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The strategy of combating the development of antibiotic resistance is a global challenge for the scientific community for the sake of life and health of the population. An analysis of the relationship between the levels of antimicrobial drug consumption and the development of antibiotic resistance is one of the tools to contain the resistance. An increase in the consumption of antimicrobial drugs may not significantly reduce the possibility of treating infectious diseases. According to reports from the European Surveillance of Antimicrobial Consumption Network, β-lactam antimicrobial drugs are the most consumed antibiotic group in Europe among other. The consumption level of β-lactams in Ukraine is significantly lower than in the Europe. Such data require a detailed assessment of the level of consumption of β-lactam antimicrobial drugs, for individual INN and analysis of the balance of their use. The aim of the work is to analyze the market and consumption of antimicrobial drugs of the β-lactam group in Ukraine for 2013-2018 with the help of the ATC / DDD methodology, as well as comparison of the obtained consumption volumes with similar results in the European Union. Results. The total amount of AMP of the β-lactam group presented in the Ukrainian market in 2018 is 343 trade names (TN), of which 92 are domestic and 251 are foreign manufactured, which indicates the high saturation of the Ukrainian pharmaceuticals by imported drugs In Ukraine, in 2017, penicillins consumed 4.48 times less than the EU average, while cephalosporins and carbapenems are almost the same. The most commonly used INNs from the penicillin group – Amoxicillin and Amoxicillin with β-lactamase inhibitors, and the leaders in terms of consumption among cephalosporins are medicines for CITIs Ceftriaxone and Cefuroxime. Conclusions. Antimicrobials of the β-lactam group are well-studied and widely used in medical practice. They are widely represented in the Ukrainian market (343 TN), but only less than a third of them (92 TN) of domestic ...

The article highlights the specifics of the anecdotes that were published on the pages of the newspaper "Ukraina Moloda" ("Ukraine Young") during 2018-2019. The process of origin and development of anecdote in Ukrainian literature and journalism is based on the factual material, theoretical developments in the field of genre. The article briefly reveals the genesis of anecdote in Ukraine from ancient times to the present days. Attention is drawn to the fact that the ridiculous side of ordinary everyday circumstances in the anecdote genre is so sharpened that they stand on the line between the real and the impossible. For it, sometimes such situations are selected which, by their content and essence, are not widely publicized and can only be narrated in a particular society. The conducted analysis showed that during the last two years anecdotes were regularly published on the pages of "Ukraina Moloda" under the headlines "Jokes about Odessa citizens", "Jokes about mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law", "Jokes about deputies" and others. A total of nine hundred anecdotes have been released, which is an evidence of only one possible form of anecdote as a journalism genre in the print media system. At the same time, old anecdotes also often hit the headlines of a popular publication, resulting in a humorous-satirical intertext with new evaluations of reality, new meanings and associations - a kind of "comic goldword". Just from this source, authors of analytical articles, commentaries, or feuilletons take the best samples of anecdotes to clarify their thoughts. In this way, the addressees appeal to the reader's experience of the recipients, relying on an adequate perception of not only popular past anecdotes, but also of contemporary social processes and circumstances. Genre typology of anecdotes published in "Ukraina Moloda" newspaper is from political "Jokes about Putin", "Jokes about Yanukovych" and other specific individuals of the State Duma, to life jokes — "Jokes abut Food" and more. A study of the ...

This document presents an overview of (recent) historical as well as current trends in scientific production in Africa. This review clearly shows that there has been a reversal of trends in scientific production that started around the turn of the millennium. Whereas African science was on the decline during the last two decades of the previous millennium, there is now abundant evidence that scientific output is increasing, that Africa's share of world scientific papers has grown significantly and that international research collaboration has increased substantially. These changes are occurring at the same time as international funding of research in Africa is increasing - especially in the fields of health, environmental sciences and some aspects of agricultural sciences. Our analysis of these trends, however, also shows that there remain areas of concern and challenge, viz. the low investment by African governments themselves in (public) Research and Development (R&D) and thus the continued reliance by many countries and universities on foreign funding. We highlight some of the structural effects the various new funding arrangements have had on scientific research in Africa. We point to three already visible effects: (1) the absolute need to involve national institutions in any new funding landscape; (2) the effects on governance arrangements amidst the increasing complexity of multi-lateral, multi-actor funding frameworks; and (3) the yet largely unknown effects that funding configurations may have on the careers of scientists (especially young scientists) on the continent. We then discuss three structural constraints of research in Africa: (1) the essential role of universities as the main loci for research in Africa; (2) the challenge about investing in research activities in order to promote excellent research; (3) the priority to address the challenges related to employment and the circulation of scientists (in the wake of decades of emigrations of scientists and highly skilled workers). We conclude ...

There is no doubt that Nigeria under Obasanjo's administration is engulfed in a web of chronic poverty, which affects its performance in the development arena. The country has all it takes to develop but unfortunately it could not due to the complex nature of the country's social problems. The country is endowed with vast agricultural and natural resources, and has a relatively important industrial sector (48% of the GDP in 2001), as compared to other West African or Sub-Saharan countries (less than 30%). The recent Human Development index has placed Nigeria among the 20 poorest countries in the World. It is estimated that up to 70% of Nigerians are living below poverty line. Nigeria has been branded by the international community as the second most corrupt nation in the World. For three consecutive years, 2000, 2001 and 2002, it has maintained that unenviable position. The rating came up as a consequence of several failed attempts by the Obasanjo's administration to wipe out corruption and poverty or reduce them to a tolerable level in the polity. In the same vein, within the Obasanjo's administration the country has been engulfed in a series of conflicts resulting in the lost in lives and property. Various developmental strategies have been adopted by the Obasanjo's administration, yet the situation is not very encouraging. We have passed the 2015 deadline for the achievement of the MDGs, the poverty eradication policies are judged to be unsatisfactory and inadequate in meeting the MDGs. It is absolutely frustrating and painful when you realize the immense potentials of Nigeria. Eight years is enough time for any administration to sort out the fundamental problem of the country (poverty). Against this backdrop, the paper examined the various developmental strategies for combating poverty in Nigeria. This is with a view to proffering policy recommendations for the present administration on how best to alleviate poverty in Nigeria to achieve the sustainable developmental goals now in place.

This publication is a Science for Policy report by the Joint Research Centre (JRC), the European Commission's science and knowledge service. It aims to provide evidence-based scientific support to the European policymaking process. The scientific output expressed does not imply a policy position of the European Commission. Neither the European Commission nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use that might be made of this publication. The transition to a more circular economy is essential to develop a sustainable, low carbon, resource efficient, and competitive economy in the EU. In such a context, Critical Raw Materials (CRMs) are those with a particularly high importance to the EU economy and, at the same time, with a high risk of supply disruptions. First and foremost, improving the circular use of CRMs is a key strategy in improving the security of supply and not surprisingly is an objective of various policies. This report delivers on action #39 of the Circular Economy Action Plan: "Sharing of best practice for the recovery of critical raw materials from mining waste and landfills". It builds on discussions held during two 2018 workshops and gathers together six examples of existing practices for the recovery of critical, precious, and other materials from extractive waste and landfills, highlighting technological innovations and contributions to a more comprehensive knowledge-base on raw materials. The report also provides various estimates of potential recovery of certain materials compared to their current demand. Lessons learnt from the practices include awareness that it is very unlikely that recovery processes can target one or just a few specific materials of great interest and disregard other elements or bulk matrixes. Especially in case of very low concentrations, most of the mineral resources and other bulk materials in which they are embedded must be valorised in order to increase economic viability and minimise waste disposal. As recovery processes can be very ...

La Carta dei prodotti alimentarii delle Provincie Continentali del Regno delle Due Sicilie di Benedetto Marzolla (1856) è un'importante risorsa per il governo del territorio nel Mezzogiorno d'Italia preunitario. Sulla base delle informazioni del Ministero dell'Annona disponibili a metà del XIX secolo, mostra le produzioni tipiche del Regno con un'efficace sintesi iconografica. In ottica geografico-storica offre spunti ulteriori per una ricostruzione del contesto territoriale di riferimento in prospettiva diacronica. Ne emerge infatti una geografia delle produzioni ancora attuale, sebbene i paesaggi di riferimento siano stati oggetto di trasformazioni non sempre apprezzabili. Allo stesso tempo la carta può diventare uno strumento di "marketing territoriale", valorizzando, per certi versi, alcuni prodotti locali d'eccellenza (come DOP e IGP). Un particolare importante soprattutto per la Campania, il cui territorio, tradizionalmente legato allo sviluppo di agricoltura, allevamento e pesca, necessita con urgenza di interventi strutturali per il recupero e la valorizzazione delle sue risorse. ; The "alimentary" map of Benedetto Marzolla (1856) is an important resource for the territory's government in the South Italy before the unification. Starting by the statistical information of the Ministry of the Annona at mid-nineteenth century, it presents the typical produc¬tions of the Kingdom through an effective iconographic synthesis. From a geographical-historical perspective, it offers further hints for a reconstruction of its territorial context, in diachronic perspective. In fact, it reveals a geography of the productions still existing, although the reference landscapes have been the object of transformations that are not always appreciable. At the same time, the map can be a "ter¬ritorial marketing" tool, promoting, in several respects, some excellent local products (such as DOP and IGP). An important detail, especially in Campania, whose territory, traditionally linked to the development of agriculture, breeding and fishing, needs structural interventions for the recovery and enhancement of its resources.

Since the 1970s, the organization of urban shopping has emerged as a central issue for local authorities. Putting problematic situations involving retail trade one the policy agenda has encouraged the emergence of new professions and public policies aimed at shaping the retail offer of cities. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the emergence and role of new professionals in charge of organizing the commercial offer of city centres: city centre managers. At the crossroads of economic sociology and the sociology of public policies, this thesis analyzes the professional, market, urban and political dynamics that regulate urban shopping organization. The first part of the thesis relates how public interventions tried to control retail development for decades and reveals the controversies that such operations could generate. The second part deals with the process of professionalization of city centre managers and shows how local authorities gradually invested in this profession created by private sector. Then, the third part describes a case study of Toulouse's retail policy. It sets out the conditions under which this policy was set up and maintained in a context of political changeover. The shadowing method carried out with the city centre manager highlights the different facets of his power and the goals he pursues. In the same vein, the last part analyzes municipal acquisition of shops in two popular downtown districts and shows that the formel goal of retail diversification hides ambitions of social control on public and private spaces. In conclusion, this research contribues to documenting the links between market animation and urban production by studying the political and commercial work of town centre managers. ; Depuis les années 1970, l'organisation du commerce urbain s'est imposée comme un enjeu central pour les collectivités locales. La mise à l'agenda de situations problématiques impliquant le commerce a encouragé l'émergence de nouveaux métiers et de politiques publiques visant à prendre en charge ...

Since the 1970s, the organization of urban shopping has emerged as a central issue for local authorities. Putting problematic situations involving retail trade one the policy agenda has encouraged the emergence of new professions and public policies aimed at shaping the retail offer of cities. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the emergence and role of new professionals in charge of organizing the commercial offer of city centres: city centre managers. At the crossroads of economic sociology and the sociology of public policies, this thesis analyzes the professional, market, urban and political dynamics that regulate urban shopping organization. The first part of the thesis relates how public interventions tried to control retail development for decades and reveals the controversies that such operations could generate. The second part deals with the process of professionalization of city centre managers and shows how local authorities gradually invested in this profession created by private sector. Then, the third part describes a case study of Toulouse's retail policy. It sets out the conditions under which this policy was set up and maintained in a context of political changeover. The shadowing method carried out with the city centre manager highlights the different facets of his power and the goals he pursues. In the same vein, the last part analyzes municipal acquisition of shops in two popular downtown districts and shows that the formel goal of retail diversification hides ambitions of social control on public and private spaces. In conclusion, this research contribues to documenting the links between market animation and urban production by studying the political and commercial work of town centre managers. ; Depuis les années 1970, l'organisation du commerce urbain s'est imposée comme un enjeu central pour les collectivités locales. La mise à l'agenda de situations problématiques impliquant le commerce a encouragé l'émergence de nouveaux métiers et de politiques publiques visant à prendre en charge ...

There is a lot of political attention on early years across the UK; with all countries championing a prevention approach to early child development – but are we actually talking about the same issue? Are we all talking about a fairer start for all? We will discuss this question with reference to a study we recently completed looking at early years policy in the four countries of the UK. We will discuss similarities in policy and systems, but also highlight differences; which, we suggest, implies different policy understandings of what 'the problem' and 'causes' of difference are in early child development. While we recognise much policy happens in 'local places' (e.g. through commissioning PH services), we will discuss how our recent review work highlights the substantive role of policy action at central executive (parliamentary/assembly) level in all UK countries in addressing wider determinants of early child development. Influencing at this central level is an important opportunity for public health practitioners, yet securing central-level political action often requires (amongst other things) coalitions of stakeholders who share similar beliefs, collectively identify with one another, and collectively try to frame dialogue, use evidence and advocate in ways that resonate with policy makers and the public. Drawing on the conclusions, we will ask the audience whether they think this type of coalition or collective public health identity exists within or across the UK PH workforce? And how we can strengthen the power of PH voices in national policy to deliver a fairer start for all? Presentation made at PHE conference 2019: Title:Understanding and influencing the national policy context to deliver a fairer start for all? Authors:Michelle Black - University of Sheffield; Amy Barnes - University of Sheffield Session:Place-based working to improve outcomes for children and young people - 2, 11/09/2019, 09:00 - 10:00

In Chantal Mouffes book For A Left Populism (2018), she describes a left populist strategy to rearticulate liberty and equality, the main principles of western democracies, which have lost their significance due to neoliberalist ideology. Neoliberalism is seen as the cause of the current political crisis which has led to more precarious life situations of citizens. It does not reply to the heterogenous demands of new social movements to reduce structural discrimination. The goal of a left populist strategy is the inclusion of the increasing heterogenous demands of different social groups. The aim is to construct a "people" that identifies itself with the main principles of democracy on an emotional, affective basis, with oligarchy as an opponent. The book offers an interesting perspective of populism, seeing it as a way of politics that can be filled with any content. This can be criticized, as the book remains mostly on a theoretical basis and whether the strategy will be successful cannot be foreseen. The political reality has also revealed many negative examples of populism. Nevertheless, the approaches to construct a pluralist public in which heterogenous demands are on the same level are worth considering. ; In ihrem Buch Für einen linken Populismus (2018) beschreibt Chantal Mouffe eine linkspopulistische Strategie, um Freiheit und Gleichheit zu re-artikulieren. Diese beiden zentralen Prinzipien westlicher Demokratien haben aufgrund der neoliberalen Ideologie an Bedeutung verloren. Mouffe sieht Neoliberalismus als Grund für die aktuelle politische Krise, die zu prekäreren Lebensbedingungen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger geführt hat. Neoliberalismus bietet auch keine Lösungsansätze, um strukturelle Diskriminierung zu reduzieren. Das Ziel einer linkspopulistischen Strategie ist die Inklusion der immer heterogener werdenden Forderungen verschiedener sozialer Gruppen und sozialer Bewegungen. Das Ziel ist die Konstruktion eines "Volkes", welches sich mit den zentralen Prinzipien der Demokratie auf emotionale, affektive Weise identifiziert und Oligarchie als gemeinsamen Gegner ansieht. Das Buch betrachtet Populismus als politische Kommunikationsstrategie, die mit jeglichem Inhalt gefüllt werden kann. Dies kann insofern kritisiert werden, als dass das Buch großteils auf einer theoretischen Basis verhaftet bleibt und der Erfolg einer solchen Strategie nicht abgeschätzt werden kann. Die politische Realität hat viele negative Beispiele von populistischen Strategien hervorgebracht. Nichtsdestotrotz ist die Absicht, eine pluralistische Öffentlichkeit zu konstruieren, wo heterogene Forderungen verschiedener sozialer Gruppen die jeweils gleiche Bedeutung erlangen, zu begrüßen. ; (VLID)3680321

In 2017, the Dutch alternative dispute resolution (ADR) initiative e-Court handled 20,000 debt collection claims via an online arbitration procedure, and this number was expected to double in 2018. In September of that same year, the Chairman for the Council of the Judiciary, Frits Bakker, argued on the Day for the Judiciary that in the future most lawsuits can be handled automatically and that a robot judge could work fast, efficiently and cheaply. However, in January 2018, Frits Bakker seemed to have changed his mind and criticized e-Court for its lack of impartiality, lack of transparency, unlawfully denying people the right to a state Court, and for being a 'robot judge'. Ultimately, all criticism boiled down to one issue: that the defendant's right to a fair trial was not sufficiently protected in e-Court's procedure. This accusation led to a huge media outcry, and as a result Courts were no longer willing to grant an exequatur to e-Court's arbitral awards until the Supreme Court had given its approval. This forced e-Court to temporarily halt its services. Questions such as 'is arbitration desirable in the case of bulk debt collection procedures?' and 'are arbitration agreements in standard terms of consumer contracts desirable?' are relevant and important, but inherently political. In this article, we argue that the conclusion of the judiciary and media that e-Court's procedure is in breach of the right to a fair trial is not substantiated by convincing legal arguments. Our aim is not to evaluate whether online arbitration is the best solution to the debt collection claim congestion of Courts in the Netherlands, but instead to assess e-Court's procedure in the light of Article 6 of the European Convention of Human Rights. The conclusion is that e-Court's procedure sufficiently guarantees the right to a fair trial and thus that the criticism expressed was of a political rather than legal nature.

In accordance with the obligations under the Association Agreement, the law of companies will be implemented in Ukrainian legislation, which comprehensively applies not only to corporate relations, but also, as evidenced by law enforcement practice, including the fundamental principles of constitutional and civil law. Among the latest European directives, the so-called "Thirteenth Directive" deserves special attention, which provides for the regulation of a number of relations related to the acquisition of corporations. These relations require research in terms of the relationship between corporate governance and corporate property, which ultimately causes a theoretical and legal problem of assessment of the balance of property institutions and legal entities. With this in mind, we aim to consider the impact of Directive 2004/25/EC on the understanding of the inviolability of property rights in Ukraine. We draw your attention to the fact that the implementation of any institutions must be "permeated" by the national understanding of existing and implemented relations. Thus, the so-called "mechanical implantation" (especially in terms of possible options for rule making) which cannot be considered as a necessary way to harmonize. It should be understood that the purpose of approximation of legislation is to ensure the EU's four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of goods, services, capital and people. The very understanding of legal phenomena that are transnational in nature must be shared. Thus, corporate ownership and corporate governance need a corresponding modern rethinking in the context of European integration. The path taken by EU member states, in particular in the long-term "development" of common "rules of the game" in corporate relations, rather indicates the perception of the squeeze-out model, and the public interest is somewhat narrowed, even "privatized" to some extent. At the same time, the general principles (both constitutional and civil) remain unchanged, although they need some ...

The key problems of Ivan Vyghovsky's rule (the main problem among them – is Gadiatskiy pact in 1658) in Mykhailo Grushevskiy's works are considered in the article. It's emphasized the scientist's ambiguity in treatment of polish Ukrainian compromise in 1658. On the one hand the researcher highly evaluates Ivan Vyghovskiy and his like minded persons for their realization the basic idea of socialand political development of Ukrainian nation, the necessity of being independent and trying to legalize it in the appropriate paragraphs of "Big kingdom of Russia". On the other hand emphasizes the factors which caused the union "lack of vitality" and hopeless of I. Vyghovskiy's polish foreign policy choice.In the scientist's conception the compromise of 1658 is the result of a combination of a set of factors, opposing tendencies, which had a deep foundation; the current geopolitical realities. For the «Zaporizhzhya Army» it was seen as a salvation from the expansionist, incorporationist policy of Muscovy, the mechanism of affirmation of the Orthodox « Grand Duchy of Rus» as an equal component of the reorganized Commonwealth. Mykhailo Hrushevsky, while paying tribute to the Treaty of Hadiachas a political and legal act, which testified to the level of state thinking of the then Ukrainian elite, indicates, at the same time, his doom.First of all, the historian observes that the treatise was in a hurry, under pressure of circumstances, it may have a temporary character. The most dangerous thing in the treaty is the «. competition of the Cossack and Nobility element .». The researcher believes that the basis of the Hadiach Union was nobility, because it was called «. to restore the economic and political affluence . of this social stratum .». Even the acquisition of the nobility`s rights by the Cossack sergeant «. meant only the strengthening of the nobility stratum against the Cossack masses». Therefore, for the Cossack public (for the common people - moreover, because it was not mentioned in the treaty) the union was ...

I analyze the frontier and how the crossing of it affects the characters in 2666 and The Salvages Detectives of Roberto Bolaño. The rise of feminicides in the cities of the border between Mexico and USA happened at the same time of the implementation of the NAFTA that attracted a lot of assembly plants. The coexistence of the violence represented by the military and political forces of the Mexican state and the drug dealers are examples of a fundamental failure of Mexico as a democratic state. Another phenomenon that affects the borders is the big migration of people to the development countries. The Salvages Detectives and 2666 are Bolaño's novels that work as tools that amplify –from a literary, sociological and political perspective- the complex reality of the border, where nomads that have lost their moral center are centrifuged by a dehumanizing modernity. ; Analizo la frontera y el trasegar de los personajes en esta en 2666 (2009a) y Los detectives salvajes (2004) de Roberto Bolaño. Es importante observar la coincidencia paradójica de que el auge de los feminicidios en las ciudades fronterizas se da a la par de la implementación del tratado de libre comercio que atrajo a la frontera muchas maquiladoras. La coexistencia de la violencia de los aparatos militares y policiales mexicanos y del poder narco ejemplifica la falla fundamental en el estado mexicano: sus profundas ausencias democráticas. Otro fenómeno que incide en las fronteras es la enorme migración de individuos hacia los países desarrollados. Los detectives salvajes y 2666 y otros textos de Bolaño operan como herramientas que amplifican -desde una perspectiva literaria, sociológica y política- la compleja realidad de la frontera, donde seres trashumantes que han perdido su centro moral son centrifugados por una modernidad deshumanizadora.

The material scope of arbitration in administrative matters has recently been considerably enlarged, especially in regards to the administrative act. It was recognized that the Arbitral Tribunal has the power to appreciate the legality of an administrative act. Traditionally, the legality of administrative acts was reserved for state courts. However, the legal incongruity was notorious. Article 180 (1) (c) of the Code of Procedure of the Administrative Courts (CPTA), 2002, provided that arbitral tribunals could enounce "matters relating to administrative acts that could be revoked without grounds for invalidity". We could diagnose two types of legal failures. First, within Administrative Law, it was incomprehensibly admissible to arbitrate the legality of administrative acts pertaining to the contractual sphere and exclude all others from the control of arbitration law. The other flaw suffered by the regime of arbitrability of administrative acts related to the possibility of arbitrability of tax acts3 and the imposition of strong limitations on the control of the legality of administrative acts in Administrative Law. The revision of the CPTA in 2015 implied a change in the legislative paradigm in the matter of administrative arbitration, providing for the possibility by the arbitral tribunals of assessing the legality of the administrative act, thus putting an end to a doctrinal dispute about the admissibility of the same. However, a literal interpretation of the precept would lead us to subsume within the jurisdiction of the arbitral tribunals the assessment of the legality of any administrative act. Considering the legislative scope of the legal prediction enunciated, the present work will have as its objective to answer three key questions. The first is to assess to what extent the arbitral tribunals may rule on the merit and legality of the administrative act. The second is to determine whether all administrative acts are arbitrable. The third concerns the search for a criterion of arbitrability of the administrative act, especially in matters related to legality.