Suchergebnisse

International audience ; The paper focuses on debats, in France and in Italy, about constitutionnal review projet introducing new tools of direct democracy which have the same purpose: strenghten the role of citizens in public policies. ; Les récentes propositions de révision en Italie et en France sur les instruments de démocratie directe ADRIANO EVANGELISTI Doctorant à l'UMR 7318-ILF/GERCJ École Doctorale 67 Malgré le rejet à une très large majorité de la tentative de révision constitutionnelle du Gouvernement Renzi I (A.C 1429 d-A.C 2613 d 1) lors du référendum du 4 décembre 2016, le thème des réformes institutionnelles fait à nouveau son apparition pendant la législature courante contrairement aux promesses des oppositions de l'époque, actuellement forces majoritaires du Gouvernement Conte I (M5* et Ligue), de ne plus jamais envisager de réformes constitutionnelles car jugées inutiles. La révision constitutionnelle pendant la législature passée revêtait une importance capitale : le but des gouvernements Letta I, Renzi I était d'éviter que l'impasse des élections 2013 puisse se reproduire. Les réformes institutionnelles avaient un poids si important qu'elles ont été à l'origine de la réélection temporaire 2 ,pour la première fois dans l'histoire italienne, du Président Napolitano 3 , élection subordonnée à deux points : la formation d'un Gouvernement, l'approbation d'une nouvelle loi électorale et d'une révision de la IIème partie de la Constitution 4 portant principalement sur le système institutionnel. Il n'est pas étonnant que face au rejet de sa réforme, le Gouvernement Renzi a démissionné. L'élément critiquable consista plutôt dans la politisation des enjeux qui a eu lieu suite aux déclarations faites par le Premier Ministre de l'époque « Si je perds le référendum sur la réforme constitutionnelle, je démissionne 5 [.] ». Les tentatives de réformes déposées récemment laissent présager des révisions moins ambitieuses par rapport à la révision mise en place dans la législature passée qui englobait à la fois ...

This Thesis is the reworking and re-composition of a study based on the experience acquired by the author from the following:• his active participation in the recent psychiatric reform in Greece (establishment and functioning of a shelter for asylum-seeker patients and later a daycentre for autistic children);• his clinical theory reflections on maltreatment and adolescents (offenders and victims of violence), what the author proposes to call violated transitions.• this research stretching over thirty years on the topic the continuing mourning of the missing persons in Cyprus (on account of the invasion of the island by Turkey in 1974) and the individual, social and political interferences with this impossible mourning;• his studies on the extension of the concept of the work of mourning (as a prototype of the psychic work in his report on the cultural work), the limits and obstacles that the mourning encounters in the context of culture and contemporary society.In the course of these developments, the adopted pluridisciplinary approach gives rise to a dialogue involving the Psychoanalysis, Anthropology and Literature of ancient Greece. Pluridisciplinarity allows, at the same time, the multiplication of approaches, in order to better seize of the phenomena in their complexity and relation to their environments, examine that which is developing on the interfaces, bring out in relief our conceptual and methodological limitations, in order to place into perspective the ways of disengagement and overtaking. (The study on the presumed primacy of the mother in Psychoanalysis and Anthropology, as well as the study on postmodern culture as an anti-mournful meta-frame, are examples of this).4In multiplying the expressions of psychic suffering that have to be studied, the environments where they manifest themselves and the perspectives of their examination, the author is forced to show that the structure and the psychic processes of the individual subject, especially their sufferings, cannot be sufficiently understood and ...

Tricia Nowicki (1985 – 2017) took two classes with me, but she taught me more than I taught her. Being in a mechanized wheelchair, she was a notable presence in the classroom. What really made Tricia stand out, though, was her powerfully articulate presence in seminar. For any who imagined a small woman in a mechanized wheelchair to need polite support and gentle handling, Tricia quickly put such notions to rest. She was fearless and suffered no fools. She spoke directly to issues, highlighting debates, pulling at evidence, ably comparing perspectives, and tackling debate with gusto. Her strength and intelligence stood out far more than any wheelchair.The following essay was from her second-year course with Professor Maureen Lux. It's not a research essay, but rather an exercise in historiography - that is, the history of what is written about a particular subject. One of the great challenges history students face is making sense of complex debates in history, not simply what happened but different interpretations of what happened and what meaning we take from it. This essay looks at four different historians all addressing the same story: the internment of "enemy aliens" - people born in or ethnically identified with the enemy countries of Germany, Italy, or Japan during the Second World War. While the basics of the story are agreed upon, each historian has a different assessment of why and how the Canadian government detained these people, whether and how it was justified, and what meaning we should take of this important moment in our country's history. Tricia's essay takes us through each essay, examines their evidence, assessing not only what is said, but also situating the political and ethical dimensions of the story. She understood the disciplinary issues of being a historian; she understood the ethical importance of this story and the debate around it. She was a fine historian.- Dr. Daniel Samson

International audience ; The concept of vulnerability has become central in European asylum and refugee law and policy in recent years. The adoption of special measures designed to offer greater protection to vulnerable asylum seekers might be seen as a positive step. However, the way in which vulnerability has been defined is open to question. Too often vulnerability is reduced to a simplistic and essentialised categorisation, which is also highly gendered and racialized. Women are thus categorized as «vulnerable» a priori, without real consideration of the structural and contextual causes of this vulnerability. Whilst being classed as «vulnerable» can increase chances of protection within EU asylum and refugee systems, the impacts on those who are classified as vulnerable can be felt as forms of symbolic violence which reduce agency and autonomy. Based on interviews with asylum seekers and refugees, as well as an analysis of recent EU asylum directives, this article calls for a rethinking of the uses of vulnerability in EU asylum policies in order to afford better protection, whilst at the same time recognising the agency and autonomy of asylum seekers and refugees. ; Palabras clave Género Vulnerabilidad Asilo Europa RESUMEN: El concepto de vulnerabilidad se ha convertido en el centro de la legislación y la política europeas de asilo y refugio en los últimos años. La adopción de medidas especiales diseñadas para ofrecer una mayor protección a los solicitantes de asilo vulnerables puede considerarse un paso positivo. Ahora bien, la forma en que se ha definido la vulnerabilidad es cuestionable. Con demasiada frecuencia, la vulnerabilidad se reduce a una categoriza-ción simplista y esencializada, que también es altamente generizada y racializada. Las muje-res son clasificadas como «vulnerables» a priori, sin una consideración real de las causas es-tructurales y contextuales de esta vulnerabilidad. Si bien ser clasificado como «vulnerable» puede aumentar las posibilidades de protección dentro de los sistemas de ...

The role of the security and defence firms in the European public policies regarding the external borders control has been the object of many academic works which tend to perceive these public/private relationships as a « fait accompli ». However, this provides few insights into the logic of actions used by the private companies, neither into the reasons they were invited by the traditional actors of the European policy-making, notably the European Commission. In order to fill this current academic gap, we focus on the industrial political work of these firms which tend to frame the migratory context and the terrorist threat so as to favour borders control technological solutions they offer. In the same time, these firms introduce themselves as representatives of an « artificial » industrial sector – the security industry – in order to become legitimate experts in the eyes of the European actors. We then analyse the institutional political work delivered by the European Commission which uses this « savoir-faire » from the private sector to pursue its own supranational entrepreneurship strategies while sharing a common vision of borders control with the help of technologies. This dynamic has led to some reconfigurations of the JHA institutional dynamics while favouring some actors, notably the European Commission and Member States, at the cost of others, as the European Parliament. ; Le rôle des entreprises de sécurité et de défense dans l'action publique européenne en matière de gestion des frontières extérieures génère un grand nombre de travaux universitaires, qui considèrent ces relations public/privé comme un fait accompli. Or, cela nous renseigne peu sur les logiques d'action déployées par les entreprises privées, ni sur les raisons pour lesquelles elles ont été invitées par les acteurs traditionnels (et notamment la Commission européenne) dans le policy-making européen. Dans un souci de combler ce manque dans la littérature actuelle, l'enjeu de cette communication est double. Tout d'abord, il s'agira de ...

The legal framework for UN action in the DRC is analysed in order to determine the norms and rules guiding the effictive control of the tasks assigned to peacekeeping operations in the restoration and consolidation of peace. This thesis deals with supervision both from the introspective angle of the actors in the internal and from the reconstruction of the political system of the post-conflict state and its population. The laboratory character of MONUSCO in the practice of the protection of civilians, set as the highest priority of the mandate, explores two approaches to the maintenance of peace (legal and political). By invoking it , the Mission develops a remarkable hyperactivity through unusual initiatives, tools, tactics, mechanisms, civil and military posture. Due to their active participation in hostilities, the homogeneity of the status of peacekeepers presents ambiguities. Renewing the problematic of United Nations action in the post-conflict reconstruction of the state, this thesis questions the balance of legality - legitimacy of intervention through the internationalization of normativity. At the same time, it provides a new perspective : the plasticity of the concept of protecting civilians in the practice of the Mission. This research leads to the conclusion that the legal framework of the UN action is evolutionary, resolute and entrenched by international law but that the activities of the Mission are part of a network of norms and values which do not exclusively êrtain to international law. ; L'encadrement juridique de l'action onusienne en RDC est analysé dans le but de déterminer les normes et les règles qui guident l'effectivité du contrôle des tâches confiées aux OMP pour rétablir et consolider la paix. Cette thèse aborde l'encadrement sous l'angle introspectif des intervenants au conflit interne mais aussi de la reconstruction du système politique de l'Etat post conflit et de sa population. Le caractère de laboratoire de la MONUSCO dans la pratique de la protection des civils élevé en ...

Transfer prices can be defined generally, such as the prices associated with transfers of goods, services or intangibles between companies of the same group, located in different countries. They can be used as leverage to allocate or transfer to a particular group entity a greater or lesser share of the overall tax result and therefore subject these results to different tax rates. By fixing transfer prices, the groups play on their plates and influence the tax revenues of the states where they operate, which subsequently results in a shortfall for the state.In Morocco, transfer prices are almost always subject to adjustment during tax audits of subsidiary companies or branches or permanent establishments which are members of multinational groups. In fact, we observe that the tax administration tends to raise the taxable bases of taxpayers by significant amounts. The payment of "management fees", the payment of royalties or even the level of purchase prices of goods are thus frequently called into question by the tax administration within the framework of the procedures of verification of accounting.This article aims to propose a normative framework to reinforce the internal legislation and the fiscal framework of the transfer pricing policy in Morocco. Beginning with the inventory and the general context by assessing the current Moroccan tax legislation relating to transfer prices as well as the difficulties encountered in the context of control or verification missions proper. Thereafter, we will offer our detailed recommendations dedicated to the tax control of transfer prices in Morocco. ; Les prix de transfert peuvent être définis d'une manière générale, comme les prix associés aux transferts de biens, de services ou d'incorporels entre des sociétés d'un même groupe, situées dans des pays différents. Ils peuvent être utilisés comme un levier permettant d'affecter ou de transférer à telle ou telle entité du groupe une part plus ou moins grande du résultat fiscal d'ensemble et par conséquent de soumettre ces ...

The present doctoral dissertation studies the place of the historiographical movement of the « Polish western thought » within the system of power of communist Poland between 1945 and 1961. It first looks at this historiographical school over a long period of time by tracing it back to the middle of the 19th century. It then intends to shed the light on the circumstances of the birth of the western discourse which legitimates the « return » of the recovered territories to Poland after 1945 : the ending of the Second World War, the Cold War, Stalinism and the thaw of Gomułka after the Polish October of 1956. It highlights the different generations of specialists and scholars as well as the western scientific network who contribute to forging the Polish rationale. The latter being very diverse, one may actually distinguish three western discourses. First, a western national discourse aims at proving the Polishness of the recovered territories by relying on historical or geographical arguments. Secondly, a more pragmatic western discourse focuses on demonstrating the advantages of this territorial change for Poland and Europe. Finally, a communist western discourse insists on the benefits of Poland's translation toward the West for the building of communism in. Poland and for the Eastern Bloc. Lastly, this doctoral dissertation specifies the nature of the links between communism and nationalism in relation to the Polish People's Republic by looking at how this discourse is used by communist power and how it influences on communist power practices. At the same time, this gives us the opportunity to study the ways in which this discourse spreads in Polish society by taking a closer look at the different relays available for the power. This doctoral dissertation is meant to contribute to the history of central-Europe historiographies and that of legitimation mechanisms used by authorities in popular democracies. ; La présente thèse de doctorat étudie la place du mouvement historiographique de la « pensée occidentale ...

Undoubtedly, regional arrangements play an essential role in the protection and promotion of human rights. Given the fact that there are many social, political, economic and historical similarities among people who live in a specific region, the creation of regional mechanisms for the protection of human rights should, in principle, be much easier than that of universal mechanisms. By the same token, regional mechanisms are more efficient than universal ones. The human rights systems established in Europe and America provide successful examples of regional systems. Asia, as the world's largest and most populous continent, is the only region which does not have a developed and well-established human rights mechanism. However, efforts have been recently made to create a human rights machinery within the framework of ASEAN. The present study attempts to present a comprehensive picture of legal situation for the regional protection of human rights in the Southeast Asia and, for this purpose, materials have been divided in two Parts. Part I analyse the existing human rights bodies and instruments in the Southeast Asia, and Part II tries to identify the reasons why a developed system has not yet come into existence in the region. ; Les arrangements régionaux jouent un rôle essentiel dans la protection et la promotion des droits de l'homme. Compte tenu du fait qu'il y a beaucoup de similitudes sociales, politiques, économiques et historiques entre les gens qui vivent dans une région spécifique, la création de mécanismes régionaux de protection des droits de l'homme doit, en principe, être plus facile que celle des mécanismes universels. De même, des mécanismes régionaux sont plus efficaces que ceux universels. Les systèmes de droits de l'homme établis en Europe et en Amérique fournissent des exemples réussis de systèmes régionaux. L'Asie, le plus grand et le plus peuplé continent du monde, est la seule région qui ne dispose pas d'un mécanisme développé et bien établi de droits de l'homme. Cependant, des efforts ont ...

This research in art and sciences of art focuses on artistic practices which document recent history or current events, in an environment already saturated by image streams, resulting from a general connection to the Internet. The study is based on a core of works made since 2005 by a dozen artists and follows four successive points of view: one of historical and conceptual heritage, one of mediality, one of artistic position and one of the political scope of the artworks. The analysis of the theoretical and historical context prior to the studied artistic approaches reveals that the artists concerned do not try to think of the contemporary in terms of innovation, let alone reacting by the tactics of tabula rasa. On the contrary, they tackle it with strategies that are not bound by historicised, sequential, and linear time, similar to mediarchaeologic approaches. The medial approach makes it possible to confronted neomediatic logics adopted in documentary works, particularly intermediality, variability and remediation. With remediation, artists integrate within their productions broadcast media images to make visible their influence on our perception of the world and reveal them as an appartus to be subverted. Moreover, by working to create representations and narratives of the real, the artists who produce them appear not to leave the prerogativeto the professionals of the media of information and communication.Nevertheless, while borrowing their approach from the journalist and the investigator, the artists do not pursue the same ends and break away from the certainties that the journalistic narratives claim, by resorting to other tactics of which the most unique is to visually alter the picture. Finally, beyond the topics and approaches that can be very critical, it seems possible to characterisedifferently the political involvement of these works and to update, in the era of the fluid image, an ethical responsibility of the artist that translates into artistic acts. ; Cette recherche en art et sciences de ...

Studies of the Genevan philosopher's writings, and particularly his politic ones, leads us to question the possibility of seeing a critical theory about democracy in rousseauism. The major political principles set in Contrat social, refined in Lettres écrites de la montagne and applied to practical cases in Considérations pour le gouvernement de la Pologne and Projet de constitution pour la Corse, can provide the analysis standard sand judgment that allows to put into perspective our democratic modernity. Firstly, it is about showing that the principles of his political thinking, in Lettres écrites de la montagne, allow him to criticize the oligarchical drift of Geneva's Republic (from a democracy in the XVst century to an oligarchy in the XVIIIst century) and government's usurpation of sovereignty. Secondly, it is about highlighting his criticism of democracy's forms (representative, direct, deliberative). Thirdly, it is about identifying critical comments that Rousseauism makes possible towards contemporary democracy (representative and liberal). Fourthly, it is about emphasizing his political theory as a meaning to raise awareness of the fact that democracy is restricted in the contemporary policy. As a critical theory of democracy, political Rousseauism clarifies what is a true democracy or not and, in the same time, it unveils a specific definition of a common power, the people's effective sovereignty. This is a conception of democracy that his theory about government contributes to enlighten - preferring an aristocratic government leaning on an active political virtue and revealing that the form of this legal authority is not a criteria for democracy (republic). Different critical interventions of Rousseauism about democracy ("weak": legitimating representative democracy, "strong": considering a transformation of politic societies) highlight political principles and means that question the nature and operation of contemporary representative democracies (supremacy of the executive power, and hence ...

Africa, because of its weakness, its failures at many levels, and all the difficulties it faces in meeting the global standards of democracy, has over the years become the ideal receptacle for all kinds of experimentation on the issue of development.And it was only from a public finance crisis, the most emblematic manifestation of which was that of public debt, which had already begun a decade earlier, that Africans referred to structural adjustment policies. Strongly encouraged by international organizations, these countries have adopted decentralization as an effective means of good governance.Despite its adaptation in the various constitutions, decentralization really began only about fifteen years ago in many African countries such as Côte d'Ivoire, Senegal and Cameroon. Decentralization thus appears to be one of the best means of modernizing the centralized state, promoting citizen participation and good governance. It could, together with good governance, shed light on how the incumbent authorities manage state's resources.Seen as a means of economic growth and development, decentralization and good governance, according to the observations of recent years, do not seem to have the same effects in the developing countries, still tribal and especially very poor and plagued by many problems. This model of territorial organization has just become a condition for receiving international assistance.What are the causes of the failure of decentralization in West Africa, and what are the means these countries possess in order to succeed in changing the democratic ideals still locked in ancestral rites and Customs? ; L'Afrique, à cause de sa faiblesse, de ses faillites à plusieurs niveaux, et de toutes les difficultés qu'elle rencontre pour répondre aux critères mondiaux de démocratie, est devenue au fil des années, le réceptacle idéal pour toutes sortes d'expérimentation sur la question du développement. Et ce n'est qu'à partir d'une crise des finances publiques dont la manifestation la plus emblématique fut celle ...

As a response to the intensive literature regarding the direct or indirect impacts of natural resources on economic development, this thesis intends to analyze resource dependent economies beyond the scope of the resource curse and provide analyses on 3 key macroeconomic challenges faced by those countries. Unlike the trend to focus only on a set of countries depending on their resources produced or their level of economic development, this thesis does not discriminate according to these factors to include countries sharing their exposure to international commodity price volatility as a major threat, while analyzing countries which may have had various successes in their management of resource wealth.First, it empirically analyzes the determinants of fiscal procyclicality which is the tendency of fiscal authorities to give fiscal policy responses in the same direction as the economic cycle, restrictive in case of a decrease of economic growth and expansionary in the periods of sustained economic growth. Based on a sample of 81 countries over 1992-2012, this study assesses a variety of potential candidates and find an importance of political-economy determinants in limiting fiscal procyclicality especially in the higher part of the business cycle. It also provides some support to the idea that Sovereign Wealth Funds are more effective than Fiscal Rules to limit fiscal procyclicality especially through a limitation of expenditure growth in good economic periods.The next chapter provides an empirical study to the relationship between commodity prices and export diversification, a challenge especially important to assess whether resource dependent economies used commodity price booms as opportunities to diversify their economy away from the resource sector. Based on a panel of 78 countries over 1970-2012 it finds a strong empirical support to the impact of commodity price booms on export concentration especially through a concentration of the mix of already exported products (intensive margin) during periods of ...

By the advancement of technology, people are using internet for interchanging millions of photos every day from one to another part of the world, where data reductions are used to send file long distance with in minimum period of time. In the medical science physicians are detecting body organs, tumor cells and complex physical phenomena by optical fibers and where image processing is quite useful. One of another important sector of image processing is meteorology where it processes satellite sending images to do daily weather forecasting or finding climate change. There are many other sectors such as military surveillances, underwater search, satellite navigation etc. Suppose there are millions of images in the database of NSA, but they do not have clear image of the suspect (or suspects). Their main aim is to find the image (or multiple images) of particular scene and identify object of interest in the image (or images). In this study, we will set a very well-known paradigm of analysis using PCA, FDA and simple projection to recognize people from their facial images. We will consider that we have some images of known people that can be used to compare and recognize new images (of the same set of face images). Moreover we will show graphical and tabular representation for average performance of correct recognition as well as analyze the effectiveness of three projections. Keywords SVD, orthogonal matrix, orthogonal linear transformation, orthogonal projection, PCA, FDA Methodology As images are very high dimensional, it is not easy to analyze them directly. Some common approaches are to reduce their diminution using principal component analysis (PCA), Fisher's discriminant analysis (FDA), and other similar methods. Both PCA and LDA are linear transformation methods. PCA yields the directions (principal components) that maximize the variance of the data, whereas LDA also aims to find the directions that maximize the separation ; Par l'avancement de la technologie, les gens utilisent Internet pour échanger des ...

International audience ; Multiple CMIP5 (Coupled Model Intercomparison Project phase 5) future scenarios run with the CHIMERE chemistry transport model (CTM) are compared to historic simulations in order to study some of the drivers governing air pollution. Here, the focus is on regional climate, anthropogenic emissions and long-range transport. Two major subdomains are explored – the European region and the Mediterranean Basin – with both areas showing high sensitivity to climate change. The Mediterranean area is explored in the context of the ChArMEx (the Chemistry Aerosol Mediterranean Experiment) project, which examines the current and future meteorological and chemical conditions of the Mediterranean area. This climate impact study covers the period from 2031 to 2100 and considers possible future scenarios in comparison with 1976 to 2005 historic simulations using three Representative Concentration Pathways (RCPs; RCP2.6, RCP4.5 and RCP8.5). A detailed analysis of total PM10 (particulate matter with a diameter smaller that 10 µm) concentrations is carried out, including the evolution of PM10 and changes to its composition. The individual effects of meteorological conditions on PM10 components are explored in these scenarios in an effort to pinpoint the meteorological parameter(s) governing each component. The anthropogenic emission impact study covers the period from 2046 to 2055 using current legislation (CLE) and maximum feasible reduction (MFR) anthropogenic emissions for the year 2050 compared with historic simulations covering the period from 1996 to 2005 and utilizing CLE2010 emissions data. Long-range transport is explored by changing the boundary conditions in the chemistry transport model over the same period as the emission impact studies. Finally, a cumulative effect analysis of these drivers is performed, and the impact of each driver on PM10 and its components is estimated. The results show that regional climate change causes a decrease in the PM10 concentrations in our scenarios (in both the ...