Suchergebnisse

Several governance processes have been common to the countries in South Eastern Europe. The development administrative education emancipated from traditional legal education is but one of these processes. The slow development of quality administrative education is a result of specific combination of public administrations' demands on one hand, and supply of universities with regard to administrative education, on the other. Demands are not consolidated because there is still strong politicisation of public administrations. Old state universities are sclerotic, while many small new universities offer rather low quality education, mostly for the private, not for the public sector.The research shows that educational preparation in the region tends to preserve the legalistic nature of the field, but certain improvements are observable. In Croatia, there is a constant development of the supply side, while the demand side is a bit underdeveloped. Overall conclusion is that there is an interconnection between the development of governance and administrative education developments. ; Jugoistočna Europa je regija koja dijeli određene karakteristike javnog upravljanja, zbog zajedničkih institucija u prošlosti, sadašnjeg procesa europeizacije i nekih zajedničkih kulturnih crta. Proces usvajanja europskih upravnih standarda podupire mehanizam uvjetovanosti tijekom procesa pridruživanja Europskoj uniji. Razvoj modernog upravnog obrazovanja, emancipiranog od tradicionalnog pravnog obrazovanja, jest komponenta sadašnjih procesa javnog upravljanja, ali se odvija uz dosta oklijevanja. Taj spori razvoj posljedica je specifičnosti zahtjeva javnih uprava na jednoj te sveučilišne ponude upravnog obrazovanja na drugoj strani. Zahtjevi nisu utvrđeni zbog još uvijek prisutne politizacije javnih uprava. Stara su državna sveučilišta u nekoj mjeri sklerotična, dok mnoga mala nova sveučilišta nude prilično nisku razinu obrazovanja, a i to više za privatni nego za javni sektor. Istraživanje pokazuje da obrazovna priprema za upravu u regiji tendira zaštititi pretežno pravnu prirodu područja, ali se ipak vide određena unapređenja. Početkom 2009. bilo je skoro 70 obrazovnih programa na razini visokog obrazovanja u šest zemalja na području bivše Jugoslavije, od kojih većina na razini prvog (BA) i drugog stupnja (MA). Sadržaj upravnog obrazovanja ima težište na pravu i upravnoj znanosti. Ekonomija i financije, informatika i politologija imale su manje udjele u studijskim programima. U Hrvatskoj postoji stalni razvoj ponude programa upravnog obrazovanja, ali je druga strana, strana zahtjeva za upravnim obrazovanjem donekle podrazvijena. To uglavnom znači da Vlada i drugi poslodavci u javnom sektoru ne prepoznaju studije javne uprave kao prvi i osnovni izvor javnih službenika. Ipak, tijekom zadnjih godina stalno se utemeljuju novi studiji i razvijaju postojeći studiji javne uprave. Opći je zaključak da postoji povezanost razvoja javnog upravljanja i razvoja upravnog obrazovanja.

В настояще е врем я развити е эконо мическо й дипломати и в мир е определяет с я сочетание м процессо в глобализаци и и регионализаци и и имее т прежд е всег о хо зяйственно е измерение. Вмест е с те м в Балтийско м регион е существуе т мас штабна я политизаци я объективны х про цессо в экономическог о сотрудничества. Развити е атомно й энергетик и в восточ но й част и Балтик и выступае т индикато ро м эффективност и политическог о и экономическог о сотрудничеств а в регио не. С наше й точк и зрения, у Росси и и стра н Балти и присутствуе т экономиче ска я и технологическа я возможност ь дл я развити я сотрудничеств а в энергетиче ско й сфере. Вопро с лиш ь в том, удастс я л и преодолет ь исторически е стереотип ы межгосударственны х отношений. Углуб лени е международног о разделени я труд а в сочетани и с историческ и сформировав шейс я специализацие й СССР — Росси и превращае т атомну ю энергетик у в важ ны й факто р экономическо й дипломати и России. Продвижени е российски х атом ны х проекто в в регион е способствуе т вы страивани ю систем ы взаимовыгодны х связе й в регионе. Экономическо й предпо сылко й этог о являетс я нарастающи й энергодефици т в регионе. ; Currently, the development of economic diplomacy in the world is determined by a combination of globalization and regionalization processes; moreover, it exhibits an economic dimension. At the same time, the Baltic Sea region demonstrates large-scale politicisation of the objective processes of economic cooperation. The development of nuclear power in the eastern part of the Baltic Sea is indicative of the effectiveness of political and economic cooperation in the region. The author believes that Russia and the Baltics have an economic and technological opportunity for developing cooperation in the field of energy. The only question is whether historical patterns of interstate relations can be overcome. A more pronounced international division of labour accompanied by the historically developed specialization of the USSR-Russia makes nuclear power an important factor of Russia's economic diplomacy. The promotion of Russian energy projects in the region contributes to the development of a system of mutually beneficial ties. The economic prerequisite to that is the increasing energy deficiency in the region.

The Glorious Thirties period in France is characterized by a progressive change in public policies. But this period is as well marked by a double process held by protester discourses : on the one hand, a politicisation of the urban question, and on the other hand, an urbanization of left-wing political positions. This thesis deal with the instrumentality of urban space in political ideology. What is the position of urban space in political ideology ? Which real part does it strategically take ? The simultaneous emergence of ideas such as "life surroundings", "everyday life", "participation", urban "auto-gestion", and considerations on "Urban Revolution" and "Class-struggle's urbanization" take part in the theoretical background of this double process. These ideas lead the city to become a stake for discourses and practices. Moreover, in Marxist and revolutionary ideology, the city is the key means for changing society. Among the leftists, some of the avant-gardes and the French "New Left", the dialectic between criticized space and saving space allows us to analyze the city status of an instrumental space. ; La période dite des trente glorieuses se marque, en France, par un changement progressif de paradigme dans les politiques urbaines. Mais celle-ci se caractérise aussi par un double glissement porté par les discours contestataires : d'une part, une " politisation ", voire une radicalisation des réflexions sur la ville, et, d'autre part, une " urbanisation " des positions politiques, notamment à gauche. Cette thèse aborde l'instrumentalisation de l'espace au sein de l'idéologie politique : quelle place y occupe celui-ci et comment la pensée s'en empare ? Quel est son statut véritable en termes stratégiques ? L'émergence concomitante des notions de " cadre de vie ", de " vie quotidienne ", de " participation " et d'autogestion " urbaines ", les réflexions autour de la " révolution urbaine " et de " l'urbanisation la lutte des classes ", servent en quelque sorte de cadre théorique d'arrière plan à ces glissements et aux conceptions qui permettent à la ville de devenir, tout au moins dans les discours, mais aussi parfois dans les pratiques, un enjeu et un objet politique privilégié. Bien plus, elle acquiert dans l'idéologie marxiste et révolutionnaire, le statut de médiateur du changement social souhaité. C'est la dialectique entre un espace critiqué et un espace salvateur, présente dans les sciences sociales, chez les gauchistes, comme au sein de certaines avant-gardes et dans le discours de la " deuxième gauche ", qui nous permet d'analyser son véritable statut d'espace instrumental.

The Glorious Thirties period in France is characterized by a progressive change in public policies. But this period is as well marked by a double process held by protester discourses : on the one hand, a politicisation of the urban question, and on the other hand, an urbanization of left-wing political positions. This thesis deal with the instrumentality of urban space in political ideology. What is the position of urban space in political ideology ? Which real part does it strategically take ? The simultaneous emergence of ideas such as "life surroundings", "everyday life", "participation", urban "auto-gestion", and considerations on "Urban Revolution" and "Class-struggle's urbanization" take part in the theoretical background of this double process. These ideas lead the city to become a stake for discourses and practices. Moreover, in Marxist and revolutionary ideology, the city is the key means for changing society. Among the leftists, some of the avant-gardes and the French "New Left", the dialectic between criticized space and saving space allows us to analyze the city status of an instrumental space. ; La période dite des trente glorieuses se marque, en France, par un changement progressif de paradigme dans les politiques urbaines. Mais celle-ci se caractérise aussi par un double glissement porté par les discours contestataires : d'une part, une " politisation ", voire une radicalisation des réflexions sur la ville, et, d'autre part, une " urbanisation " des positions politiques, notamment à gauche. Cette thèse aborde l'instrumentalisation de l'espace au sein de l'idéologie politique : quelle place y occupe celui-ci et comment la pensée s'en empare ? Quel est son statut véritable en termes stratégiques ? L'émergence concomitante des notions de " cadre de vie ", de " vie quotidienne ", de " participation " et d'autogestion " urbaines ", les réflexions autour de la " révolution urbaine " et de " l'urbanisation la lutte des classes ", servent en quelque sorte de cadre théorique d'arrière plan à ces glissements et aux conceptions qui permettent à la ville de devenir, tout au moins dans les discours, mais aussi parfois dans les pratiques, un enjeu et un objet politique privilégié. Bien plus, elle acquiert dans l'idéologie marxiste et révolutionnaire, le statut de médiateur du changement social souhaité. C'est la dialectique entre un espace critiqué et un espace salvateur, présente dans les sciences sociales, chez les gauchistes, comme au sein de certaines avant-gardes et dans le discours de la " deuxième gauche ", qui nous permet d'analyser son véritable statut d'espace instrumental.

For more than twenty-five years, human and social sciences have been trying to understand and to interpret the dynamics of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. However, African studies in political science are at the margins of this cognitive movement despite the development of paradigms on public policies. This mistrust of Africanist towards HIV/AIDS research expresses an epistemological limitation related to the dominance of institutional and statist approaches that still characterize African studies in political science. An outcome of this mistrust is a disinterest in non-state social actors that are active in the making of political objects, especially considering the absence of the state in the governance of HIV/AIDS in Africa. However, the HIV/AIDS epidemic incontestably produces political effects: it generates and maintains power struggles; it questions the mechanism of the governance of social problems; it reveals the withdrawal of the state from public space in favour of non-elected but participative forms of entry into public space. As a result the HIV/AIDS epidemic necessitates the renewal of research paradigms on the state in Africa and their transposition onto the civil actors that emerge alongside the state in the fight against HIV/AIDS. This thesis analyses the dynamics of the HIV/AIDS epidemic using political science theories and concepts and a comparative approach to the role and the place of political and associative actors, the controversies and the epidemic dynamics, in the political construction of HIV/AIDS in South Africa, Burkina Faso and Cameroon. ; Depuis un peu plus de vingt cinq ans, les sciences humaines et sociales essaient de comprendre et d'interpréter les dynamiques de l'épidémie de VIH/Sida. La science politique africaniste est cependant en marge de ce mouvement cognitif malgré le développement de nombreux paradigmes sur les politiques publiques. Cette méfiance de l'africanisme à l'égard du VIH/Sida manifeste vraisemblablement une sorte de souffrance épistémologique fortement liée à ce trop ...

The problem of a healthcare workforce shortage is present on a global scale, as evidenced by the World Health Organization's estimate that by 2035, there will be a global deficit of 12.9 million healthcare workers (Campbell et al., 2013). Previous research indicates that the emigration of highly qualified professionals is relatively under-researched within the Croatian scientific community. Some studies have focused on surveys among student populations and their inclinations towards emigration as a form of potential emigration (Golub, 2003; Šverko, 2005; Mlikota and Prelas Kovačević, 2013; Bojanić, Bojanić and Likić, 2015; Mrkonjić et al., 2019; Troskot, Prsaklo and Šimić Banović, 2019; Šlibar, Oreški and Klačmer Čalopa, 2023). According to existing research, the most common reasons contributing to the inclination to-wards migration among healthcare workers in Croatia include issues in the organisation of the healthcare system and working conditions, low financial compensation, issues in the education and specialisation process, nepotism and political favouritism in the healthcare system, as well as the general political climate in society. This study is part of the first author's research for her doctoral dissertation on the topic "Key Factors in the Emigration of Healthcare Workers from the Republic of Croatia." The general aim of this research was to map the relevant reasons for the emigration of healthcare workers from Croatia from their perspective and based on their statements, and to identify the key reasons for emigration, i.e., those that prevail in the decision-making process regarding emigration. The research questions were defined as follows: What are all the factors that influenced the decision of emigrated physicians to leave Croatia? Which of these factors are more important than others, i.e., prevail in decision-making? How can we explain the differences in the importance of these factors? The research was conducted using qualitative methodology as the optimal framework considering the research topic. The study included 45 healthcare workers, both emigrated and non-emigrated. We interviewed members of the two largest groups of healthcare workers, nurses/medical technicians and physicians, but in this paper, we present preliminary results obtained from one of the researched subsamples: emigrated physicians. Some of the results presented here were obtained from research on a sample from the population of physicians who emigrated from Croatia, constituting a subsample of the total sample of emigrated healthcare workers, with a total of 18 interviews conducted (13 women, and 5 men). The research was initiated in September 2021 and completed in February 2023, with all interviews conducted online due to the pandemic context. Regarding the method of data analysis and processing, we opted for a thematic analysis approach, specifically a variant of thematic analysis developed by King (2004), called pattern analysis. We argue that this approach is particularly suitable for studies aimed at comparing different perspectives of actors in a phenomenon within a specific context. Through the process of inductive and deductive thematic analysis and in accordance with the initial theoretical-conceptual framework of this research, we established three main themes that describe and encompass important groups of reasons for the emigration of physicians from Croatia: 1. Professional aspirations of physicians. This type of motivation represents a key or significant reason for the decision to emigrate, or it is indirectly related to that decision. It may involve a desire for training that is not offered in Croatia at all, or if it is, the quality of education is perceived as inadequate, i.e., some physicians strive for higher-quality education. Physicians who want to educate themselves and/or specialise in narrowly specialised areas can only acquire their knowledge in countries with larger healthcare systems. Furthermore, reasons related to the possibility of obtaining the desired specialisation are mentioned, as well as the perception of fairness in the competition process, i.e., the perception of corruption and nepotism in these processes. 2. Organisational context of the Croatian healthcare system. This theme is crucial when discussing the reasons for the emigration of physicians from Croatia. Emigrated physicians uniformly express a high degree of dissatisfaction with various aspects of working in the Croatian public healthcare system, and in the vast majority of cases, they cite this as the key reason for deciding to emigrate. These aspects include interpersonal relationships (along with the theme of mobbing), overtime work and excessive workloads, high levels of politicisation of the profession (including the themes of corruption and nepotism in the healthcare system), and management of the healthcare system (at both higher and lower levels) along with the related theme of the system's structure and organisation. 3. General/broader social context. The theme of quality of life did not emerge as one of the decisive reasons for emigration, but the theme of the broader social context, i.e., the perception of the general socio-political atmosphere in Croatia, appeared important for some physicians, and for a smaller number, as one of the decisive reasons for emigration. We believe this broader context is associated by interlocutors with the context of working in the healthcare system. The politicisation of the profession/ system and the phenomenon of corruption and nepotism in the system are recognised as part of the broader socio-political context in which corruption and nepotism are important features of the general socio-political climate. We contend that, for a small portion of interviewed physicians, the inability to realise their professional aspirations in Croatia is an important push factor for emigration. However, we believe that our research provides grounds to conclude that this concerns a very small number of physicians, and that the phenomenon of emigration would not represent any burden to the healthcare system if other important push factors were not present. The organisational context of the public healthcare system, i.e., various aspects of the experience of working in that system, takes precedence in our analysis in terms of key push factors for emigration. In this group of reasons, there is no simple answer, as the aspects of this issue are multiple and intertwined. A large portion of emigrated physicians speak of poor interpersonal relationships as one of the most important reasons for emigration. This theme is often associated in their statements with the theme of excessive politicisation of the profession, forming opposing groups ("us/our" and "them/theirs"), which directly harms cooperation. In the context of the theme of interpersonal relationships, we notice that there are two types of mobbing, individual cases of abuse of power, and systemic mobbing, where the system accepts and legitimises it to some extent since there are no sanctions for instances of abuse. We recognise the second type mostly in relation to younger physicians, especially specialists, in the undermining of work standards and norms manifested in the frequency of overtime work, overloading with work tasks, and problems in interpersonal relationships and in managing work organisation. We also observed a specific type of systemic mobbing characterised by gender-discriminatory abusive behaviour and the use of positions of power within the system for inappropriate and disturbing practices by superiors towards staff. The overall picture we describe points to an organisational climate that tolerates, or even encourages, but most importantly conceals problems in its functioning. These issues are addressed inadequately or not at all, and there are no adequate mechanisms for sanctioning (or they exist but are not applied, and when they are, they often have little real effect for the victim). Other possible factors contributing to emigration were mentioned, such as individual and family reasons that facilitate decision-making about migration and most often increase the likelihood of emigration. In addition, factors include active recruitment by foreign agencies, changes in regulatory frameworks that facilitate mobility, recognition and evaluation of qualifications, perception of favourable conditions for immigration and integration at the destination, better opportunities for the education of children, desire for change and openness to new experiences, among others. The limitations of this research relate to the predominant focus on the physicians' reminiscences of reasons for emigration, which may sometimes be post-hoc rationalisations of their decisions. Another limitation concerns the method of conducting interviews, which, although initially planned to be face-to-face, were ultimately conducted remotely and virtually due to the circumstances of the global COVID-19 pandemic. From the presented results, we can conclude that the emigration of physicians from Croatia is shaped by numerous interconnected factors. Without investment in education and training, and the retention of the medical workforce, there is a risk of potential degradation in treatment standards due to a shortage of necessary professionals. Therefore, research on the emigration of physicians is relevant for various national stakeholders involved in the creation and implementation of public policies, especially healthcare, migration, and educational policies related to healthcare worker education and specialisation, among others.

The twenty-seven countries of the European Union have unlocked an agreement on the Pact on Migration and Asylum. The process of negotiation among the EU institutions will now begin and it remains to be seen, if it is approved, how this precarious balance might materialise in practice when the interests concerned do not only diverge but are also clearly inflamed by the politicisation of immigration in their respective national contexts. This article was previously published in the newspaperARA. Since 2015, Europe has been haunted by the possibility of a new migration crisis. Then, Angela Merkel uttered the famous words, "Yes we can", in response to the question of whether Europe could take in refugees. But immediately afterwards, Europe said, "Enough". Ever since, it has been obsessed with making sure this does not happen again. The Bulgarian political scientist, Ivan Krastev, calls it the European 9/11. Despite this fear, the EU has taken eight years to conclude a new migration pact. The aim is twofold: to seal European borders, and a more equitable distribution of responsibility among the Member States. But is there really agreement?Most of all, there is hurry. At the European level, there is no desire to be faced with the European elections in June 2024 without having shown unity and determination with regard to the question of migration. Not achieving this would give wings to Eurosceptic and far-right discourse about the inability of European governments to respond to the situation. Moreover, nobody wants in the rotating European Presidency countries like Hungary and Poland, which directly contest the need for an agreement. At the national level, in a situation of growing numbers of arrivals and requests for asylum, governments like those of Germany and Italy urgently need to calm internal tensions. In the case of Germany, the spectre of the far right looms again.There is a rush but there is also some agreement, especially on certain matters. The Vice-President of the European Commission, Margaritis Schinas, describes the Pact as being like a three-storey house where one floor is concerned with relations with third countries, a second with management of external borders, and a third with distributing responsibility among member states. Agreement exists mainly between the first two floors. The third continues to be home to hubbub. In the case of the first floor, there is agreement that third countries are essential for helping to contain illegal arrivals. No one doubts this. The problem lies with the consequences since depending on them leaves European countries in their hands, and there is no regime that willingly accepts the forced return of its citizens. In addition, agreements with governments like that of Tunisia still arouse certain suspicions and do not always end well.On the second floor, that of the border, the Pact allows delays in registration of asylum seekers, introduction of second-rate border asylum procedures, and expanded time of border detention. In short, it means lower standards, and legalising what, hitherto, was unequivocally illegal. The Crisis Regulation, the last that was left to be approved, only aggravates matters. The result is a creation of liminal and exceptional spaces, liminal because the question of whether a border has been crossed is in doubt, and exceptional because, in this no-man's land, certain laws (and hence, rights) no longer apply. This was one of the demands made by Meloni. Meanwhile, the delays and concentration of procedures at borders only consolidates the role of Greece, Italy, and Spain as the chief guardians of Europe's southern borders.Finally, the third floor still requires caution. To begin with, the Pact has forsaken its original intention of a fairer distribution of asylum seekers among the Member States. There will be no mandatory refugee relocation quotas. Solidarity has now become a matter of fines, the notorious 20,000 euros per asylum seeker for countries that refuse to take them in. Although this is a minimum agreement, Poland and Hungary have already said they consider it to be unacceptable. Then again, the Dublin Regulation—the one that Angela Merkel said in 2015 was not working—remains in force and even strengthened. For example, the period during which an asylum seeker who has entered through Spain can be returned from Germany has doubled from twelve to twenty-four months. Once again, the burden is on the countries of first entry. As long as the unequal distribution continues, the system will remain dysfunctional.Is there an agreement then? It depends on how the negotiations with the European Parliament will proceed and, if the Pact is approved, how this precarious balance might materialise in practice when the wishes concerned not only diverge but are also clearly inflamed by the politicisation of immigration in their respective national contexts. However, we could say that, yes, there is agreement, at least outwardly. This is how it has been presented by the Spanish government, which is proud that it has happened under its Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Nevertheless, once again, words and facts differ. The headlines show agreement, but the gestures point in a different direction. Granada was the setting. While Sunak and Meloni called a meeting of six (United Kingdom, Italy, France, the Netherlands, Albania, and the European Commission) to discuss "other" measures for stopping the illegal arrivals, Orbán arrived in the city declaring the Hungary and Poland had been "legally violated" by the Pact.Keywords: Pact on Migration and Asylum, EU, Italy, Hungary, Poland, Spanish presidency, border, arrivals, European Parliament, 2024 elections

Kein Fall vor dem Internationalen Strafgerichtshof (IStGH) hat in den letzten Jahren in politischen und akademischen Kreisen derartig polarisiert wie The Prosecutor v. Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir. Dies ist insbesondere darauf zurückzuführen, dass es sich hierbei um die erste offizielle Anklage des IStGH gegen ein amtierendes Staatsoberhaupt eines Nicht-Mitgliedsstaates handelte, welche auf einer Überweisung des Sicherheitsrats der Vereinten Nationen (UNSR), vorgesehen in Artikel 13 (b) des Römisches Statutes, beruhte. Diese Umstände haben zahlreiche rechtlich umstrittene Fragen aufgeworfen, welche seitens des IStGH in dessen bisheriger Rechtsprechung uneinheitlich beantwortet wurden und daher seit jeher den Gegenstand umfangreicher Debatten auf den institutionell-politischen, gerichtlichen und akademischen Ebenen bildet. Besonders diskutiert wurden in diesem Zusammenhang eine allfällige Verletzung des "pacta tertiis"-Grundsatzes, die rechtliche Einordnung von Überweisungen des UNSR und deren Wirkung, die umfangreiche Frage der völkergewohnheitsrechtlichen Immunitäten sowie der Umfang der Kooperationsverpflichtungen im Rahmen der Artikel 86ff des Römischen Statutes. Diese Rechtssache ist repräsentativ für die Vielzahl an Herausforderungen, welchen sich der IStGH bereits seit seiner Gründung stellen musste: der Vorwurf selektiver Justiz zulasten afrikanischer Staaten, mangelnde Kooperation der Vertragsstaaten, zunehmende Politisierung aufgrund einer möglichen Beeinflussung durch den UNSR sowie uneinheitliche und teilweise mangelhaft begründete Rechtsprechung.Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, eine kritische Würdigung der bisherigen Rechtsprechung des IStGH unter besonderem Rückgriff auf die in der akademischen Debatte vertretenen Rechtspositionen vorzunehmen, diese in allgemeinen, den Gerichtshof betreffenden Problemstellungen zu kontextualisieren und schlussendlich auf die höchst aktuellen Entwicklungen in der Rechtssache Al Bashir einzugehen. ; Within the past decade, no case before the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been regarded as controversial in political and academic circles as The Prosecutor v. Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir. This particularly owes to the fact that these were the ICCs first official proceedings against an incumbent head of State of a non-State party, based on a referral by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) which is provided for in Article 13 (b) of the Rome Statute. These circumstances have raised numerous legal questions, which have been answered inconsistently within the Courts decisions and have therefore been the subject of a vigorous debate at the institutional-political, judicial, and academic level. These discussions especially revolved around a possible violation of the "pacta tertiis" principle, the legal nature and effect of UNSC referrals, the broad question of immunities under customary international law as well as the scope of cooperation obligations under Articles 86 et seq. of the Rome Statute. The Al Bashir case is representative of the multitude of challenges the ICC has faced ever since its establishment: allegations of selective justice at the expense of African States, lack of cooperation by States parties, increasing politicisation due to a possible influence by the UNSC as well as inconsistent and deficiently reasoned decisions. The aim of this thesis is to undertake a critical appraisal of the ICC's existing jurisprudence concerning the Al Bashir case with particular reference to the legal positions advocated in the academic debate. Moreover, these will be contextualised within the spectrum of general issues affecting the Court and embedded within current developments in the Al Bashir case. ; vorgelegt von Anna Lena Hörzer ; Enthält Zusammenfassungen auf Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Diplomarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2021 R10064

In Brazil, the politicisation of interventions in urban centres seems urgent, for many are the difficulties in developing an urban policy with a socially fair use of land as its main objective. Based on a reflection and revision of the literature on the production of urban space in Curitiba, this paper studies the historic process of socio-spatial exclusion in the 'model city', reinvigorated by public investment and land-use legislation disregarding the administrative and fiscal instruments of the Estatuto da Cidade (City Statute) (Ley Federal 10.257 of 2001). The problem of housing is not mentioned in the discourse legitimising the idea of Curitiba as a 'model'. As a result, this might lead to suppose that the creation of housing in areas distant from the centre and the conservation of underutilised property are strategic for the preservation of the 'postcard' image of Curitiba. ; En Brasil, la politización de las intervenciones en los centros urbanos se ve urgente, ya que son numerosas las dificultades en el desarrollo de una política urbana que tenga como premisa el uso socialmente justo del territorio. Basado en una reflexión y revisión de la literatura sobre la producción de espacio urbano en Curitiba, este artículo aborda el tema del proceso histórico de exclusión socio-espacial en la "ciudad modelo", revigorizado por la inversión pública y la legislación del uso del suelo, sin la aplicación de los instrumentos administrativos y fiscales del Estatuto da Cidade (Ley Federal 10.257 de 2001). El tema de la vivienda no está mencionado en el discurso que legitima la idea de Curitiba como un "modelo"; como resultado se puede suponer que la producción de viviendas alejadas de la zona céntrica y la conservación de propiedades subutilizadas a la especulación son estratégicos para la preservación de la "tarjeta postal" de Curitiba. ; Há no Brasil uma urgência de politização das intervenções em áreas centrais, sendo inúmeras as dificuldades de desenvolvimento de uma política urbana que estabeleça como premissa básica a utilização socialmente justa do território. A partir de uma revisão bibliográfica e da reflexão referente à produção do espaço em Curitiba, este artigo pretende abordar o processo histórico de exclusão sócio-espacial na "cidade-modelo" revigorado por investimentos públicos e pela atual legislação de uso e ocupação do solo, sem a utilização dos instrumentos administrativos e fiscais do Estatuto da Cidade. A problemática da habitação jamais é mencionada no discurso de Curitiba como cidade "modelo" em planejamento urbano e regional. Como resultado, pode-se admitir que a produção dos conjuntos habitacionais distantes da área central, a manutenção de imóveis ociosos para especulação e as ocupações irregulares em Áreas de Proteção Permanente, seriam estratégicos para a preservação da paisagem do "cartão postal" da cidade.

This dissertation constitutes a critical examination of Swedish spatial planning for safety. Spatial planning for safety rests on a number of assumptions about the desired order of the world. These assumptions appear as given and unproblematic, making the formulation of alternatives appear unnecessary. This dissertation provides an account of how, and on what basis a spatial planning problem such as 'fear and insecurity' is formulated and acted upon. It is an account of how and what conceptions of knowledge operate to legitimise ideological representations of spatial planning problems. And furthermore, what these ideological representations of spatial planning problems substantially entail, so as to allow for a political spatial planning practice that formulates and deliberates alternatives. This is carried out by analysing assumptions of public life and knowledge within Swedish spatial planning for safety. This dissertation finds that Swedish spatial planning for safety constitutes 'certainty' as a hegemonic criterion for participating in public life, which operates to limit the articulation of alternative discourses in spatial planning for safety. The desired for safe public life is organised based on visual certainty, where the urban fabric should be configured in such ways as to allow for stereotypical visual identifications of one another. Such a public life reflects an individualised practice, where perceptions of fear should be governed by individuals themselves, by independently assessing situations and environments in terms of risks. This individualised conduct is coupled with the fostering of active subjects, which encompasses being engaged in the local residential areas as well as in one another. Such substantial content of 'planning for safety' brings about tensions in terms of its ideological legitimating basis, by moving from principles of 'rights', where the individual constitutes the first ethical planning subject, to unitary principles of 'collective values', in which the 'community' constitutes the first ethical planning subject. These presuppositions are further enabled through the ways in which knowledge is conceptualised in spatial planning. This dissertation argues that a hegemonic instrumental emphasis on knowledge in spatial planning prevails. Having such a hegemonic emphasis on knowledge has the implication that even though spatial planning adopts different assumptions, or moves between alternative assumptions of knowledge, the knowledge becomes meaningful only in its instrumental implementation. The instrumental emphasis on knowledge should be regarded in light of the rational and goal-oriented nature of project-based planning, which constitutes a logic that constrains the emphasis on knowledge in spatial planning. This dissertation argues further that if spatial planning should be considered a political practice that debates its goals and values, a politicisation of the emphasis on knowledge in spatial planning is imperative.

This article examines aspects of the entanglement of (social) science, politics and media in Iraqi Kurdistan and investigates their representation in Kurdish newspapers, taking a quantitative study on genocidal persecution published by a Kurdistan government ministry as an example. It demonstrates how one and the same corpus of science-based ideas is appropriated and operationalised according to very different political agendas, and how the media itself conveys certain beliefs on the measurability of social experience and the truth value of science-based knowledge. Drawing on the broad debate in social science and the humanities on knowledge and the capitalist society, this article discusses aspects of the scientification of media and the politicisation of academic knowledge production. Berpêşkirina rastiyên li ser bingehên zanistiyê wekî nûçe: hilberana zanyariyê û medya li Kurdistana IraqêEv gotar astengên li ber zanyariya civakî, siyasî û medyayê li Kurdistana Iraqê û pêşkeşkirina wan di rojnameyên Kurdî da vedikole. Ev lêkolîn xwe dispêre xebateka çendaniyî/quantîtatîv ya nimûneyî li ser çespandina komkujînî ku ji layê Wezareta Hikûmeta Kurdistanê ve hatiye weşandin. Ev xebat nîşan dide bê di medyayê da fikrên zanistî çawan hatine guhertin û bikarînan li gor berjewendiyên siyasî yên ji hev gelek cuda. Ew herwisan destnîşan dike bê medya bi çi rengî baweriyên pûç hildiwerîne li ser pîvandariya serboriyên civakî û li ser rastiya zanyariyên zanistî. Bi bikarînana nîqaşên fereh di qada zanistiya civakî û beşerî da li ser zanyarî û civaka sermayedar, mijara vê gotarê nîqaşkirina wan nêrînan e ku medyayê wekî çavkaniyeka zanyariyên zanistî dihesibînin û wisan pêşkêş dikin. Ev gotar herwisan nîqaş dike li ser zanyariya akademîk ya ku di bin bandora siyasetê da tê hilberandin. حەقیقەتی بە زانستی کراو وەکوو نووچە: زانین بەرهەم هێنان و میدیا لە کوردستانی ئێراق ئەم کاغەزە لە سەر هیندێک لایەنی زانستی (کۆمەڵایەتی)، سیاسەت و میدیا لە کوردستانی ئێراق لێکۆلینەوە دەکات و هەروەها شێوازی بەرجەستەکردنەوە و نواندنەوەی ئەوان لە رۆژنامە کوردییەکان دا دەخاتە بەر تیشکی لێکدانەوە، وەکوو نموونە، لیکۆڵینەوەیەکی چەندییەتی (کوانتیتاتیڤ) لە سەر ستەمەکانی پەیوەندیدار بە ژینۆسیدەوە کە لە لایان وەزارەتخانەیەکی حکوومەتی هەریمی کوردستانەوە بڵاو کراوەتەوە. ئەمە نیشانی داوە، چۆناوچۆن هەر هەمان کۆبیرۆکەی لە سەر زانست دارژتراو، بە ئاجێندایەکی سیاسی تەواو جیاواز وەرگیراوە و بە کارهێنراوە و هەروەها دەبیندرێت کە چۆناوچۆن خودی میدیا دەبیتە سەرچاوەی چەشنە باوەرییەک لە سەر بە پێوانکردنی ئەزموونی کۆمەڵایەتی و نرخی حەقیقەتی زانینی بە زانستی کراو. بە رێگای راوەستەکردن لە سەر گەنگەشەکانی نێو زانستی کۆمەڵایەتی و جیهانی زانین و کۆمەڵگای سەرمایەداری، ئەم نووسراوەیە، لایەنی بە زانستی کردنی میدیا و بە سیاسی کردنی زانستی ئاکادیمیک دەخاتە بەر باس و لێکۆلینەوە.وشە سەرەکییەکان: هەریمی کوردستان، میدیا، شالاوی ئەنفال، بەرهەمهێنانی زانین، ئانترۆپۆلۆژی میدیا

Whether political conditionality should be attached to foreign aid and whether a recipient country's level of democracy should be the benchmark for conditionality and sanctioning instruments remain highly controversial issues. This is reflected by the debates around the Agenda for Change, the allocation formula of the European Development Fund (EDF) and the European Commission's new Budget Support Policy. Critics of political conditionality argue that democracy and human rights are too normative criteria and foster the politicisation of aid allocation instead of increasing aid effectiveness. They also claim that the level of democracy is unsuitable as a criterion, because it has no influence on economic development. However, this critique can be contested: – From a perspective of domestic donor politics, democratic donor governments will not abstain from using political conditionality because their own constituencies expect human rights standards and democracy to be relevant for aid allocation. – From a recipient perspective, aid is more effective in promoting inclusive development in democracies than in autocracies. Moreover, governmental foreign aid to autocracies tends to stabilise authoritarian structures and to delay democratisation. Thus, arguing that there is little reason for using political conditionality (and sanctions) is as valid as saying that the Earth is flat. At the same time, inferring from this insight that political conditionality is bound to be effective is like claiming that the planet is a cube. After all, even sound arguments in support of political conditionality have to address the demanding challenges to make conditionality work. – The function of political conditionality must be clear. Is it used as a selection criterion, intended to ensure that foreign aid does not stabilise authoritarian structures and effectively promotes economic development? Or is political conditionality to be used in a more demanding way as an incentive to promote democracy and good governance? – If political conditionality is to be applied more proactively to promote democratic governance, donor harmonisation is key, because only a coherent incentive system sets credible signals and has a chance to contribute to institutional reform. – Effective political conditionality requires smart application. Comprehensive political reforms cannot be "bought" with foreign aid. Yet, realistic, tailor-made and credibly communicated incentives increase the probability of strengthening reform-minded forces and fostering gradual reform steps. While political conditionality has been implemented effectively in some cases, successfully applying it often overstretches the political capacities of donor coordination. For Europe, this means that effective conditionality requires a more integrated approach to foreign and development policy. – Consequently, conditionality and sanctioning instruments from policy fields such as aid, trade and investment have to be combined in an intelligent manner. Otherwise, we will continue to observe ad hoc, overly ambitious and ill-coordinated political conditionality that fails to serve its purpose.

In Brazil, the politicisation of interventions in urban centres seems urgent, for many are the difficulties in developing an urban policy with a socially fair use of land as its main objective. Based on a reflection and revision of the literature on the production of urban space in Curitiba, this paper studies the historic process of socio-spatial exclusion in the 'model city', reinvigorated by public investment and land-use legislation disregarding the administrative and fiscal instruments of the Estatuto da Cidade (City Statute) (Ley Federal 10.257 of 2001). The problem of housing is not mentioned in the discourse legitimising the idea of Curitiba as a 'model'. As a result, this might lead to suppose that the creation of housing in areas distant from the centre and the conservation of underutilised property are strategic for the preservation of the 'postcard' image of Curitiba. ; En Brasil, la politización de las intervenciones en los centros urbanos se ve urgente, ya que son numerosas las dificultades en el desarrollo de una política urbana que tenga como premisa el uso socialmente justo del territorio. Basado en una reflexión y revisión de la literatura sobre la producción de espacio urbano en Curitiba, este artículo aborda el tema del proceso histórico de exclusión socio-espacial en la "ciudad modelo", revigorizado por la inversión pública y la legislación del uso del suelo, sin la aplicación de los instrumentos administrativos y fiscales del Estatuto da Cidade (Ley Federal 10.257 de 2001). El tema de la vivienda no está mencionado en el discurso que legitima la idea de Curitiba como un "modelo"; como resultado se puede suponer que la producción de viviendas alejadas de la zona céntrica y la conservación de propiedades subutilizadas a la especulación son estratégicos para la preservación de la "tarjeta postal" de Curitiba. ; Há no Brasil uma urgência de politização das intervenções em áreas centrais, sendo inúmeras as dificuldades de desenvolvimento de uma política urbana que estabeleça como premissa básica a utilização socialmente justa do território. A partir de uma revisão bibliográfica e da reflexão referente à produção do espaço em Curitiba, este artigo pretende abordar o processo histórico de exclusão sócio-espacial na "cidade-modelo" revigorado por investimentos públicos e pela atual legislação de uso e ocupação do solo, sem a utilização dos instrumentos administrativos e fiscais do Estatuto da Cidade. A problemática da habitação jamais é mencionada no discurso de Curitiba como cidade "modelo" em planejamento urbano e regional. Como resultado, pode-se admitir que a produção dos conjuntos habitacionais distantes da área central, a manutenção de imóveis ociosos para especulação e as ocupações irregulares em Áreas de Proteção Permanente, seriam estratégicos para a preservação da paisagem do "cartão postal" da cidade.

Change in penitential thinking and practice in England during the sixteenth century had a profound impact on both church and society. There has been no published work on penitence in England across the century. This study meets that gap examining why and how change came about; the way penitential change in England had its own peculiarities and differed from changes on the continent; and the consequences of change. The thesis has a special focus on pastoral ministry to penitents. The six main chapters consider: 1) ministry of the sacrament of penance prior to the Reformation; 2)the importance of penitence in the thinking of both conservative and evangelical humanists; 3)changes in church teaching about the sacrament during the reign of Henry VIII; 4)how the abandoning of the sacrament and obligatory auricular confession effected the role and work of clergy during the reign of Edward VI; ministry to those with 'afflicted consciences' during the Marian persecution; the politicisation of exiles; 5)the importance of the sacrament to church leaders for the restoration o the Marian church; 6)the Elizabethan church compensating for the loss of the sacrament by preaching repentance with the use of catechisms and devotional material; whether there is evidence to argue for a popular reception of the new penitential ideas. The focus on penitence brings out new insights. Henry VIII despite his antipathy to Luther and justification by faith, collaborated with Cranmer in bringing about more changes in penitential thinking and practice than has hitherto been noticed. The Edwardian Reformation was not merely destructive as some historians imply but established within the Church of England a new pattern of pastoral ministry. Attempts to restore papal Catholicism under Mary showed both the importance of penance and how church leaders had differing views of the significance of the sacrament which suggests tensions within the episcopate. Evidence also suggests resistance to return to earlier penitential practice. The Elizabethan church was not only concerned to justify the rejection of the sacrament of confession but many of its leaders were aware of the losses this involved. They looked for ways to compensate for these. Pastors developed experience in 'practical divinity' as a means of helping those with an 'afflicted conscience'. In fact the penitential changes together with the Marian persecution meant that conscience came to the fore as an issue in moral and political decisions. Consideration of the importance of repentance in metrical psalms, religious ballads, plays and broadsheets shows something of the impact penitential changes had on the culture as England moved to become a Protestant nation.

Section 1: INTRODUCTION -- Section 2: AFRICA REGION -- The Future of Think Tanks in Africa -- The Future of African Think Tanks -- The Future of Think-Tanks and Policy Advice: An African Perspective -- Bringing Think Tanks Into the Digital Era -- Think tanks in the context of Africa's development -- Section 3: EUROPE REGION.-Artificial Intelligence: An Opportunity and a Challenge for Think Tanks -- Grappling with Dissent: How Can Think Tanks Cope with Politicisation? -- Think Tanks for Future – A Think Piece -- The Future of Think Tanks in the Western Balkans: The old, the new and the upcoming -- The Future of Think Tanks and the Crisis of Democracy -- Data is a powerful assistant but the think tanker is still in charge -- Think Tanks, Covid-19 and Internationalism -- Widening and Deepening: Partnership and Multidisciplinarity in Challenging Times -- Tackling Global Challenges in an Era of Disruption and Contradiction – The Changing Role of Think Tanks -- Scientific Approach, Objective Analysis and National Interests of Russia: IMEMO Traditions are Always In Demand, Always Valued -- The Future of Think Tanks Around the World -- Caught in the Firing Line – How Think Tanks Stay Relevant in Times of Global Transition and Turmoil -- Think Tanks Today and Tomorrow: A View from Ukraine -- Section 4: MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA REGION -- To Survive, Think Tanks Must Be Part of the Change -- The Credibility-Funding Nexus and its Impact on Research Quality in Middle East Think Tanks -- How To Reduce the Gap Between Think Tanks and Policymakers- The Experience of the Egyptian Center for Economic Studies (ECES) -- Evolving with the Marketplace of Ideas: How Think Tanks Can Thrive in the Era of Twitter -- Think tanks have stories to tell… -- Section 5: CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA REGION -- Think-Tanks Towards the Future: Challenges and Opportunities -- The Digital Transformation in Think Tanks: Moving Forward in the Use of Technology -- The Future of Think Tanks: A Brazilian Perspective -- Section 6: NORTH AMERICA REGION -- Fit for the Future: Enhancing the Capacity Think Tanks -- The Future of Think Tanks: Competing in the Digital Era -- Grab your sunglasses - The future of thinks tanks is as bright as ever -- Section 7: ASIA REGION -- The Future of Japanese Think Tanks: Policy Involvement and Regional Cooperation -- Prospects and Possibilities for Think Tanks: A View from China's Non-Governmental Think Tank Sector -- China's Think Tanks in the New Era: Mission, Responsibility, and Direction of Development -- Reorganise, Renew, Reformat: The Future Think Tanks -- New Trends of University-affiliated Think Tanks in China: A Brief Overview -- KIEP's Strategic Response to Challenges in Policy Research -- Think Tanks in an Emerging India: A struggle for relevance? -- The Future of Think Tanks and Policy Advice: Lessons from South Korea's combating COVID-19 -- Navigating the Future: Roles for Think Tanks and Policy Advice in Southeast Asia -- How Think Tanks Need to Change -- Managing Opportunities in Joining the Global Think Tank Community -- Section 8: CONCLUSIONS -- Are Think Tanks Fit for an Uncertain Future?.