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Civil war and conflict within countries is the most prevalent threat to peace and security in the opening decades of the twenty-first century. A pivotal factor in the escalation of tensions to open conflict is the role of elites in exacerbating tensions along identity lines by giving the ideological justification, moral reasoning, and call to violence. Between Terror and Tolerance examines the varied roles of religious leaders in societies deeply divided by ethnic, racial, or religious conflict. The chapters in this book explore cases when religious leaders have justified or catalyzed violence

Well, how do nations escape poverty? Those of us familiar with the prominent US economic historian Deirdre McClosky know the answer to that. Liberal values (what she calls 'bourgeois values'). Things like respect for individuals and their freedom of action, toleration, limited government, the rule of law, minimising the use of force, property and honouring contracts. All those things provide the compost in which the seeds of prosperity can grow.But it's a long and difficult process. And unfortunately, says the prolific German author and economist Rainer Zitelmann in his new book, we don't often help poor countries to do what it takes to acquire these values. On the contrary, we try to help them with foreign aid, which messes up what markets there are and is too often badly managed or even abused. And when the funding runs out, projects become unaffordable and are terminated, so whatever good was created by them is lost, as William Easterly and Dambisa Moyo point out. So what can poor countries do, and do better, to pull themselves out of poverty?Zitelmann takes two very different countries, Vietnam and Poland, who took very different paths to reform. Vietnam, of course, was not helped by years of destructive war, then communism sweeping down from the north. Like everywhere else, it found that collective agriculture systems, borne of communist ideology, simply didn't work. So, like China and so many others, they were eventually forced to modify it, still claiming it was collectivised, of course, but actually transferring responsibility to individual families, who had an incentive to produce more rather than work less. The limited markets for agricultural products gradually expanded, then individuals were allowed to employ up to ten other people. Internal customs barriers were eroded, and international trade opened up. Then price controls and subsidies faded, banking was reformed. The trappings of socialism remained, but it declined in economic significance.By contrast to this slow and piecemeal approach, says Zitelmann, Poland change rapidly and radically after the fall of communism. Its new finance minister, Leszek Balcerowicz realised that only 'shock therapy' would reverse decades of soviet mentality. A new law allowed people to engage in any economic activity they liked, and to employ as many others as they chose. Inflation was reined in by sound money policies. Debt was cut. Banks and other businesses were privatised. Industries were deregulated. Taxes were simpliefied, along the lines of a flat tas. That all led to a big rise in entrepreneurship. And the opening up of trade with the West brought people more and better products, and a rise in prosperity.The lesson, really, is that there is no 'right' way to make a country rich — 'to carry a state to the highest degree of opulence from the lowest barbarism,' as Adam Smith put it. But 'peace, easy taxes and a tolerable administration of justice' seem to be the essentials that you cannot do without.  Zitelmann, Rainer (2024). How Nations Escape Poverty: Vietnam, Poland, and the Origins of Prosperity. Forward by George Gilder. New York: Encounter Books.

Signposts to Silence provides a theoretical map of what it terms 'metaphysical mysticism': the search for the furthest, most inclusive horizon, the domain of silence, which underlies the religious and metaphysical urge of humankind in its finest forms. Tracing the footsteps of pioneers of this exploration, the investigation also documents a number of historical pilgrimages from a variety of cultural and religious backgrounds. Such mountaineers of the spirit, who created paths trodden by groups of followers over centuries and in some cases millennia, include Lao-Tzu and Chuang-Tzu, Siddhattha and Jesus, Sankara and Fa-tsang, Plato and Plotinus, Isaac Luria and Ibn Arabi, Aquinas and Hegel. Such figures, teachings and traditions (including the religions of 'Judaism', 'Christianity' and 'Islam'; 'Hinduism', 'Buddhism' and 'Taoism') are understood as, at their most sublime, not final destiny and the end of the road, but signposts to a horizon of ultimate silence. The hermeneutical method employed in tracking such pioneers involves four steps: • sound historical-critical understanding of the context of the various traditions and figures • reconstruction of the subjective intentional structure of such persons and their teachings • design, by the author, of a theoretical map of the overall terrain of 'metaphysical mysticism', on which all such journeys of the spirit are to be located, while providing a theoretical context for understanding them tendentionally (i.e. taking the ultimate drift of their thinking essentially to transcend their subjective intentions) • drawing out, within the space available, some political (taken in a wide sense) implications from the above, such as religio-political stances as well as ecological and gender implications. Continuing the general direction of thought within what the author endorses to be the best in metaphysical mysticism in its historical manifestations, the book aims to contribute to peace amongst religions in the contemporary global cultural situation. It relativizes all claims to exclusive, absolute truth that might be proclaimed by any religious or metaphysical, mystical position, while providing space for not only tolerating, but also affirming the unique value and dignity of each. This orientation moves beyond the stances of enmity or indifference or syncretism or homogenisation of all, as well as that of mere friendly toleration. It investigates the seemingly daunting and inhospitable yet immensely significant Antarctica of the Spirit, the 'meta'-space of silence behind the various forms of wordy 'inter'-relationships. It affirms pars pro toto, totum pro parte, and pars pro parte: that each religious, mystical and metaphysical orientation in its relative singularity represents or contains the whole and derives value from that, and that each represents or contains every other. This homoversal solidarity stimulating individual uniqueness is different from and in fact implies criticism of the process of globalisation. While not taking part in a scientific argument as such, Signposts to Silence aims at promoting an understanding of science and metaphysical mysticism as mutual context for each other, and it listens to a number of voices from the domain of science that understand this.

José María Blanco White (Sevilla, 11 de julio de 1775-Liverpool, 20 de mayo de 1841), de nombre real José María Blanco Crespo, fue un escritor, pensador, polemista religioso, periodista y sacerdote católico español, de ascendencia irlandesa. Ordenado sacerdote en diciembre de 1799, pronto perdió la fe, y abandonó su ministerio sacerdotal, buscando futuro en la Corte, en Madrid. Allí comienza su aproximación a la política de la mano de Manuel José Quintana. Años de vida frívola. Vuelve a su Sevilla natal empujado por el avance de las tropas napoleónicas. Se autoexilia a Inglaterra a principios de 1810. Desde su nuevo país verterá numerosas críticas hacia la clase dirigente española, las instituciones religiosas, y el modo de tratar el asunto de las colonias españolas de ultramar, de manera especial a través del periódico El Español. Es admitido como ministro en la Iglesia anglicana. Profesor en Oriel college, Oxford, como premio por su lucha anticatólica. Destaca su amistad con John Henry Newman. Sus obras más conocidas en Inglaterra son poéticas, costumbristas y, sobre todo, de crítica hacia la Iglesia Católica. Su pensamiento apunta a una deriva hacia el deísmo. Abandonará la confesión anglicana y acabará sus días como miembro de una comunidad de unitarios en Liverpool. En España, desde la década de los 70 del pasado siglo, es presentado como adalid de progresismo y mártir de la lucha por la tolerancia y la libertad de conciencia. ; Writer, philosopher, religious scholar, journalist and Spanish Catholic priest of Irish ancestry, José María Blanco White, was born José María Blanco Crespo in Seville on July 11th, 1775, and died in Liverpool on May 20th, 1841). He was ordained priest in December 1799, but he soon lost his faith and dropped out of priesthood, seeking his fortune in the Court, in Madrid. Thats when it began his approach to politics guided by Manuel José Quintana. For some years, he had a very sligth life. Then he returned to his native Seville, forced by the advance of the Napoleonic troops. At the beginning of 1870, he decided to exile in England. From his new country he made many accusations against the Spanish ruling class, against the Spanish religious institutions and against the way Spanish managed the overseas territories, and he voiced his opinions particularly through the newspaper El Español. As a reward for his fight against the Catholic Church, he was admitted as a minister of the Anglican Church, and as a fellow at Oriel College in Oxford. His friendship with John Henry Newman deserves special mention. His poetry works are well known in England as well as his works about local customs and manners but above all his works criticising the Catholic Church. His thought indicates a trend towards the deism. He dropped out of English Church and he ended his days as a member of an Unitarian community in Liverpool. In Spain, since the seventies of the last century, he is considered, as the leader of the progressivism and as a martyr of the fight for toleration and freedom of conscience.

We are facing a threat that is catastrophic in its scale. The damage that even a single attack with weapons of mass destruction would wreak could run into the millions of lives, and do egregious damage to American economic, political, and social structures. There is no graver threat to the United States. This threat is only going to get more serious. The progress of technology and the increasing interconnectedness of global systems are driving both productive and destructive power down, to lower and lower levels of agency, and outwards, to the fringes of society. The proliferation of massively destructive technologies can and should be retarded, but it cannot be prevented. We must accept both that the threat is very real and that it cannot be 'solved,' only managed. The United States has begun to respond to this grave threat through a 'layered defense' that includes military, intelligence, diplomatic, political, public diplomacy, homeland defense, and humanitarian components. This policy commendably seeks to integrate all elements, hard and soft, of American and allied power to stave off disaster. And all elements of this layered defense are important in preventing attacks, including efforts to stem proliferation and 'soft power' strategies designed to address real root causes of terror. Toleration is another critical element in our response. We balance the needs of a free society that can produce and distribute goods and ferry people efficiently against the costs of car accidents, plane and train crashes, and pollution. But, obviously, any significant incidence of catastrophic attacks cannot be tolerated, certainly not if we wish to maintain our society as we currently enjoy it. Another pillar is the positive incentive structure associated with sociable behavior. The forces of habit, social conformity, ritual, and morality suffice to draw most people into the system. Unfortunately, terrorists are precisely those who are not susceptible to these positive incentive structures. Direct deterrence against terrorists is an important tool, and is the cornerstone of law and order both in the domestic and international contexts. But, as many have pointed out, terrorists are hard - and sometimes impossible - to deter directly. Clearly, people willing to kill themselves in order to conduct terrorist attacks are unlikely to be deterred by direct threats. While these approaches are substantially effective, they leave a major gap in our ability to prevent catastrophic terror attacks. We can be neither omniscient nor omnipotent, and therefore prevention and defense are limited in a world where destructive power is spreading downwards and outwards. We cannot tolerate catastrophic attacks in a world of weapons of mass destruction. We cannot hope to convince all terrorists to behave through positive incentives when some are fanatics, cultists, or simply pursuing objectives the U.S. can never concede. And we cannot rely on direct deterrence when many are willing to sacrifice their very lives in pursuit of their aims. Our traditional approach to the problem is therefore insufficient to meet the danger. Adapted from the source document.

"The idea of tolerance is one of the most enduring legacies of the Enlightenment. However, there is a surprising lack of scholarly works that attempt to analyse the influence of tolerance on the individual during this period. This collection assesses, for the first time, the positive and negative impact of discourses and theories of tolerance upon the lives of individuals in eighteenth-century Europe

Eine zentrale Herausforderung der Migrationssteuerung auf Unionsebene ist die "Bekämpfung" irregulärer Einwanderung. Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich einem der drängendsten Probleme der EU-Rückführungspolitik, in concreto der niedrigen Rückführungsrate irregulär aufhältiger Migrant:innen. Die Rückführungsrichtlinie der EU erlegt den Mitgliedstaaten in diesem Zusammenhang die Pflicht auf, gegen jede drittstaatsangehörige Person, die sich irregulär in der EU aufhält, eine Rückkehrentscheidung zu erlassen, wobei jährlich nur rund 40 % aller Rückkehrentscheidungen auch tatsächlich vollzogen werden. Die EU schafft es insgesamt aber trotz der rechtlichen und politischen Bemühungen kaum, Fortschritte im Hinblick auf die Vorgaben der Rückführungsrichtlinie zu machen. Mögliche Lösungsansätze finden sich in den Rechtsordnungen ausgewählter Mitgliedstaaten. Deshalb wird die österreichische, deutsche und spanische Rechtslage in einem Rechtsvergleich analysiert. Die drei Mitgliedstaaten "bekämpfen" den irregulären Aufenthalt von Migrant:innen mithilfe eines differenzierten Systems von Regularisierungen. Regularisierungen, verstanden als Rechtsinstrument, stellen eine Alternative zu Rückführungen dar und umschreiben jede rechtliche Entscheidung, die irregulär aufhältigen Migrant:innen ein Aufenthaltsrecht gewährt. Sie beenden den irregulären Aufenthalt von Migrant:innen, allerdings nicht durch eine Rückführung im Sinne einer Außerlandesbringung, sondern durch die Gewährung eines Aufenthaltsrechts. Anhand dieser Untersuchung wird die folgende These entwickelt: Durch unionsrechtlich normierte Regularisierungen, die die derzeitige Rückführungspolitik der EU ergänzen, wird die irreguläre Einwanderung auf Unionsebene wirksamer "bekämpft". 'Combatting' irregular migration is one of the key challenges to migration management at EU level. The present book addresses one of the most pressing structural problems regarding the EU's return policy: the low return rate of irregularly staying migrants. In this regard the EU Return Directive obliges Member States to issue a return decision, yet only 40% of such decisions are enforced annually. Moreover, despite the political and legal efforts, the EU is not making any significant progress in enforcing the rules it has laid down in the Return Directive. The legislation of EU Member States may, however, serve as a source for possible solutions to 'combat' the problem of irregularly staying migrants. It is for this reason that the book compares the system of regularisations in Austria, Germany and Spain. Regularisations constitute an effective alternative to returns because they terminate the irregular residence of migrants, not through deportation, but rather by granting a right of residence. Regularisation is therefore understood as each legal decision that awards legal residency to irregularly staying migrants. As is shown by the examination and comparison of regularisations in Austria, Germany and Spain, differentiated systems of regularisation exist at national level. However, EU regularisations supplementing the present return policy would be more effective at 'combatting' irregular migration at EU level.

Funding Information: The research was funded by the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India, vide award number DST/INSPIRE Fellowship/2015/IF150691. The APC was paid by PS (Department of Animal Morphology, Physiology and Genetics, Faculty of AgriSciences, Mendel University in Brno, Brno, Czech Republic). Funding Information: We thank the Department of Science and Technology, New Delhi, India, for financial assistance in the form of the Inspire Research Fellowship (IF 150691). We also thank the Department of Zoology, the University of Rajasthan, Jaipur, India, for providing instrumental facilities. We are also thankful to Dr. A. K. Chougule of the Department of Radiotherapy, SMS Medical College and Hospital, Jaipur, India, for providing the irradiation facilities and Malviya National Institute of Technology, Jaipur, India, for the SEM and TEM facilities, and last, we would like to thank the Department of Botany, the University of Rajasthan, Jaipur, India, for the authentication of the plant material used in the study. Funding Information: The research was funded by the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India, vide award number DST/ INSPIRE Fellowship/2015/IF150691. The APC was paid by PS (Department of Animal Morphology, Physiology and Genetics, Faculty of AgriSciences, Mendel University in Brno, Brno, Czech Republic). Publisher Copyright: Copyright © 2022 Vyas, Kesari, Slama, Roychoudhury and Sisodia. ; Background: Oxidative stress induced by radiation causes variable expression of antioxidant enzymes in a tissue-specific manner. Testicular tissues carry out the complex process of spermatogenesis, and studies indicate that testicular damages due to irradiation require long-term recovery before complete resumption. Ionizing radiation also causes oxidative stress in tissues, leading to testicular damage. Aims and Objectives: This study measured differential expression of antioxidant enzymes following administration of C. borivilianum root extract (CRB) in response to irradiation-induced oxidative stress. The activity of various important endogenous enzymatic defense systems was evaluated and correlated for strength of association. Materials and method: Two forms of C. borivilianum (CB) extracts [CB alone and CB-silver nanoparticles (AgNPs)] were administered at a dose of 50 mg/kg body weight to Swiss albino male mice for 7 consecutive days. After that, they were irradiated with 6 Gy irradiation and further used to study various parameters of antioxidant enzymes. Results: Results indicate a significant increase in the level of glutathione (GSH) and the activity of GSH-related antioxidant enzymes in irradiated mice treated with CRE and CRE-AgNPs (silver nanoparticles biosynthesized using C. borivilianum root extract) in comparison to non-pretreated ones (groups I and II). Reciprocal elevation was observed in related enzymes, that is, glutathione S-transferase activity (GST), glutathione reductase (GR), and glutathione peroxidase activity (GPx). Elevation in the activity of catalase (CAT) and superoxide dismutase (SOD) was also evident in both the irradiated groups pretreated with CRE-AgNPs. However, expression of CAT in the CRE-treated irradiated group was similar to that of the non-treated irradiated group. Higher association among CAT-SOD, CAT-GPx, and GR-GST was observed. Conclusion: Overall, it was observed that testicular cells post-irradiation in all groups go through intense oxidative stress; however, groups pretreated with CRE or CRE-AgNPs indicated better toleration and resumption of antioxidant capacity. CRE or CRE-AgNPs pretreated non-irradiated groups mostly remained within the control range indicating stimulated expression of antioxidants. ; Peer reviewed

Сформулирована проблема сущности толерантности, которая связана, с одной стороны, со ставшей привычной идеей демократии и философией либерализма, а с другой стороны - с новой культурной и политической реальностями. Представлено понимание взаимоотношения культурного и религиозного контекстов толерантности. Осмыслены результаты исследования студенческой адаптации в контексте толерантности. Актуальность обусловлена трансформаций образования, отражающаяся в тенденциях интернационализации, компьютеризации и интеграции образовательных систем разных стран. Цель: оценить возможности и преимущества толерантного поведения в образовательной среде. Методы. Основу исследования составляет социокультурный подход, раскрывающий тенденции современного образования. С помощью философской рефлексии отражены новые аспекты толерантности в духовном опыте человека. Социологические методы позволили проанализировать понимание толерантного поведения студентов. Результаты. Даны философские оценки того, как мы можем наилучшим образом быть толерантными в самых разных культурных обществах, опираясь на универсальные моральные ценности и образование. Авторы представляют проблему толерантности в новом аспекте - как источник отчуждения личности в многочисленных культурных связях. Представлены выводы исследования толерантного поведения студентов Томского политехнического университета и Российского университета дружбы народов: роль религиозных, культурных, традиционных, гендерных, семейных аспектов в толерантной коммуникации. Показано, почему проблема толерантности в российских вузах не стоит так же остро, как в европейских. Выделены образовательные компетенции современного толерантного студента: умение избегать конфликтных ситуаций, понимание и принятие других культур и российского социума, навыки преодоление социально-психологических барьеров, умения и навыки ведения «диалога культур» с помощью изучения языка. Сформулированы образовательные компетенции современного толерантного студента: умение избегать конфликтных ситуаций, понимание и принятие других культур и российского общества, преодоление социально-психологического барьера, формирование навыков и умений вести «диалог культур». ; This paper is analyzing the problem of tolerance essence. In contemporary world there are a lot of changings: on the one hand already known democracy and liberalism, on the other hand new cultural and political reality. The cultural and religious context of toleration is presented. The results of the study of student adaptation in the context of tolerance are comprehended. The relevance of the research is represented by educational transformation: internationalization, computerization and integration of educational systems of different countries. The main aim of the study is to evaluate opportunities and advantages of tolerant behavior in the educational environment. Methods: the core of the research is sociocultural approach; it reveals tendencies of contemporary education. The new aspects of tolerance in the spiritual experience of a person are represented by philosophical reflection. Sociological methods made it possible to analyze the understanding of the tolerant behavior of students. Results. The paper introduces the philosophical assessments of how we can best be tolerant in a variety of cultural societies from the point of view of universal moral values and education. The problem of tolerance is represented in new contexts as a source of personality alienation in numerous cultural communications. The conclusions of the study of the tolerant behavior of students of the Tomsk Polytechnic University and the Moscow University of Friendship of Peoples: the role of religious, cultural, traditional, gender, family aspects in tolerant communication, are presented. The authors have stated the educational competencies of a modern tolerant student: the ability to avoid conflict situations, understanding and acceptance of other cultures, and the Russian society, overcoming the socio-psychological barrier, formation of skills and abilities to conduct a «dialogue of cultures» through language learning, formation of a new socio-cultural space.

Der Referentenentwurf des Bundesministeriums des Innern, für Bau und Heimat für ein Fachkräf-teeinwanderungsgesetz enthält zahlreiche Änderungen des bestehenden Rechts, hält aber an der Systematik und den Grundsätzen des bestehenden Rechts fest. Die wichtigste Veränderung ist die Gleichstellung von Fachkräften mit beruflichen Abschlüssen und Fachkräften mit akademischen Abschlüssen. Diese beiden Gruppen sind die wichtigsten Ziel-gruppen des neuen Einwanderungsrechts. Darüber hinaus wird die Vorrangprüfung weitestge-hend abgeschafft. An dem Grundsatz der Anerkennung der Gleichwertigkeit von im Ausland erworbenen Abschlüssen wird mit wenigen Ausnahmen festgehalten. Damit bleibt die wesentliche Hürde für die Einwande-rung qualifizierter Fachkräfte aufrechterhalten. Allerdings wurden die Möglichkeiten zur Anerken-nung nach Einreise erweitert. Der Referentenentwurf schlägt eine Reihe von Verfahrensänderungen vor, die zu einer Beschleu-nigung der Anerkennung und der Visumsverfahren führen können. Dies muss sich in der Praxis be-weisen. Die erweiterten und neu geschaffenen Optionen für die Arbeitsplatzsuche, die Ausbildungsplatz-suche und den Aufenthalt zur Anerkennung von beruflichen Abschlüssen sind recht restriktiv ge-staltet. Es ist deshalb unwahrscheinlich, dass diese grundsätzlich sinnvollen Instrumente in grö-ßerem Umfang genutzt werden. Der Referentenentwurf verzichtet auf die Möglichkeit eines Spurwechsels für Geduldete. Im Be-reich der Ausbildung ergeben sich geringfügige Änderungen, durch die Beschäftigungs-duldung über 30 Monate eine etwas höhere Rechtssicherheit. Sinnvoller wäre ein Spurwechsel in Verbindung mit einer Stichtagsregelung gewesen. Diese Stellungnahme ist die aktualisierte Fassung von IAB-Stellungnahme 14/2018, da sich im Re-ferentenentwurf eine Reihe (kleinerer) Änderungen ergeben haben. Der Referentenentwurf wurde am 13.03.2019 an den Bundestag weitergeleitet und dort unverändert als Gesetzentwurf der Bun-desregierung zum Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz (http://dipbt.bundestag.de/doc/btd/19/082/ 1908285.pdf) sowie als Entwurf eines Gesetzes über Duldung bei Ausbildung und Beschäftigung (http://dipbt.bundestag.de/doc/btd/19/082/1908286.pdf) eingebracht. Beide Entwürfe wurden am 9. Mai 2019 erstmals im Plenum des Bundestages beraten. Diese Stellungnahme 4/2019 bezieht sich auf beide Gesetzentwürfe. ; The draft bill by the Federal Ministry of the Interior, Building and Community for a law on skilled labour immigration includes numerous changes to the existing law while at the same time ad- hering to the classifications and basic principles of the existing law. The most important change is the equality of skilled workers with vocational qualifications and skilled workers with academic qualifications. These two groups are the key target groups of the new immigration law. Moreover, the proof of precedence will be largely abolished. A few exceptions aside, the basic principle regarding the recognition of the equivalence of profes-sional qualifications acquired abroad shall remain in place. Hence, the main obstacle to the im-migration of skilled workers will persist. However, the options for recognition after entry into the country were extended. The draft bill suggests a number of procedural changes, which may lead to an acceleration of the recognition and visa procedures. It remains yet to be seen how that will stand the test of practice. The extended and newly created options for job search, apprenticeship search, and residence for recognition of professional qualifications are quite restrictive. It is therefore unlikely for these ac-tually useful instruments to be used on a larger scale. The draft bill misses the chance for a "lane change" regarding people whose deportation has been suspended. There are also minor changes in the field of vocational training and a slight improve-ment in legal certainty due to gainfully employed people being tolerated for 30 months. It would have made more sense to propose a change of tack in conjunction with a cut-off date.The draft bill has been send over to the Parliament by March 13, 2019 in form of two draft laws: First, as draft law on skilled labour migration (http://dipbt.bundestag.de/doc/btd/19/082/ 1908285.pdf) and second, as draft law on the toleration for the purpose of vocational training and employment (http://dipbt.bundestag.de/doc/btd/19/082/1908286.pdf). This position paper refers to both draft laws.

Physical activities were introduced into the high school curriculum in the 19th century by physicians and the military. Institutional historians show how physical activities were included in the course called Physical Education and how they evolved. Surprisingly, however, historians who have studied this material never mention the body, which is at the center of this discipline. Michel de Certeau wrote, "Each society has its own body, just as it has its own language made up of a more or less refined system of choice from among countless phonetic, lexical and syntactic possibilities". This thesis studies the reasons that led the French Ministry of Public Education to include Physical Education in students' scheduling; it uses the case of a high school in Besançon, France. (The students of all high schools during the period studied came from bourgeois families.) Thesis research focuses on the representations of the body, the expectations of the families of the students and the expectations of the politicians who introduced physical education into schools. Research tools developed by Michel Foucault were adapted for studying power over the body. Alain Ehrenberg's concept of autonomy was used to understand how knowledge is acquired (pedagogy). Research results are presented for three periods: from 1850 to 1890 when autonomy was non-existent in physical education; from 1890 to World War I, when sport was introduced into high schools but physical education policies were just as strict; and from 1918 to 1935 when toleration of autonomy was obligatory but the institution could take back control when it was deemed necessary. ; Les pratiques physiques ont été introduites dans les lycées au XIXe siècle par les militaires et les médecins. L'histoire institutionnelle rend compte des aléas de leur introduction et de leur évolution dans le domaine particulier de l'éducation physique. Mais, étonnamment, les historiens le font en occultant le corps qui est pourtant le cœur de cette discipline d'enseignement. Michel de Certeau écrit d'ailleurs à ce propos : « chaque société a "son" corps, tout comme elle a sa langue constituée par un système plus ou moins raffiné de choix parmi un innombrable de possibilités phonétiques, lexicales et syntaxiques ». Ce travail de doctorat vise donc à étudier les raisons qui ont conduit le ministère de l'Instruction publique à intégrer ces pratiques dans les emplois du temps des élèves. Afin d'éviter des confusions entre "l'école des notables" et "l'école du peuple", seul le lycée de Besançon est étudié. Pour atteindre cet objectif, les travaux de recherche se sont attachés à appréhender autant les représentations du corps que les attentes des familles bisontines et celles des hommes politiques impliqués dans cette question de l'éducation corporelle scolaire. Les outils proposés par Michel Foucault sont convoqués et adaptés pour étudier le contrôle des corps. Plus encore, le concept d'autonomie, développé par Alain Ehrenberg, est lui aussi exploité autour de la vaste question pédagogique dépassant la discipline « éducation physique ». Les résultats de cette recherche monographique sont présentés à partir de trois périodes : 1850-1890, une autonomie inexistante lors d'une période de dressage des corps ; de 1890 à la Première Guerre mondiale, une autonomie proposée qui permet l'introduction du sport dans les lycées mais un contrôle des corps toujours intense et, enfin, une autonomie tolérée par obligation avec une reprise en main du contrôle.

The results of the survey point to a high level of agreement among youth aged
between 15 and 25 years of age, high school and college students, employed
and unemployed youth, men and women in the cities of Pec, Pristina, Prizren
in Kosovo, and Bor, Kikinda, and Nis in Serbia, on whether the question of
mutual cooperation is burdened by prejudice and events from the past, and
that the possibility and the quality of cooperation is influenced by the
attitudes the receive in their primary social groups such as families and
peers, and also by the attitudes they receive through education and media. At
the same time, the possibilities to influence the social and political change
aren?t big, and the youth have no desire to take the concrete civic or
political initiatives. A certain perspective in cooperation the youth see in
the European constellation and the good quality education. However, youth on
both sides are not open to more intensive mutual meetings - the majority
would not either host peers from the other communities gladly, nor they would
respond to their invitation of hosting. They are not interested in cultural
values of one another, but they do think respect of human rights should be
guaranteed and they are ready for toleration of differences. The necessity of
youth cooperation is important for overcoming the problems that citizens of
Kosovo and Serbia are facing when it comes to exercising numerous rights,
which from the perspective of individual freedoms collide with the concept of
state reasons and "higher" interests. The regional stability depends on
overcoming the issues that governments in Serbia and Kosovo have concerning
Kosovo?s status, and also from setting a network of individual and group
relations among the citizens. Youth should be the carriers of social and
cultural changes. In the stated attitudes there is no direct objection to
such processes, but fear of changes is clearly expressed because indirectly
it can be concluded that there is no mutual "collective" trust, that the
prejudice are strong, and that the existing educational, cultural and media
systems are supporting them. Having determined a high level of mutual
non-acceptance of youth and their approximately same attitudes on the
impossibility to influence the decision making more strongly in their family,
social, and political communities, but also their personal ambivalence toward
civic and political activism, let us try to, solely based on their
statements, decide on the basis of designing the programs necessary for
overcoming the present state. One of the main initiators of the social change
are the content citizens, which means a personal and social economic
stability, acquiring human and civil rights, efficient protection by the
courts, receiving good services from the public service, responsible civic
society - a rule of law and a state of law. Much of the above listed in the
region, and especially in the territories, in which the survey was conducted,
is missing. To effectively and efficiently influence the stream of social and
political flows toward the mentioned goals, young people should acquire a
certain vertical social mobility and to influence the changes based on the
positions they acquire in it. The key question is based on which values
should their social and professional mobility be influenced.

Economy, circulations and exchanges / Anne Montenach -- Patterns of transmission and urban experience : when gender matters / Anna Bellavitis -- Women, gender and credit in early modern Western European towns / Cathryn Spence -- Toleration, liberty and privileges : gender and commerce in eighteenth-century European towns / Deborah Simonton -- Gender and business during the industrial revolution / Hannah Barker -- Poverty, family economies and survival strategies in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries : a gender approach / Montserrat Carbonell Esteller -- Gendered experiences of work and migration in Western Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries / Manuela Martini -- Space, place and environment / Elaine Chalus -- Male servants, identity and urban space in eighteenth-century England -- Amanda flather -- Mapping the spaces of seduction : morality, gender and the city in early nineteenth-century Britain / Katie Barclay -- Painting the town : Portrayals of change in urban riversides, London and the Thames, a case study / Kemille S. Moore -- Modernity and Madrid : the gendered urban geography of Carmen de Burgos la Rampa (1917) / Rebecca M. Bender -- Home, urban space and gendered practices in mid-seventeenth-century Turku / Riitta Laitinen -- The gendered geography of violence in Bologna, seventeenth to nineteenth centuries / Sanne Muurling and Marion Pluskota -- Civic identity and political culture / Nina Javette Koefoed -- Women and citizenship in later-medieval York / Sarah Rees Jones -- Civic identity, "juvenile" status and gender in sixteenth and seventeenth-century Italian towns / Eleonora Canepari -- "We had a row on the politics of the day" : gender and political sociability of the elites in Stockholm, c. 1770-1800 / My Hellsing -- Gender, philanthropy and civic identities in Edinburgh, 1795-1830 / Jane Rendall -- Negotiating respectable citizenship : homosexual emancipation struggles in early twentieth-century Copenhagen / Niels Nyegaard -- Voting as an act of estate or voting as an act of class? : voting women in Swedish towns, c.1720-1920 / Asa Karlsson Sjogren -- Material culture in gendered urban settings / Marjo Kaartinen -- Gender, material culture and urban experience in early modern Rome / Renata Ago -- The changing objects of civic devotion : gender, politics and votive commissions in a late medieval dalmatian confraternity / Ana Marinkovic -- Caring and healing : women, bodies and materiality in nineteenth-century French cities / Anne Carol -- Architectural language and mistranslations : a comparative global approach to women's urban spaces / Despina Stratigakos -- Shoes and the city : shoes and their sphere of influence in colonial America, 1740-1789 / Kimberly Alexander -- Gendering the automobile : men, women and the car in Helsinki, 1900-1930 / Teija Forsti -- Intimacy and emotion / Katie Barclay -- Shaping London merchant identities : emotions, reputation and power in the court of chancery / Merridee L. Bailey -- Love thy neighbour? : the gendered, emotional and spatial production of charity and poverty in sixteenth-century France / Susan Broomhall -- The emotional life of boys in eighteenth-century Mexico City / Sonya Lipsett-Rivera -- Emotions, gender and the body : the case of nineteenth-century German spa towns / Heikki Lempa -- Feeling modern on the russian street : from desire to despair / Mark D. Steinberg -- Risk! pleasure! affirmation! : navigating queer urban spaces in twentieth-century Scotland / Jeff Meek -- The colonial town / Nigel Worden -- A gendered history of colonial spanish American cities and towns, 1500s-1800 / Leo J. Garofalo -- Gender in Batavia : Asian city, European company town / Jean Gelman Taylor -- Cities at sea : gender and sexuality in the eighteenth-century British colonial city / Clare A. Lyons -- Gender, race and the spatiality of the colonial town in India / Mary Hancock -- Gender and urban experience in nineteenth-century Australasian colonial towns / Penny Russell -- South african cities, gender and inventions of tradition in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries / Vivian Bickford-Smith.

APPROVED ; Oliver Goldsmith (1728-1774) began his career as a writer in London in 1757 and laboured as an anonymous hack until he leaped into literary stardom with the publication of his first, major poem, The Traveller (1764). His industriousness did not cease until his death, and he continued to produce numerous works. Not only does the quantity of his outputs impress us today, but his engagement in diverse fields of writing was arguably unmatched by his contemporaries. However, of Goldsmith?s diverse writerly portfolio, much attention has been directed towards his great poetical, theatrical and novelistic works, at the expense of his historical compilations: An History of England, in a Series of Letters from a Nobleman to his Son (1764), the Roman History (1769), the History of England (1771) and the Grecian History (1774). Indeed, from the late-eighteenth century onwards, these texts have been enduringly and progressively dismissed as lesser works. Broadly speaking, this thesis attempts to dismantle the lowly regard with which Goldsmith?s histories continues to be regarded. To this extent, firstly, the deepening trend towards pushing these compilations to the outer reaches of the Goldsmithian orbit is traced in detail and a robust defence against such an outlook is provided. The great, potential value they hold as materials of scholarly import is thus established. Following this, the histories are used to discover specific aspects of Goldsmith?s mindset. To begin, the History of England is examined to reveal his socio-political inclination. It is argued that he was a relatively objective and principled historian with an increasingly strong desire to warn his English readers of the dangers that they faced as a nation and earnestly sought to forward his belief in the need for a more equitable distribution of wealth. Then, his approach towards Ireland and the Irish is looked at by comparing his two English histories. It is established that while he increasingly valued his sense of English identity, there was enough of an Irishman left in him that he, in 1771, voiced concern over Britain?s neglectful and overbearing treatment of Ireland both politically and economically. Lastly, his religious tendencies are revealed by considering all of his histories. It is asserted that while he was never able to extrapolate himself from the common prejudices of the time, he still fought to make a case for amicability and toleration, for the sake of social cohesiveness and power. In conclusion, the need to reconsider Goldsmith?s histories as valuable works in and of themselves is asserted and, by drawing the strands of what has been discovered in the preceding chapters, it is proposed that he should be acknowledged as a grounded patriot; as one who soberly reflected upon the realities of the moment to champion the cause of both Britain and Ireland. In terms of methodology, the historical context is paid attention to, and the manner in which Goldsmith had, in composing his historical compilations, deviated from, modified and re-conveyed remarks found in his source materials is taken into account. It should also be mentioned that in the second chapter, focus is primarily directed towards the History of England, as it has been the work most subjected to criticism along political lines. And in the following chapter, the Letters from a Nobleman and the History of England is examined in detail, as they contain the most direct and relevant clues to Goldsmith?s Irishness. Finally, in the last chapter, Goldsmith?s two English histories, along with his Roman History and Grecian History, are studied, as they all contain valuable information pertaining to Goldsmith?s religious sensibilities.