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Given the present demand for service and the lack of qualified workers, new occupational categories are needed within the scope of social work practice

Researchers have long inquired about the "positive" (or "good") effects of national attachment on in-group solidarity, and its potential "negative" (or "bad") effects on outgroup derogation. Put simply, there is a concern that while national attachment may foster solidarity and trust, it could also increase out-group derogation through nationalism or anti-immigrant sentiments. In Chapter 2, I discuss the political theory of John Rawls and introduce a realist critique of his ideal theory of social justice. I argue that national attachment and how it operates in the real world are a potential factual constraint on Rawls' theory. This theoretical prelude frames the empirical chapters of this dissertation (Chapters 3-5), all of which study the effects of national attachment on social justice preferences. I describe this empirical perspective on national attachment and social justice as "Rawls for Realists." In Chapter 3, I use observational data to investigate the relationship between national attachment and support of social justice principles. I show that national attachment increases support for redistribution, but only among individuals with lower levels of "Openness to Experience" (a core personality trait). To the best of my knowledge, this is the first study to combine datasets on personality, national attachment, and redistribution. In Chapter 4, I use observational data to investigate the relationship between national pride and anti-immigrant sentiments. I show that, counter to common perceptions, national pride does not increase and may, in fact, even decrease anti-immigrant sentiments among nativists, the social group most opposed to immigration. I explain this by arguing that nativists perceive immigrants as a symbolic threat to their values and norms, and not as an economic threat. As national pride increases group esteem among nativists, it reduce the perception of symbolic threats. In Chapter 5, I analyse original experimental data from a survey experiment to explore the relationship between in-group commitment and out-group derogation. A first video treatment primes only national attachment; a second treatment primes national attachment and perception of threat. I show that only the second treatment increases anti-immigrant sentiments and nationalism, suggesting the centrality of perceived threat for out-group derogation. This perceived threat treatment also increases respondents' belief in democracy but does not affect preferences for social justice.

Klappentext: This book examines the socio-economic dynamics of the current economic crisis that have affected Southern European countries in general, particularly Greece and Spain. These dynamics have caused considerable effects in social, political and cultural level and have influenced the marginalised populations of both countries. This review tries to examine the social impact of the crisis on youth unemployment in Greece and Spain with particular focus on graduates of tertiary education and the constraints of labour market occurred due to the economic and political upheavals followed by the crisis. The increasing levels of unemployment, together with accumulative poverty phenomena and future uncertainty has direct implications on psychological well-being and triggers the danger of social and economic exclusion as has been investigated in the study. A further examination includes the political governance in national and European level during the crisis which have shaped the views of youth unemployed populations in both countries and occurred a shift from traditional politics.

Due to their effect on maternal testosterone levels, sons are said to have reduced maternal longevity in pre-industrial humans. This analysis, using information from a Flemish agricultural village in the 18th–20th centuries, confirms the presence of a negative effect of sons on maternal longevity. However, the effect is mainly observed for mothers belonging to the least privileged social group and for sons surviving their fifth birthday. Both findings make the above-mentioned biological explanation relative. However, a plausible alternative, social interpretation is male-dominated intra-household resource competition. It is reasonable to assume that only sons above a certain age are able to claim a serious amount of resources and that competition is strongest within the least privileged social group.

The volume is organized into six parts. Part I sets the background and scope of the study. Part II focuses on the dependent variable (depression), one of the two independent variables (life events], and the key control variable [psychological resources). Part III describes the measurement of social support. Part IV examines the basic models involving social support, life events, psychological resources, and depression. Part V proceeds to examine the reduced basic model in terms of a number of factors, such as age, sex, marital status, social class, and history of prior illness. Part VI discuss

Introduction -- War and peace before sociology: social theorizing on violence from Thomas Hobbes to the Napoleonic wars -- The long peace of the nineteenth century and the birth of sociology -- The classical figures of sociology and the great seminal catastrophe of the twentieth century -- Sociology and social theory from the end of the First World War to the 1970s -- After modernization theory: historical sociology and the bellicose constitution of Western modernity -- After the East-West conflict: democratization, state collapse, and empire building

[ES]El miedo es una característica del ser humano que se manifiesta ante los distintos riesgos y peligros que nos acechan. Los miedos son representados y expandidos por unos medios de comunicación social que propician en los ciudadanos distintos sentimientos de seguridad e inseguridad. Dichas construcciones mediáticas no siempre son fiel reflejo de la realidad y en muchos casos, corresponden a distintos intereses de las principales fuentes de poder político o económico. Todo ello puede afectar a nuestros gobernantes en el desarrollo de políticas criminales que atienda más a unos deseos condicionados de seguridad de la ciudadanía que a sus verdaderas necesidades. Por tal motivo hemos de ser conscientes que una correcta estrategia contra el miedo que pretenda garantizar la seguridad ciudadana, más concretamente desde la propia actividad de las Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad o desde el desarrollo de distintos tipos de control social, ha de ser respetuosa con los principios básicos de nuestro ordenamiento jurídico y con el normal desarrollo de derechos y libertades. ; [EN]Fear is a basic human being emotion, which shows up when facing different hazards or risks surrounding. Fears are represented and spread by different communication media by which is propitiated among citizens different feelings such as security and insecurity. The aforesaid feelings brought by media, are not always matching the real situation and in many occasions are the outcome of different interests of the paramount sources of the politic as well as economic power. The idea set out herein, might affect the development of criminal policies more focused on misled wishes and necessities regarding security and safety of the citizenship than the real needs and necessities. This is why, we have to be aware of the proper strategy versus the fear which intend to assure the public safety, mainly the one coming from the Forces of Law and order, or from the development of different mechanisms for social control, having regard that must be respectful with the Basic Principles on the legal system and aimed at the normal developing people´s rights and freedoms. ; Tesis Univ. Jaén. Departamento de Derecho Penal, Filosofía del Derecho, Filosofía Moral y Filosofía. Leída el 6 de noviembre de 2015

This paper examines whether environmental and social (ES) activities affect the resiliency of firms during the COVID-19 crisis. We study a sample of 330 firms operating in five developed countries: Canada, France, Japan, the UK and the US. Our analysis shows that US firms with a high ES ranking experienced a significantly lower stock price range volatility during the Covid stock market rundown of February-March 2020. Such findings also hold for Japanese firms but only later on after the introduction of government support. In terms of returns, compared to their peers with a low ES ranking, Japanese and UK stock prices with a high ES ranking suffered more during and after the market rundown. For other countries, we do not find significant differences in stock price behavior based on ES ratings. Our findings suggest that engaging with ES activities is not associated with a better or worse performance during crisis times, which has important implications for investors and managers. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

This article is the product of the bibliographic review and reflections that emerged about it with our students in the History of Contemporary Social Ideas and Movements class, taught at the School of Political and Administrative Studies of the Central University of Venezuela; when realizing in the readings that there is no conceptual precision that allows defining what is really understood by social movement, given the different interpretations of the concept that are observed, as well as the exaggerated use of the idea to qualify the different social manifestations that have taken place in Venezuela , Spain, and other parts of the world in recent times, generating confusion to clearly identify what a "social movement" is. The background that inspires this article is to propose a more precise definition of the concept that will allow to clarify it, by identifying each of the elements that are part of its content. For this, an approach is made of the various conceptualizations in their historical evolution, from when it was firstly used by Lorenz von Stein until today, highlighting the importance of this conceptual precision of the progress in understanding a field of study that is so important for Political Science. Its development seeks to differentiate the social movement from any other form of collective action, specifically from the political movement. ; Este artículo es producto de la revisión bibliográfica y de reflexiones surgidas acerca de esta con nuestros alumnos en la Cátedra de Historia de las Ideas y Movimientos Sociales Contemporáneos, dictada en la Escuela de Estudios Políticos y Administrativos de la Universidad Central de Venezuela: al comprobar en las lecturas que no hay una precisión conceptual que permita definir qué realmente se entiende por movimiento social, ante las diferentes interpretaciones que del concepto se observan, así como del exagerado uso de la idea para calificar las diferentes manifestaciones sociales que han tenido lugar en Venezuela, España y otras partes del mundo en estos últimos tiempos, lo que genera confusión para identificar claramente qué es un "movimiento social". El trasfondo que anima este artículo es proponer una definición más precisa del concepto que permita clarificarlo mediante la identificación de cada uno de los elementos que forman parte de su contenido. Para ello se hace un análisis de las diversas conceptualizaciones en su evolución histórica, desde que fue empleado por Lorenz Von Stein hasta nuestros días, resaltando la importancia de esta precisión conceptual para el avance en la comprensión de un campo de estudio tan fundamental para la ciencia política. Su construcción busca diferenciar el movimiento social de cualquier otra forma de acción colectiva, específicamente del movimiento político.

The second edition of Social Indicators again presents valuable information on the social well-being of the nation. The Congress of the United States, in its appropriation, authorization, budgeting, and oversight functions, has a growing need for social statistics. These statistics are increasingly being used in program operations—in some cases triggering the beginning and end of programs and in other cases targeting funds under allocation formulas. Congressional needs also exist for social indicator information in the oversight functions. Social indicators can provide a data base for program evaluation and policy analysis of social programs, however they are only a part of the federal statistical system. The Congress is taking a closer look at that highly decentralized system in an attempt to specify statistical needs of government better, to establish priorities for statistics, and to consider improvements to the current system.

Nous pensons qu'une politique de développement local relève de la médiation et suppose la capacité des acteurs à négocier dans la perspective de la définition d'un projet territorial. Pour prétendre à l'appropriation territoriale, les acteurs locaux ont besoin d'une structure pour s'entraîner à négocier puis s'engager envers les objectifs annoncés. Mais cette structure, réelle ou virtuelle, de reconstruction ou de valorisation des expériences locales ne peut être porteuse que si les membres en partagent les objectifs, possèdent les qualités requises pour mener à bien ce type de politique (Glize, Gleizes, Camps,1998). Dès lors, l'espace à développer est à appréhender comme un ensemble de lieux, chacun doté de caractéristiques propres et un ensemble de flux qui relient les lieux et les constituent en système interdépendant (Savy,1999). Cette définition parmi d'autres met l'accent sur les interactions entre les individus, les groupes informels et la structure organisationnelle vecteur d'identité du territoire. Par identité, nous entendons la capacité de réponse à la banalisation des lieux, la dilution des territoires, la dissolution du local dans un mouvement de mondialisation.