) are widespread in both Western and Central and Eastern Europe, there remains surprisingly little literature differentiating between the various kinds of ethnoregionalist parties and dealing with the lack of common definition of this kind of political actors. Some scholars even propose using a broader term – ethnic party. Moreover, over the years many scholars have believed (and some continue to) that their emergence in multicultural societies conjures up the politicisation of ethnic division and – practically inevitably – leads to "ethnic outbidding", threatening to the stability of democracy.In the first part of the paper, the author deals with the conceptualisation of ethnoregionalist parties, examining the diversifications of their demands and strategies and showing that to gain voters they can invoke a much broader repertoire of strategies than the ethnic outbidding model suggested. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of operation of selected ERPs in Serbia and Croatia. The analysis covers Hungarian parties in Serbia and Serbian ones in Croatia. In the concluding remarks, the author tries to point out the main reasons for the changes in their strategy (as well as demands) over time. W okowach etniczności? Wybrane partie etnoregionalne w Serbii i Chorwacji (1990–2012)Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji.

In the grip of ethnicity? The functioning of selected ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and CroatiaIn the last twenty years we have been able to observe an increase in the significance of regional and ethnic identities ("reethnification"), and a resultant proliferation of ethnoregional and regional groupings. But although ethnoregionalist parties (ERP) are widespread in both Western and Central and Eastern Europe, there remains surprisingly little literature differentiating between the various kinds of ethnoregionalist parties and dealing with the lack of common definition of this kind of political actors. Some scholars even propose using a broader term – ethnic party. Moreover, over the years many scholars have believed (and some continue to) that their emergence in multicultural societies conjures up the politicisation of ethnic division and – practically inevitably – leads to "ethnic outbidding", threatening to the stability of democracy.In the first part of the paper, the author deals with the conceptualisation of ethnoregionalist parties, examining the diversifications of their demands and strategies and showing that to gain voters they can invoke a much broader repertoire of strategies than the ethnic outbidding model suggested. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of operation of selected ERPs in Serbia and Croatia. The analysis covers Hungarian parties in Serbia and Serbian ones in Croatia. In the concluding remarks, the author tries to point out the main reasons for the changes in their strategy (as well as demands) over time. W okowach etniczności? Wybrane partie etnoregionalne w Serbii i Chorwacji (1990–2012)Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji.