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Since the 1979 revolution, the ruling establishment of Iran has developed and articulated a defense strategy reflective of the country's Iran-Iraq war experience and its international isolation. Its asymmetrical warfare doctrine, use of irregular forces in military campaigns, deployment of ballistic missiles, use of fast naval vessels to harass and confuse adversaries, and finally development of a sophisticated cyber warfare capability, are all features of this unique defense strategy. Based on a wide range of primary sources in Persian, Arabic and English, Gawdat Bahgat and Anoushiravan Ehteshami offer a detailed and authoritative analysis of Iran's defense strategy. Additionally, this book provides a comparative analysis of the Islamic Republic's capabilities in relation to Israel and Saudi Arabia, its main regional adversaries. Framing Tehran's threat perceptions following the revolution within a wider historical context, this book will facilitate further analytical reflections on the country's changing role in the region, and its relations further afield, with the United States, Europe, Russia and China.

For decades the United States has forged close relations with a number of key allies in the Arab world, particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia. These close ties were based largely on perceived national interest, not mutual values. The fundamental changes in the Arab world since early 2011 (the so-called Arab Spring) have drastically altered the regional strategic landscape. This essay examines the US response to the political upheaval in the Arab world. It argues that the United States should distance itself from the changes in the Arab world and give the newly established regimes the space they need to sort out their futures. Meanwhile, Washington should further strengthen relations with the non-Arab Middle Eastern "peripheries," specifically, Israel and Turkey. Also, the nuclear deal signed between Iran and major global powers in November 2013 provides a significant opportunity to open a new chapter in relations between Tehran and Washington.

Sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) have generated controversy because of their size, the speed of their growth, their ownership, their investment decisions and, most importantly, what they stand for in a changing global economy ₆ a new group of investors controlled, managed and backed by states. The debate initially tilted towards those countries receiving the most investment: investment from SWFs was threatening the national interest by hollowing out their economies and flagship companies, taking over resources and controlling their infrastructure. Politicians in some OECD countries even managed to create an atmosphere that SWFs were the 'Trojan horse' of non-democratic countries, undermining their political and economic systems and stealing their national wealth. This book provides a counter-balance: a comparative study of the seven largest SWF-holding countries primarily from a domestic perspective. In the volume, several contributors conclude that the creation and operation of these SWFs would appear to be driven more by domestic politics than external considerations. This calls for a radical re-examination of the impact of the SWFs from non-OECD countries, as well as the reaction and response to them by the United States and EU/OECD.