Suchergebnisse

The work is devoted to the urgent issue of legal organization of timely execution of final judicial ver-dicts in Ukraine. As the enforcement of court decisions requires specialized public and private enforcement bodies to act, proper mediation of their activities is the primary task of the national legal system to meet the requirements of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. After all, the level of public confidence in the state, including the authority of the judiciary, depends on the ef-fectiveness of the actions of the enforcement bodies. Analyzing the state of enforcement proceedings in the Ukrainian legal environment, the article states that the situation with the enforcement of court decisions requires substantial improvement. It is estab-lished that in this respect our domestic legislation has a considerable number of defects, and in some cases it seems that some of its provisions are specially designed to torpedo the executive process. In this context, the unlawful actions of the executive service employees were studied and analyzed in detail. In particular, it is argued that the executor as a participant in the final stage of the trial must guaran-tee the soonest possible outcome of the proceedings. But, in fact, due to the objective (inappropriate state of domestic legislation in this area) and subjective (uninterested and impunity) officials, the situation with timely execution of final court decisions in our country is close to collapse. This is also recognized by such an international legal institution as the European Court of Human Rights.Scientific work indicates that lengthy delays in the execution of court decisions are separate offenses. And the Ukrainian law enforcement agency – the court – must react strongly to them. However, it is stated that national justice is quite tolerant of violators of a person's right to timely enforcement of a decision in his case. The principled position of the ECHR on a similar issue is outlined. It was concluded that en-forcement proceedings should not be separated from the judicial proceedings and should be considered in their entirety. So the requirements of Art. 6 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms as to the reasonableness of the terms of the case should also apply to the length of the enforcement process. ; Робота присвячена актуальному в Україні питанню правової організації своєчасного виконання остаточних судових вердиктів. Оскільки виконання рішень суду потребує за діяння спеціалізованих державних та приватних виконавчих органів, саме належне опосередкування їхньої діяльності стано-вить головну задачу національної правової системи для забезпечення вимог Конвенції про захист прав людини і основоположних свобод. Адже від ефективності вчинків органів виконання залежить рівень довіри громадян до держави, у тому числі авторитет судової влади. Стан виконавчих проваджень в українському правовому середовищі, у статті зазначається, що си-туація із виконанням судових рішень потребує суттєвого вдосконалення. Встановлено, що у цьому пла-ні наше вітчизняне законодавство має значну кількість вад, а в деяких випадках здається, що окремі його положення спеціально напрацьовані для того, аби торпедувати виконавчий процес. У вказаному контексті вивчено та детально проаналізовано протиправні вчинки працівників виконавчої служби на прикладі конкретної справи. Зокрема, доводиться, що виконавець як учасник заключної стадії судо-вого розгляду, мусить гарантувати якомога швидший результат провадження. Завдяки об'єктивним (неналежний стан вітчизняного законодавства у цій царині) та суб'єктивним (незацікавленість та без-карність відповідних службовців) чинникам ситуація із своєчасністю виконання остаточних рішень судів у нашій державі близька до колапсу. Це визнається і такою міжнародною правової інституцією, як Європейський суд з прав людини. У науковій праці вказується, що тривалі затримки з виконанням судових рішень є самостійними правопорушеннями, і на них мусить жорстко реагувати український правозастосовний орган – суд. Разом з тим, констатовано, що національне правосуддя досить толерантно ставиться до порушників права особи на своєчасне виконання рішення у її справі. Наведено принципову позицію ЄСПЛ з подіб-ного питання. Зроблено висновок, що виконавче провадження не повинно відокремлюватись від судо-вого. Тож вимоги ст. 6 Конвенції про захист прав людини і основоположних свобод щодо розумності строків розгляду справи мають застосовуватися і до часу виконавчого процесу. ; Робота присвячена актуальному в Україні питанню правової організації своєчасного виконання остаточних судових вердиктів. Оскільки виконання рішень суду потребує за діяння спеціалізованих державних та приватних виконавчих органів, саме належне опосередкування їхньої діяльності стано-вить головну задачу національної правової системи для забезпечення вимог Конвенції про захист прав людини і основоположних свобод. Адже від ефективності вчинків органів виконання залежить рівень довіри громадян до держави, у тому числі авторитет судової влади. Стан виконавчих проваджень в українському правовому середовищі, у статті зазначається, що си-туація із виконанням судових рішень потребує суттєвого вдосконалення. Встановлено, що у цьому пла-ні наше вітчизняне законодавство має значну кількість вад, а в деяких випадках здається, що окремі його положення спеціально напрацьовані для того, аби торпедувати виконавчий процес. У вказаному контексті вивчено та детально проаналізовано протиправні вчинки працівників виконавчої служби на прикладі конкретної справи. Зокрема, доводиться, що виконавець як учасник заключної стадії судо-вого розгляду, мусить гарантувати якомога швидший результат провадження. Завдяки об'єктивним (неналежний стан вітчизняного законодавства у цій царині) та суб'єктивним (незацікавленість та без-карність відповідних службовців) чинникам ситуація із своєчасністю виконання остаточних рішень судів у нашій державі близька до колапсу. Це визнається і такою міжнародною правової інституцією, як Європейський суд з прав людини. У науковій праці вказується, що тривалі затримки з виконанням судових рішень є самостійними правопорушеннями, і на них мусить жорстко реагувати український правозастосовний орган – суд. Разом з тим, констатовано, що національне правосуддя досить толерантно ставиться до порушників права особи на своєчасне виконання рішення у її справі. Наведено принципову позицію ЄСПЛ з подіб-ного питання. Зроблено висновок, що виконавче провадження не повинно відокремлюватись від судо-вого. Тож вимоги ст. 6 Конвенції про захист прав людини і основоположних свобод щодо розумності строків розгляду справи мають застосовуватися і до часу виконавчого процесу.

Problem setting. The purpose and essence of state are issues that have been studying for centuries and do not have the only recognized interpretation nowadays. The creation of a state is determined by the necessity of regulating relations between people, ensuring their conflict-free coexistence and justice by establishing the strong state power that can provide people with security and protection. Actually, these fundamental aspects regarding the purpose and functioning of state are still of immediate interest today. However, the modification of the environment and the transformation of worldviews of humanity have caused the relevant changes in the sociopolitical, economic and social sphere. Changes in the general paradigm of the existence of state cause, without doubt, changes in certain aspects of functioning of state. One of these aspects, which essentially influence on the society, is a social tendency, in particular, and, first of all, a social function which is at the forefront of the state functional hierarchy. Recent research and publications analysis. Scientific developments regarding the emergence, formation and features of the social function of state have been shown in papers of many domestic scientists. In particular, certain aspects of functioning of state in the context of implementation of the social function have been considered by I. Aristova, V. Bulba, S. Gorbatiuk, V. Hoshovska, N. Dieieva, V. Kupriichuk, E. Libanova, A. Petroie, V. Skuratovsky, V. Tropina, V. Troshchynskyi, N. Yarosh and others. The most research studies concerning the implementation of the social function by state are based on paper of such scientists as A. Åslund, J. McGill Buchanan Jr., G. Esping-Andersen, E. Lindahl, W. Lawrence, G. Therborn, R. Titmuss, F. Williams and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The rapid development of social, economic, humanitarian relations, globalization processes and accelerated scientific and technical development determine the necessity of continuing of scientific research relating to the implementation of the social function by state under conditions of the neoteric civilization tendencies and ñhallenges. The purpose of the article is to study some aspects of implementation of the social function by state, its development and features at the present phase of the social development, as well as to highlight issues that are important for Ukraine and determine ways of improvement in the social development.Paper main body. The existence of the state is determined by the necessity of implementing relevant activities which must result in the solution of topical issues on the life activity of society. Accordingly, the areas of activity of state, which are represented in its functions, are formed. State functions are characterized by dynamism.The social role of state in the life activity of society is one of the most important aspects. In this regard, the social function is the focus of attention of state, since it is directly associated with the solution of tasks aimed at creating the environment to ensure a proper living standard of the population, the realization of creative, spiritual, cultural and other needs of the person.One of the features of a modern state is that it is not identified with society, but is a separate institution that ensures the functioning of a complex official power mechanism. The current level of development of state as a management system implies such definitions as democracy, humanism, freedom of thought, freedom of will, social freedom, pluralism, etc. As a result, for reasons beyond control, the modern state must ensure the overcoming social contradictions, the coordination and coexistence of various social and gender groups, generate and implement such decisions that would be approved (or, at least, not completely ignored) by all social strata.The characteristic feature of modern democratically oriented states is the expansion of social freedoms and transformation of values-based orientations, which takes place against the background of the accelerated technological development and aggravation of global problems. However, modern economic development and inactivity of the administrative apparatus of state cannot fully satisfy the growing needs of society in additional social benefits, pent-up demands for a new ultramodern level of cultural and educational and other services, and more comfortable economic and social infrastructure. Social needs are always growing faster than the economic capacity of state. Therefore, the change in the traditional idea of the social function as the prerogative and exclusive competence of state can be qualified as one of the modern problems.One of the serious consequences of globalization and economic liberalization has become a certain decrease in the influence of state on social and economic processes and penetration into the traditionally monopoly state areas of the private corporate capital.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The sociopolitical, technological and economic development forms new ideas and concepts about the essence of state and its functions. The topical contemporary issue is the search of new formats of the existence of state and society. The modern Ukraine is experiencing many problems related to the reformation of state and the modernization of social relations. Among the most topical issues we can highlight social problems. The solution to these problems is directly related to several key factors, including economic growth, optimization of state expenditures, massive improvement in the quality of the state administration, and the restoration of public confidence in power institutions. The social function must be considered and formed simultaneously with the issues of the state-building of modern Ukraine while clearly realizing that these processes have the determining influence on diverse and multifaceted factors caused by historical and cultural development as well as national features. ; Розглянуто наукові підходи до визначення соціальної функції держави. Проаналізовано сучасні тенденції у соціальному та економічному розвитку країн світу. Виокремлено окремі проблеми та особливості реалізації державою соціальної функції в умовах глобалізаційних процесів. Сформульовано авторське бачення стосовно призначення держави у контексті виконуваної нею соціальної функції. Окреслено актуальні для України питання щодо забезпечення виконання соціальної функції державою як інституційним утворенням, що покликане забезпечувати комфортне життєве середовище для проживання своїх громадян.

The position of universities within our society has never been simultaneously more vulnerable nor important. Globally, the purpose and value of higher education in the twenty first century, is being seriously challenged more than ever before. Locally, we are confronted with social and economic problems that continue to plague the previously excluded and marginalised in South Africa. This fact is clearly evident in the location of Rhodes University, situated, as it is, in the midst of poverty, in a town with high unemployment and in one of the poorest and most neglected provinces in the country. This demands of us to ask the question that is currently resonating the world over: What then is the purpose of a university? And while we are attempting to answer this question, specifically for the South African context, we should be aware of the urgency to reimagine ourselves and step up, work collectively to redress the imbalances in our society. Universities do not exist in a vacuum - they exist within a particular social, economic, cultural, political and historical context and are an integral part of the community in which they exist. They shape and are shaped by the milieu in which they exist. Through their mission of knowledge creation, knowledge sharing and knowledge application, they are uniquely and ideally placed to play a critical role in the project of nation-building, social advancement and societal transformation. Given the complex and painful past of our nation that is characterised by centuries of colonialism and decades of apartheid, racial oppression and dispossession and the denial of opportunities to the majority of the citizens of this country, our universities cannot remain 'ivory towers' unconcerned with the daily struggles of those who were systematically excluded from opportunities to realise their full potential. It is our responsibility, indeed our duty, to ensure that we place at the service of our community and humankind the knowledge that we generate. In so doing, we will make it possible for ordinary citizens to become agents of their own emancipation and social advancement. On the occasion of my inauguration as the Vice-Chancellor of Rhodes University, I pointed out that: "If we remain true and faithful to our intellectual project, as we must, we will be able to advance the higher purpose of higher education: to transform individual lives for the better, to transform societies for the better and to transform the world for the better." Indeed, the higher purpose of higher education is to transform lives for the better. Community engagement provides universities with opportunities to deepen and broaden our understanding of the role and purpose of our universities in the creation and sustaining of a better society and a better world. It is only when we build respectful, reciprocal and mutually beneficial partnerships with the previously excluded communities and draw on the different kinds of knowledge that reside in these communities that our knowledge project can start to respond meaningfully and appropriately to the cause of building and sustaining a more just, a more humane, a more caring, a more equitable, a fairer, a more compassionate and more inclusive society. Our University has committed itself to four guiding principles that will drive all our endeavours as an institution of higher learning. These are: • Sustainability – we need to ensure that the principle of sustainability permeates every aspect of our academic endeavour and every decision taken by our university. In the process, we want to produce graduates with an elevated sense of awareness and responsibility in building and sustaining sustainable communities. • Simultaneous local responsiveness and global engagement – our academic endeavour should seek to respond to the pressing and urgent local challenges while simultaneously contributing to our accumulated global stock of knowledge. This will allow us to enter the global knowledge system from our position of strength. • Advancing social justice – given the painful past of our country characterized by exclusion and denial of opportunities for some segments of our society, it is vitally important that we do all we can to restore the dignity and humanity of those who were treated as less than human by the previous dispensation. • Advancing the public good purpose of higher education – our university does not exist in a vacuum. It exists within social, cultural and economic milieu and has an important role to play in lifting the standard of living of our local community. These four principles should guide all academic endeavours in teaching, research and community engagement for the realisation of a society free of hunger, want, inequality and despair. And may it serve as a significant stepping stone towards placing community engagement on a more solid philosophical and moral footing. This publication is packed with a number of exciting and innovative case studies that amply demonstrate that Rhodes University is at the forefront of engaged scholarship and the nurturing of young, talented, committed and engaged citizens. All these initiatives are anchored on the five important pillars of community engagement – mutual respect, reciprocity, mutual benefit, co-creation, and sustainability. We thank all our colleagues and students who go above and beyond the call of duty to contribute in a very meaningful way in transforming the lives of our local community for the better. We are deeply grateful to our Community Engagement Office for enabling and facilitating the interaction between the Rhodes University staff and students and our local community. A word of deep gratitude and sincere appreciation to our community partners who are ever prepared to welcome us with open arms and are always ready to offer our staff and students a different kind of education to the one available within the walls of a lecture room. Our sincere appreciation and gratitude also to our Communications & Advancement Division for seeing to the production of this fabulous publication. I have no hesitation in strongly recommending this publication to all who share our vision of a better society and a better world and are committed to working with courage and conviction to the realisation of a society and a world of our dreams.

Problem setting. The purpose and essence of state are issues that have been studying for centuries and do not have the only recognized interpretation nowadays. The creation of a state is determined by the necessity of regulating relations between people, ensuring their conflict-free coexistence and justice by establishing the strong state power that can provide people with security and protection. Actually, these fundamental aspects regarding the purpose and functioning of state are still of immediate interest today. However, the modification of the environment and the transformation of worldviews of humanity have caused the relevant changes in the sociopolitical, economic and social sphere. Changes in the general paradigm of the existence of state cause, without doubt, changes in certain aspects of functioning of state. One of these aspects, which essentially influence on the society, is a social tendency, in particular, and, first of all, a social function which is at the forefront of the state functional hierarchy. Recent research and publications analysis. Scientific developments regarding the emergence, formation and features of the social function of state have been shown in papers of many domestic scientists. In particular, certain aspects of functioning of state in the context of implementation of the social function have been considered by I. Aristova, V. Bulba, S. Gorbatiuk, V. Hoshovska, N. Dieieva, V. Kupriichuk, E. Libanova, A. Petroie, V. Skuratovsky, V. Tropina, V. Troshchynskyi, N. Yarosh and others. The most research studies concerning the implementation of the social function by state are based on paper of such scientists as A. Åslund, J. McGill Buchanan Jr., G. Esping-Andersen, E. Lindahl, W. Lawrence, G. Therborn, R. Titmuss, F. Williams and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The rapid development of social, economic, humanitarian relations, globalization processes and accelerated scientific and technical development determine the necessity of continuing of scientific research relating to the implementation of the social function by state under conditions of the neoteric civilization tendencies and ñhallenges. The purpose of the article is to study some aspects of implementation of the social function by state, its development and features at the present phase of the social development, as well as to highlight issues that are important for Ukraine and determine ways of improvement in the social development.Paper main body. The existence of the state is determined by the necessity of implementing relevant activities which must result in the solution of topical issues on the life activity of society. Accordingly, the areas of activity of state, which are represented in its functions, are formed. State functions are characterized by dynamism.The social role of state in the life activity of society is one of the most important aspects. In this regard, the social function is the focus of attention of state, since it is directly associated with the solution of tasks aimed at creating the environment to ensure a proper living standard of the population, the realization of creative, spiritual, cultural and other needs of the person.One of the features of a modern state is that it is not identified with society, but is a separate institution that ensures the functioning of a complex official power mechanism. The current level of development of state as a management system implies such definitions as democracy, humanism, freedom of thought, freedom of will, social freedom, pluralism, etc. As a result, for reasons beyond control, the modern state must ensure the overcoming social contradictions, the coordination and coexistence of various social and gender groups, generate and implement such decisions that would be approved (or, at least, not completely ignored) by all social strata.The characteristic feature of modern democratically oriented states is the expansion of social freedoms and transformation of values-based orientations, which takes place against the background of the accelerated technological development and aggravation of global problems. However, modern economic development and inactivity of the administrative apparatus of state cannot fully satisfy the growing needs of society in additional social benefits, pent-up demands for a new ultramodern level of cultural and educational and other services, and more comfortable economic and social infrastructure. Social needs are always growing faster than the economic capacity of state. Therefore, the change in the traditional idea of the social function as the prerogative and exclusive competence of state can be qualified as one of the modern problems.One of the serious consequences of globalization and economic liberalization has become a certain decrease in the influence of state on social and economic processes and penetration into the traditionally monopoly state areas of the private corporate capital.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The sociopolitical, technological and economic development forms new ideas and concepts about the essence of state and its functions. The topical contemporary issue is the search of new formats of the existence of state and society. The modern Ukraine is experiencing many problems related to the reformation of state and the modernization of social relations. Among the most topical issues we can highlight social problems. The solution to these problems is directly related to several key factors, including economic growth, optimization of state expenditures, massive improvement in the quality of the state administration, and the restoration of public confidence in power institutions. The social function must be considered and formed simultaneously with the issues of the state-building of modern Ukraine while clearly realizing that these processes have the determining influence on diverse and multifaceted factors caused by historical and cultural development as well as national features. ; Розглянуто наукові підходи до визначення соціальної функції держави. Проаналізовано сучасні тенденції у соціальному та економічному розвитку країн світу. Виокремлено окремі проблеми та особливості реалізації державою соціальної функції в умовах глобалізаційних процесів. Сформульовано авторське бачення стосовно призначення держави у контексті виконуваної нею соціальної функції. Окреслено актуальні для України питання щодо забезпечення виконання соціальної функції державою як інституційним утворенням, що покликане забезпечувати комфортне життєве середовище для проживання своїх громадян.

Population ageing across the advanced economies (though not in large parts of Africa and Asia) has become a growing concern for academics, policy-makers and the public at large. More specifically, the question of the economic and financial sustainability and the intergenerational fairness of contemporary public policy constellations and socio-economic models has come to the fore against the backdrop of low or declining fertility rates and large cohorts of longer-living elderly citizens. Yet efforts to empirically conceptualise and measure intergenerational sustainability and fairness have often gone in different directions and have not always added to a greater cohesion, or clarity, of knowledge. This special issue on "Measuring Intergenerational Justice for Public Policy" aims to take stock of such efforts, and to provide an overview of where we stand today.The first two articles, both winners of the 2016/17 Demography Prize, focus on the dominant methodologies for thinking empirically about intergenerational fairness and sustainability.The first article is a general overview essay on Generational Accounting, authored by Laurence Kotlikoff, a founding father of this methodology. Kotlikoff notes that since David Ricardo's work, it took another century and a half for economists to develop models capable of realistically tracking the impact of policies on the welfare of current and future generations. Today, large-scale, dynamic computable general equilibrium models remain too stylised to provide much more than a qualitative sense of generational impacts. To fill this gap, Kotlikoff and others have pioneered the use of available data to directly measure the fiscal treatment of current and future generations. Kotlikoff's essay surveys these efforts over the past three decades to quantify generational fiscal burdens using both fiscal gap and generational accounting. On the whole, he is optimistic about the pace of progress, thanks in part to the acute if belated awareness by economists that intergenerational fairness is a topic of both policy importance and moral urgency. But Kotlikoff notes that conventional approaches based on concepts of national debt and deficits remain dominant in government practices even though governments are able to manipulate what to keep off their books. This points to the need to study power and governance in research on intergenerational fairness.The second article, by Natalie Laub and Christian Hagist, applies Generational Accounting to analyse whether and to what extent current policies put heavier burdens on the shoulders of future generations compared to current generations. Specifically, they study the impact of recent reforms in pay-as-you-go pension systems in Norway, Poland and Germany. They find that reforms have reduced the implicit debt to be paid by future generations in all cases, but the burden is shared differently. In Norway current pensioners have to contribute to enhancing financial sustainability, while Poland and Germany seem to be more politically constrained by the electoral power of pensioner-voters: reforms have put in place "grandfathering clauses" that protect current pensioners at the expense of younger generations.In the last article, Róbert Gál and Judit Monostori present an insightful and concise taxonomy of empirical indicators of economic sustainability and intergenerational fairness, summarised from their earlier wide-ranging survey of over 80 indicators.[1] They neatly organise their taxonomy along four different scope conditions: specific public programmes, the general government, the market economy, and the total economy, which adds the household economy (the output of unpaid household labour). The article shows that indicators of sustainability are based all too often on ad hoc partitioning of the life cycle, exemplified by the standard practice of letting adulthood start at 15 or 18, and old age at 65. Surveying significant advances in the measurement of ageing by Warren Sanderson and Sergei Scherbov and others,[2] Gál and Monostori instead propose indicators that mitigate or eliminate the ad hoc nature of partitioning. More importantly still, they demonstrate that the conclusions the observer is led to draw regarding sustainability and intergenerational fairness can be different, sometimes radically, depending on the level of analysis. Taking the five largest EU countries, they show that seemingly worrying levels of unsustainability in the pension system can go hand in hand with modest sustainability worries at the level of the economy. Building on earlier work by Gál et al.,[3] they also show that conclusions on the very direction of intergenerational resource transfers simply reverse when the scope of analysis moves from public policies to the total economy including households. In 17 European countries, the elderly population gets significantly higher per capita net transfers through public channels than children do. But if intra-familial transfers of cash and, crucially, time, are taken into account, this pro-elderly bias flips over entirely. Children now receive more transfers per capita than the elderly. The value of investments in human capital and other intra-familial transfers is so important that they frequently reverse the results of a more narrow public policy analysis. Thus the key message from Gál's earlier work is corroborated: Europe is a continent of "pro-elderly welfare states within child-oriented societies."[4] This highlights an important further conclusion we can draw from this special issue. Since different levels of analysis may lead to very different conclusions, discussing families of related indicators is the more cautious approach to measuring intergenerational justice.Pieter Vanhuysse (University of Southern Denmark)Antony Mason (IF)Jörg Tremmel (University of Tübingen)Markus Rutsche (University of St. Gallen)Maria Lenk (FRFG)Notes1 Gál/Monostori 2016.2 Sanderson/Scherbov 2013.3 Gál/Vanhuysse/Vargha 2018.4 Gál/Vanhuysse/Vargha 2018.ReferencesGál, Róbert I. / Monostori, Judit (2016): Indicators of economic sustainability and intergenerational fairness. AGENTA Public Deliverables 6.1. Vienna: Vienna Institute of Demography.Gál, Róbert I. / Vanhuysse, Pieter / Vargha, Lili (forthcoming/2018): Pro-elderly welfare states within child-oriented societies. In: Journal of European Public Policy.Sanderson, Warren C. / Scherbov, Sergei (2013): The characteristics approach to the measurement of population aging. In: Population and Development Review, vol. 39 (4/2013), 673-685.

El propósito principal de esta investigación es sistematizar los procesos educativos y de acompañamiento a NNA y jóvenes adelantados por el Centro Afro Juvenil en el barrio Nuevo Milenio de Tumaco, Nariño. Metodológicamente, estudio se caracteriza por tener un enfoque cualitativo, donde se recurre al tipo de investigación adoptada, ha sido la sistematización de los procesos (no resultados) educativos en el Centro Afro Juvenil. En cuanto a la muestra y de acuerdo a los objetivos de esta sistematización, se seleccionaron grupos de personas, que estuvieron y han estado vinculadas desde el comienzo de los procesos en el Centro Afro Juvenil (ocho personas) que se denominaron: La primera generación (la mayoría están en la universidad) y la segunda generación, conformada por NN de 6 a 12, los adolescentes entre 12 a 16 años de edad. La población mencionada fue parte fundamental y base para la realización de este trabajo de sistematización; por ello, el muestreo fue intencional. La técnica de recolección de información radica en el marco mismo de la consulta a archivos históricos del proceso y fotografías, entrevistas, grupos de discusión y las historias de vida. Los principales hallazgos de esta investigación muestran que estos procesos adelantados han ayudado a unir a los NNA y jóvenes del barrio Nuevo Milenio de Tumaco, Nariño, teniendo la posibilidad de romper las barreas invisibles y desconfianza generados por la situación de conflicto armado vigente en la ciudad. Así pues, Centro Afro Juvenil, se constituyó como trascendental en la medida en que se abre ese espacio para la familiaridad, solidaridad, confianzas, en virtud de potenciar sus capacidades, recrearse y, consolidar, por ejemplo, sus proyectos de vida. Pero ello no queda allí, de este proceso nace AfroMiTu, conformado por un grupo jóvenes, mujeres y hombres, quienes componen y cantan rap con conciencia, cuentan lo que les sucede, lo que desean y lo que quieren denunciar. Los raperos son AfroMiTu porque se sienten orgullosamente afrocolombianos, viven en el barrio Nuevo Milenio en medio y critican la violencia, el narcotráfico y la indiferencia de muchos adultos; igualmente, aman a su Tumaco y lo quieren ver diferente: con trabajo legal, posibilidades de estudios superiores, una infraestructura digna, un mejor sistema de salud (Mille Vite per la Missione, 2017). Finalmente, es importante resaltar que los NNA y jóvenes están conscientes de que la educación es la mejor forma para salir adelante, aunque no es la única. Por ello exigen, y expresan esta necesidad profunda desde su corazón denunciando públicamente y visibilizando sus problemáticas a partir de canciones en una forma pacífica. En conclusión, en lugares como Tumaco, vale la pena invertir tiempo, recursos y conocimientos a la niñez y juventud, formando y generando una mentalidad distinta por medio de elementos culturales como la danza, la música como pedagogía, que aporta en la construcción de una sociedad de justicia, paz e igualitaria, donde se puedan respetar los derechos humanos, la vida y la dignidad humana. ; The main intention of this investigation is to systematize the educational processes and of accompaniment to NNA and young people moved forward by the Center Afro Juvenil in the quarter New Millenium of Tumaco, Nariño. Methodologically, this study is characterized for having a qualitative approach, where one resorts to the type of adopted investigation, there has been the systematization of the processes (not results) educational in the Center Afro Juvenil. As for the sample and in accordance with the targets of this systematization, there were selected groups of persons, who have been linked from the beginning of the processes in the Center Afro Juvenil (8 persons) who were named: The first generation (the majority they are in the university) and the second generation shaped by NN from 6 to 12, the adolescents between 12 to 16 years of age. The mentioned population was a fundamental and basic part for the achievement of this work of systematization; for it, the sampling was intentional. The skill of compilation of information takes root in the frame itself of the consultation to historical files of the process and photos, interviews, groups of discussion and the histories of life. The main finds of this investigation show that these anticipated processes have helped to join the NNA and young people of the quarter New Millenium of Tumaco, Nariño, having the possibility of breaking the invisible barreas and suspicion generated by the situation of current armed conflict in the city. And so, Afro Juvenil Centred, it was constituted as transcendentally as this space is opened for the familiarity, solidarity, confidences, by virtue of promoting its capacities, enjoying itself and, to consolidate, for example, their life projects. But the process goes beyond realizing the activities, that can be seen from the example of AfroMiTu, group shaped afro youth center comprised of young people, women and men, who compose and sing rap with conscience, they tell what happens to them, what they wish and what 13 they want to denounce. The Rappers are AfroMiTu because they feel proudly afrocolombianos, they live in the quarter through New Millenium in way and criticize the violence, the drug trafficking and the indifference of many adults, but the same way they love Tumaco and want to see it different: with legal work, possibilities of higher education, an infrastructure deigns, a better system of health (mille Vite per the Missione, 2017). Finally, it is important to highlight that the NNA and young people are conscious of that the education is the best form to go out forward, although it is not the only one. For it they demand, and express this deep need from their heart denouncing publicly and visibilizando their problems through songs in a pacific form. In conclusion, in places like Tumaco, it is worthwhile investing time, resources and knowledge to the childhood and youth, forming and generating a different mentality by means of cultural elements like dance, music as pedagogics in this way reaching port to the construction of a society of justice, peace and equality, where the human rights, life and the human dignity could be respected.

The most part of stimulation methods in Russia are concentrated in legal documents of the regions of the Russian Federation. They directed on intensification of investment activity in regions. How similar are these investment stimulation conceptions? There is no mention in the literature of the methodical questions of quantitative analysis and inter-regional comparisons. In addition, there are no results of statistical research of inter-regional correlations of stimulation methods and analysis of dynamics of this process. There are no special measuring instruments. The presented work is aimed at completion of these blanks. The approach for the spatial correlation analysis of legislative norms is offered in research. Classification of investments' stimulation methods is developed. The way of preparing and coding data for research is offered. The approach and system of coefficients for the analysis of inter-regional interrelations of legislative systems of investments' stimulation is offered. A proximity coefficient of regional legislation, a factor of structure similarity and a dynamic coincidence index are proposed. The space-time base of investment stimulation methods on Russian Federation regions for 12 years is collected and statistically processed for research. There are only 758 documents. A source of texts is a site of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation.Research of documents has allowed revealing a number of laws in formation of regional investment stimulation systems. The regions that are the most similar in terms of structure of stimulation methods are identified. We have found the group of regions for which it is observed the increase in similarity of the legislation and the group with the reduction of similarity. Therefore, it is obvious that the general trend to reduction of similarity in the legislation takes place between Krasnoyarsk territory and the other regions of the Russian Federation. Calculations have revealed concurrence of dynamics to use some stimulation methods in Krasnoyarsk region and in the other regions of the Russian Federation for 2005 - 2016. Among them, there are some measures of subsidizing, concessionary terms of using the ground and granting of the ground areas, concession agreements on property and creation of industrial parks, state-private partnership and others. We have found the groups of regions in which there are the trends on harmonization or on a divergence to use the separate kinds of stimulation.Thus, the offered approach and a set of measuring instruments enable to carry out the research of inter-regional similarity of legal documents. It allows receiving the answer to a question on a degree of similarity of systems of investment activity stimulation, accepted in regions; to estimate joint dynamics of stimulation systems' changes; to define a degree of concurrence on separate measures of support; to analyze similarity of a current condition and processes on the change of the legislation. The approach permits to investigate directions of harmonization or a divergence of regional approaches to investment activity stimulation. The received results can form a base for the further economic-statistical and econometric researches of efficiency of methods for the investment activity stimulation. It will allow to structure objects of research, to allocate more homogeneous group of regions on stimulation methods. The proximity coefficient matrix will be especially useful in spatial econometric models. The offered approach and parameters can be applied to research the other positions of the regional legislation. ; Большая часть методов стимулирования в России сконцентрированы в нормативно-правовых документах субъектов РФ, регулирующих инвестиционную деятельность в регионах. В исследовании нами поставлена задача оценить насколько схожи региональные концепции стимулирования инвестиций? В литературе в должной мере не нашли отражения методические вопросы количественного анализа и межрегиональных сравнений законодательных норм. Не нашли должного отражения результаты статистических исследования межрегиональных взаимосвязей методов стимулирования.Отсутствует анализ динамики этого процесса, нет специальных измерителей. Представленная работа нацелена на восполнение этих пробелов. В исследовании автором предложен подход для анализа сходства положений законодательных норм, принятых в разных регионах страны. Разработана классификация методов стимулирования инвестиций. Предложен способ подготовки и кодировки данных для исследования. Автором предложен подход и разработана система показателей для анализа межрегиональных взаимосвязей законодательных систем стимулирования инвестиций. Сконструированные автором для целей межрегиональных исследований показатели – это коэффициенты оценки близости законодательства, сходства структуры методов стимулирования, совпадения динамики мер поддержки. Для исследования была собрана и статистически обработана пространственно-временная база методов стимулирования инвестиций по регионам РФ за 12 лет. Всего 758 документов. Источником текстов стал сайт Министерства юстиции РФ.Автором обнаружен ряд закономерностей в формировании региональных систем стимулирования инвестиций. Выявлены наиболее близкие по структуре методов стимулирования регионы. Определена группа регионов, для которых наблюдается увеличения сходства законодательства и группа с уменьшением сходства. Нами установлено, что имеет место общий тренд к уменьшению сходства в законодательстве края и других регионов РФ. Вычисления выявили совпадение динамики использования некоторых методов стимулирования за 2005–2016 годы в Красноярском крае и в других регионах РФ. Среди них некоторые мер субсидирования, льготные условия пользования землей и предоставление земельных участков, концессионные соглашения на имущество и создание промышленных парков, государственно-частное партнерство и других. Выявлены группы регионов, в которых отмечены тенденции на сближение, или на расхождение использования отдельных видов стимулирования.Таким образом, предложенные автором подход и набор измерителей дают возможность провести исследования степени межрегионального сходства нормативно-правовых документов. Позволяют получить ответ на вопрос о степени сходства принятых в регионах систем стимулирования инвестиционной деятельности. Оценить совместную динамику изменений систем стимулирования. Они позволяют определить степень совпадения законодательства по отдельным мерам поддержки. Проанализировать сходство текущего состояния и процессы по изменению законодательства. Исследовать направления сближения или расхождения региональных подходов к стимулированию инвестиционной деятельности. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы в экономико-статистических и эконометрических исследований эффективности методов стимулирования инвестиционной деятельности. Они дают возможность структурировать объекты исследования, выделить более однородные по методам стимулирования группы регионы. Особенно полезной матрица коэффициентов близости будет при использовании моделей пространственной эконометрики. Предложенный подход и показатели могут быть применены для исследования других положений регионального законодательства.

AbstractThis thesis discusses the determination of the institution as a credit union subject to tax based on Government Regulation No. 46 of 2013 challenged about income tax on income from businesses that received or acquired by a taxpayer who has a gross turnover of a particular (case study on credit union headquarters rivet kumang Sambas district Tapang Sekadau). Indonesian state categorized as a modern constitutional state (moderne rechtsstaat) or patterned welfare state (welvaarstaat; wohlfahrtsstaat) - aimed at the realization of a just and prosperous society that are materially and spiritually. To organize the people's welfare, taxes as a source of funds very central role in meeting the needs of the budget. One of the types of taxes that exist in Indonesia are Income Tax (VAT). The imposition of income tax is based on two conditions, namely taxes and subject to tax. In other words, to truly become a taxpayer, should qualify the subjective and objective conditions. Subject can only be subject to income tax tax if the income tax is no object. The applicable tax rate in Indonesia adheres to the principle of taxation of income in the broad sense, which includes all the income or economic capability acquired additional taxpayer, wherever arising, and any shape and its name, to the extent it can be used for consumption or increase wealth. Basically adhere to the Income Tax Act on the basis of net taxation (net bases of taxation) to the taxpayer in the country. That the basis for determining the Credit Union As a tax subject. Cooperatives and Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME) as productive businesses that have an income, quantitatively to contribute to national and regional economies. To provide convenience to the taxpayer of MSME, Government of the Republic of Indonesia issued Government Regulation (PP) No. 46 Year 2013 on income tax on income from businesses that received or acquired by a taxpayer who has a certain gross turnover. During this time, KUMKM encountered problems with the tax calculation procedures that must be paid in accordance Article 29 Income taxation on the cooperative is generally a collection of low-income community members still causing the pros and cons in various circles. Moreover, the imposition of final tax imposed on the cooperative efforts of the turnover or circulation of less than Rp.4,8 billion a year, instead of the value as income tax bases in general. Aspect of justice is the main criticism of the application of the concept to final taxation ini.Kendala juridical and technical implementation of the CU rivet Kumang Tapang Sambas as one subject to tax under Regulation 46 of 2013 the Juridical Obstacles related to overlapping rules, which is considered the final income tax unfair imposition Final Income Tax Policy towards SMEs backward and not aligned with the main purpose of the system of self - assessment, there are those who benefit and some are harmed and the existence of mechanisms Exemption Certificate (LCS). While constraints are teknisya How to calculate the imposition of tax and How to Deposit and reporting that is still not understood by CU Rivet Kumang.2AbstrakTesis ini membahas penentuan lembaga credit union sebagai subjek pajak berdasarkan peraturan pemerintah nomor 46 tahun 2013 tantang tentang pajak penghasilan atas penghasilan dari usaha yang diterima atau diperoleh wajib pajak yang memiliki peredaran bruto tertentu ( studi kasus pada kantor pusat credit union keling kumang tapang sambas di kabupaten sekadau). Negara indonesia terkategori sebagai negara hukum modern (moderne rechtsstaat) ataupun bercorak welfare state (welvaarstaat; wohlfahrtsstaat) – ditujukan untuk merealisasikan suatu masyarakat adil dan makmur yang merata materiil dan spiritual. Untuk menyelenggarakan kesejahteraan rakyat tersebut, pajak sebagai sumber dana berperan sangat sentral dalam memenuhi kebutuhan anggaran. Salah satu jenis pajak yang ada di Indonesia adalah Pajak Penghasilan (PPh). Pengenaan PPh didasarkan pada dua syarat, yaitu subjek pajak dan objek pajak. Dengan perkataan lain, untuk benar-benar menjadi wajib pajak, harus memenuhi syarat subjektif dan syarat objektif. Subjek pajak baru dapat dikenakan PPh apabila ada objek pajaknya yaitu penghasilan. Pajak Penghasilan yang berlaku di Indonesia menganut prinsip pengenaan pajak atas penghasilan dalam pengertian yang luas, yakni mencakup semua penghasilan atau tambahan kemampuan ekonomis yang diperoleh Wajib Pajak, dari manapun asalnya, dan apapun juga bentuk dan namanya, sepanjang dapat digunakan untuk konsumsi atau penambahan kekayaan. Pada dasarnya UU PPh menganut pemajakan dengan basis netto (net bases of taxation) terhadap wajib pajak dalam negeri. Bahwa dasar untuk menentukan Credit Union Sebagai Subyek Pajak. Koperasi dan Usaha Mikro Kecil dan Menengah (KUMKM) sebagai pelaku usaha produktif yang memiliki penghasilan, secara kuantitatif memberikan andil dalam perekonomian nasional maupun daerah. Untuk memberi kemudahan bagi wajib pajak dari KUMKM, pemerintah menerbitkan Peraturan Pemerintah Republik Indonesia (PP) Nomor 46 Tahun 2013 Tentang pajak penghasilan atas penghasilan dari usaha yang diterima atau diperoleh wajib pajak yang memiliki peredaran bruto tertentu. Selama ini, KUMKM menemui kendala dengan tata cara perhitungan pajak yang harus disetor sesuai PPh Pasal 29. Pengenaan pajak terhadap koperasi yang umumnya kumpulan dari anggota masyarakat dengan penghasilan rendah masih menimbulkan pro dan kontra di berbagai kalangan. Apalagi pengenaan pajak yang bersifat final terhadap koperasi dikenakan terhadap omzet atau peredaran usaha kurang dari Rp.4,8 milyar setahun, bukan terhadap pertambahan nilai sebagaimana dasar pengenaan PPh pada umumnya. Aspek keadilan merupakan kritik utama atas penerapan konsep pemajakan yang bersifat final ini.Kendala yuridis dan teknis tentang dalam pelaksanaan CU keling Kumang Tapang Sambas sebagai salah satu subjek pajak berdasarkan PP 46 tahun 2013 yaitu Kendala Yuridis yang berkaitan dengan tumpang tindih peraturan, PPh final yang dianggap tidak adil, Kebijakan pengenaan PPh Final terhadap UMKM mundur dan tidak selaras dengan tujuan utama dari sistim self – assessment, Ada pihak yang diuntungkan dan ada juga yang dirugikan dan Adanya mekanisme Surat Keterangan Bebas (SKB) . Sedangkan kendala teknisya adalah Cara menghitung pengenaan Pajak dan Cara Menyetor dan melaporkan yang masih belum di pahami oleh CU Keling Kumang.

This paper critically examines the role that transnational women's NGOs played in the 1990s in the creation and implementation of international agreements related to reproductive and sexual rights. Its focus throughout is twofold. First, it explores the multiple ways in which reproductive and sexual rights intersect with, and are embraced within, a wide range of health, human rights, social and gender justice and human development issues. Second, it uses this inquiry to rethink the complex political dynamics in which transnational women's NGOs find themselves, as they manoeuvre within a globalizing yet deeply divided and grossly inequitable world. These dynamics encompass a double and precarious positioning. On the one hand, feminist groups have had a major impact at both international and national levels in shifting dominant discourses about reproduction, population and sexuality in a direction that puts the ends of women's health and empowerment above that of reducing population growth. This is a major historical achievement and a mark of the power of transnational women's NGOs. On the other hand, the translation of this discursive shift into effective policies and programmes has been seriously limited by global economic processes and religious and cultural forces whose institutional power is far greater than any that feminist groups could possibly attain at this juncture. It has also been limited, however, by internal divisions and strategic short-sightedness among the women's groups themselves. The paper assesses recent successes and limitations of women's movements as agents of change in the international arena by focusing particularly on the work of organizations and coalitions active in the field of reproductive and sexual health and rights. Building on previous research, it analyses the 'fault lines' between reproductive and sexual health/rights and their necessary economic, social and cultural enabling conditions. Groups seeking to implement reproductive and sexual rights for women and young people have long had to confront macroeconomic, fundamentalist and neo-Malthusian agendas that perpetuate gender, race and class inequalities and thus impede concrete implementation of those rights for the vast majority. Recently, however, the project of transforming these conditions has been complicated by several additional trends. These include: (1) ongoing economic crises that simultaneously call into question and provide an occasion for reforming structural adjustment policies and public sector cuts imposed by international lenders; (2) health reform plans that stress cost-recovery measures such as user fees; (3) the abdication by national governments of their responsibility to provide social services in basic areas such as health care and education; and (4) the tendency for diverse actors who lack any political accountability-such as fundamentalist religious groups, commercial businesses and non-profit NGOs-to fill the gap. The body of the paper is organized into four sections. Section I looks at the broad vision of reproductive and sexual health and rights developed by feminists of the North and the South over the past three decades. The discussion here emphasizes the holistic perspective linking three components: health, development and human rights. It also shows how such thinking seriously challenges approaches that dichotomize rights and needs, individuals and communities, by investigating the necessary links, in both ethics and politics, between basic needs and fundamental human rights. Section II offers an overview of the United Nations conferences of the 1990s in order to assess how and where the women's coalition succeeded in infusing its perspectives on reproductive and sexual rights into the conference documents, and where and why it failed. Focusing mainly on the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo, the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing and the World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, the analysis contrasts feminist perspectives and strategies with those of two other major 'stakeholders' who have attempted to shape the dominant international discourses and policies around reproductive and sexual health: fundamentalist groups, especially the Vatican, and mainstream population and family planning organizations. The success of these two groups in also influencing the conference documents at strategic points, as well as the weak political process of the United Nations itself, render those documents fragile and contradictory despite their groundbreaking advances. Section III begins with an overview of globalization, macroeconomic policies affecting social services and recent trends in health sector reform. Within the context of diminished state responsibilities and what I call 'the many faces of privatization,' the paper looks at the efforts of women's NGOs to hold their governments accountable for international commitments, implement the provisions of the ICPD Programme of Action, and transform reproductive and sexual health/rights into concrete policy. In most cases, economic constraints, gaps in resources and cuts in services-sometimes compounded by the resurgence of fundamentalist movements-form the backdrop to women's activism. In some contexts, however, women's NGOs are making important changes in national policy despite the disabling environment, and occasionally (for example in Brazil) are creating new and promising models of civil society-government co-operation. Finally, the last section examines recent concerns that NGO activism may become merely another link in the chain of privatization that further weakens state power, and thus state responsibility, in the era of globalization. I conclude that the participation by women's health NGOs in both the United Nations conferences and the national-level implementation processes has on the whole had beneficial outcomes. Both experiences have led to a broader understanding of the necessity for profound structural changes in macroeconomic policies and the system of global governance, if reproductive and sexual rights are to become a reality for all. However, this holistic vision still lacks a commensurate strategy-including stronger coalitions with other social movements; measures to counter or regulate the privatization of social services, even when performed by women's groups; and effective mechanisms for civil society organizations to monitor and transform macroeconomic policies and institutions. Such a strategy is indispensable to creating the necessary enabling environment for people-centred health care.

Article about Brooks Hays along with personal interview in (We the people of) North Carolina magazine ; "It's been said time and again-and it's 100 per cent true-that the white man cannot hold back the black man without holding himself back at the same time. I hope all North Carolina employers will listen with total sensitivity to what legitimate spokesmen of the minority groups are saying. And I hope our businessmen will take more time to learn about the unconscious discrimination which unfortunately is still practiced." Hays: I'm a moderate - that's a rather worn out word but it's what I am and I'm proud to say so. One of my books is entitled, "A Southern Moderate Speaks." The Bible, you know, counsels moderation in all things. Once I expressed my concern to a Negro friend over the drift of blacks away from moderate thought and action. He countered by asking me why I didn't get more of my white friends to become moderates. I told him that's what I've been trying to do much of my life. N.C.: What is your view of the causes of the decline of moderation by black groups and their drift toward militancy or extremism? Hays: I think a minority group that encounters continued frustration tends to move to more extreme positions - I can understand it even while not approving of it. We have to understand that the black community is restless, will demand more and more a full participation in our economic life. N.C.: Isn't it true that many blacks nowadays regard the moderate viewpoint as one which gets nothing accomplished? Hays: Yes, but that isn't my kind of moderation. I don't believe in temporizing about urgent matters, such as holding back economic opportunity and racial justice. N.C.: Has the black community really moved so far beyond moderation that it listens to its own extremists rather than its moderates? Hays: I think the black community still holds a considerable reservoir of good will toward whites, toward the economic, political and legal system. In fact, I think the responsible black leaders have pretty well repudiated the Rap Browns. N.C.: Well, is progress being made in better economic, educational and other opportunities for Negroes? Hays: Of course it is. And more will be made. N.C.: As Chairman of the North Carolina Good Neighbor Council, how do you assess the state of race relations here? Hays: I could hardly be called an expert on the situation in this state, and you should remember that Fred Cooper, not I, is the full-time staff official for the Council. I used to think that North Carolina was the unquestioned leader in social and race relations. Now I'm afraid we've slowed down in this regard. There's still time for us to pick up the pace again. North Carolina has the potential to be a real model in racial progress. We were spared much of the pathology of Reconstruction times because this was largely a state of freeholders - there were relatively frew [sic] owners of slaves. Consequently the residual bitterness and racial prejudice didn't run as deep in North Carolina as in some of the other southern states. N.C.: What advice would you have for the state's business leaders on how they might further better race relations? Hays: They should recognize - and many of them do - that the future economic development of North Carolina and other southern states is going to depend on utilizing Negro manpower. Our economic future hinges upon developing and training and hiring our black population for better and more responsible jobs. Certainly I believe all employers should pay equal wages for equal responsibility without any racial discrimination. That doesn't always happen. It's been said time and again - and it's 100 per cent true - that the white man cannot hold back the black man without holding himself back at the same time. I hope all North Carolina employers will listen with total sensitivity to what legitimate spokesmen of the minority groups are saying. And I hope our businessmen will take more time to learn about the unconscious discrimination which unfortunately is still practiced. N.C.: What do you mean by unconscious discrimination? Hays: I'll give you an example I know about personally. A Negro foreman in a certain industrial plant had been there for years. He trained white boys coming to work there and soon they were making more money than he was. When this was called to the attention of the executives they corrected it. He was a valuable employee who was being held down, not because of any real intent, but because the situation just didn't come to the attention of the right people. N.C.: Do you think the black community is fully aware of improvements that are being worked at and accomplished for them? Hays: Not always. Quite often inequities like the one I mentioned are corrected but the word never reaches those who most need to know it. Whenever something like that happens, we in the Good Neighbor Council want it proclaimed. That's one of the things the Council exists for. And that name - Good Neighbor - is the best I can think of. I'm very proud to be its chairman. I had heard of and been impressed by the organization years before I moved to North Carolina. And I was proud to speak at its annual meeting in December of 1968. N.C.: What do you view as the Council's proper functions? Hays: I agree with Fred Cooper - the executive director - that they are twofold. First, there's the short-range objective of putting out brush fires before they become big ones. Fred and his staff spend a lot of time on that aspect. Second is the longer range objective of education and persuasion aimed at ending all discrimination continued page 44 21

How did this suddenly become the summer of "the draft"?There are a number of proposals in the annual defense policy bill (National Defense Authorization Act) that deal with the subject. There is one to expand selective service registration to women. Another that would make Selective Service registration for American men "automatic."Still another proposed amendment to the NDAA, which has also been introduced as a freestanding bill, S. 4881, would repeal the Military Selective Service Act entirely. Meanwhile, the Center for a New American Security just published an exhaustive blueprint for modernizing mobilization, including readiness to activate conscription.All this talk has compelled "fact checkers" to insist that no, the U.S. government isn't suddenly "laying the groundwork" for a draft.But saying the U.S. isn't preparing for a draft is like saying it isn't preparing for nuclear war. Just as the Department of Defense is tasked with maintaining readiness to initiate nuclear strikes whenever the Commander-In-Chief so orders, the Selective Service System has the sole mission of maintaining readiness to hold a draft lottery within five days and start selecting draftees and sending out notices to report for induction whenever Congress and the President so order.As such, there are currently ten thousand draft board members who have been appointed and trained to adjudicate claims for deferment or exemption. As recently as this month, states have been openly seeking volunteers to fill empty slots. And both the SSS and hawkish think-tanks have been war-gaming the government's contingency plans to activate a draft.There's room for argument about how likely it is that the U.S. would launch nuclear missiles or activate a draft. But there's no question that it's planning and preparing for both, as it has been for decades. It would seem that after years of atrophy, the government is stepping up its attention to military mobilization and readiness for a draft. Maybe it's time to ask whether more easy and efficient ways of tapping into human capital for war make it easier to get into one and whether it is in our best interest to do so.Mobilizing an army "on demand"A staff memo prepared for a 2019 meeting of the National Commission on Military, National, and Public Service (NCMNPS) noted that "The ability of SSS to execute a draft effectively based on its existing database and procedures has not been tested in recent decades."
The NCMNPS commissioned no research on this or any other issue, instead reserving as much as possible of its budget for a planned publicity and lobbying blitz most of which it was unable to carry out due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Following the dissolution of the NCMNPS, Congress included a provision in the NDAA for Fiscal Year 2022 directing the DOD to conduct a comprehensive mobilization exercise which would "include the processes of the Selective Service System in preparation for induction of personnel into the armed forces under the Military Selective Service Act, and submit to Congress a report on the results of this exercise."
The DOD was required to complete this exercise by September 30, 2023, but the SSS told me recently that the DOD has yet to schedule it.The SSS has, however, released records of some of its internal contingency plans and exercises as well as of an interagency planning and coordination workshop it convened in December 2023.Enforcement is conspicuously absent from these plans. The possibility that an individual could fail to report for induction is relegated to a footnote, with no indication of what would happen in that event. Nonregistration and other modes of resistance aren't mentioned at all.The Department of Justice – to which suspected violators would be referred -- was not included in the interagency workshop. The keynote speaker from the DOD at that workshop pointed out that the SSS has "No clear understanding in the supply of manpower due to undetermined criteria" including "How many would attempt to dodge the draft?"In 2021, the SSS referred 238,679 names of suspected non-registrants to the DOJ after they didn't respond to threatening letters. None of them were investigated or prosecuted, or could be prosecuted without evidence of actual knowledge and criminal intent. Nor were any of the millions of other suspected non-registrants referred to the DOJ since 1988.In 2022, the DOJ told the SSS to stop sending any more referrals of nonregistrants, presumably because the DOJ wasn't going to do anything with them. The DOJ has no idea what it would do if it were called upon to try to enforce induction orders.Meanwhile recently the Center for a New American Security (CNAS) conducted its own tabletop exercise in activating a draft, including SSS and DOD staff as well as civilian military strategists. The CNAS report on that exercise, released last month, helps show how keeping the draft in the U.S. arsenal enables more bellicose foreign policies, even if a draft is unlikely and the contingency plans for it wouldn't be workable.Better draft, more hawkish policies?In its own 2023 table top exercises, SSS used the scenario of a war between the U.S. and Azerbaijan in the Caspian Sea, after which "the Department of Defense identified an immediate requirement of 100,000 bodies."Meanwhile, CNAS imagined a "large-scale invasion of Taiwan" by China, followed by a Chinese attack on "a location between San Diego and Los Angeles." At its public hearings on the draft in 2019, NCMNPS considered "a Red Dawn scenario where we are being attacked from both Canada and Mexico."Is the People's Liberation Army really going to land on the beaches of Southern California? Would activating a draft to fight a war in Taiwan or the Caspian Sea be an appropriate or effective military tactic — or a recipe for another Vietnam, Iraq, or Afghanistan?It's tempting to think that these scenarios are so improbable that contingency planning for a draft that won't be activated is unimportant. But CNAS, SSS, and DOD strategists emphasize that readiness to activate a draft is, in and of itself, critical to U.S. deterrence.But as with nuclear weapons, to speak of readiness for a draft as a "deterrent" is also to speak of it as a threat. Like nuclear warheads, the draft is used as a weapon when it is used as a military threat – whether or not the threat of nuclear war or of a draft is ever carried out.Proponents of draft registration and readiness for a draft such as CNAS, the NCMNPS, and some in the Pentagon and Congress argue that if the great-power enemies of the U.S. believe that we are able and willing to activate a draft, we can use that threat of draft-enabled rapid and total military escalation as a tool of diplomatic and military policy.In other words, the availability of the draft helps enable the U.S. to threaten to crush any opposition to U.S. hegemony with rapid and overwhelming military escalation. And the perceived (although misguided) ability to rely on those threats makes it easier not to consider diplomatic or other alternatives to force as a response to conflicts.But that also means that, conversely, ending planning and preparation for a draft is a tool we can use to rein in the rush to total war by removing the draft from the arsenal of US military threats, forcing military planners to consider the degree of popular support for possible wars, and slowing the capacity of the U.S. to escalate to total war.Have the U.S. military errors of the last fifty years consisted more of being too slow to commit fully to war? Or of too rapid resort to military engagements that have led to quagmires rather than quick fixes?Many of the above-mentioned scenarios being used to support the need for readiness for a draft are about military engagements abroad, not attacks on the U.S. homeland. As Sen. Rand Paul said this past week in reintroducing the Selective Service Repeal Act, "If a war is worth fighting, Congress will vote to declare it and people will volunteer." In the case of an actual threat to the U.S., the limiting factor in mobilization would be the capacity of the military to rapidly train or integrate a massive number of volunteers. That's not a problem a draft would solve.Should we be putting in place mechanisms that make it easier to rush into another large overseas military adventure more quickly, on a larger scale, and with less need to wait and see if the public supports the war or will vote with its feet by enlisting to fight it?We've seen this dynamic play out in Russia, where the presumed ability to rely on conscription as a fallback helped embolden Putin's hasty military over-reach into Ukraine. Do we want the U.S. to make the same strategic mistake?

La violencia sexual es una de las problemáticas de salud pública de mayor calado, a la par que una grave violación de los derechos humanos. Asimismo, su etiología se asienta en la configuración social sexista, afectando a las mujeres desproporcionalmente. La vivencia de esta victimización supone un impacto integral en la persona, afectando a su salud física, psicológica y sexual. Respecto a su magnitud, la macroencuesta de victimización en España de la Delegación del gobierno contra la violencia de género (2020) señala que 1.810.948 mujeres han vivido una relación sexual no consentida en algún momento de su vida. Sin embargo, solo una mínima parte (17.6%) llegan al sistema (Ministerio del Interior, 2019), siendo menos de 1% los casos que se incoan por la Fiscalía General del Estado (2010). Por tanto, esta distancia con la cifra auto-informada hace notoria la necesidad de un impulso judicial a este respecto. La propia Fiscalía (2019) señala la falta de pruebas como uno de los principales motivos de que los casos no prosperen en la vía judicial. Del mismo modo, los análisis de sentencias judiciales en España (Arce, Alonso y Novo, 2010) han puesto de manifiesto que el informe psicológico forense dotaba de aptitud probatoria a la declaración de la persona denunciante en el 93.3% de los casos, en línea con la revisión de casos mundial realizada por Hans y Vidmar (1986) que cifra en un 85% las resoluciones judiciales que se basan en el testimonio. Por tanto, es fundamental desarrollar técnicas psicológicas que doten de valor probatorio a los testimonios, siendo de especial relevancia en el ámbito de la violencia sexual dada la dificultad de probar los hechos por el contexto privado en el que suelen desarrollarse, en aras de mejorar la atención judicial en particular y la justicia social en general. Por tanto, la presente tesis doctoral tiene por objetivo la validación de una técnica de evaluación psicológica-forense para los testimonios de mujeres víctimas de violencia sexual (abuso y agresión). Para ello, se recaban testimonios fabricados y se lleva a cabo un análisis de la validez y suficiencia de las declaraciones, y posteriormente un análisis de contenido de las declaraciones fabricadas de hechos para poner a prueba los criterios de análisis de contenido del Sistema de Evaluación Global (SEG). Los resultados muestran el 90% de las declaraciones fabricadas de violencia sexual no son prueba válida y suficiente, lo que pone de manifiesto la necesidad de que las declaraciones se obtengan en dos momentos distintos espaciados en el tiempo. Consecuentemente, solo un 10% se somete al análisis de contenido. De este se extraen tres modelos de decisión forense que supondrían el dotar de aptitud probatoria a la persona denunciante preservando el principio de presunción de inocencia (El error asumido tipo II es 0). Por tanto, contamos con pruebas forenses válidas y fiables para evaluación de la veracidad del testimonio en mujeres adultas, lo que implica una oportunidad de mejora tanto científica como judicial. ; Sexual violence is one of the most serious public health problems, as well as a serious violation of human rights. Likewise, its etiology is based on the sexist social configuration, affecting women disproportionately. The experience of this victimization supposes an integral impact on the person, affecting their physical, psychological and sexual health. Regarding its magnitude, the macro-survey of victimization in Spain of the Government Delegation against gender violence (2020) indicates that 1,810,948 women have experienced a non-consensual sexual relationship at some point in their lives. However, only a minimal part (17.6%) reaches the system (Ministry of the Interior, 2019), with less than 1% being the cases that are initiated by the State Attorney General's Office (2010). Therefore, this distance from the self-reported figure highlights the need for a judicial impulse in this regard. The Prosecutor's Office (2019) itself points out the lack of evidence as one of the main reasons that the cases do not go ahead in the judicial process. In the same way, the analyzes of judicial decisions in Spain (Arce, Alonso and Novo, 2010) have shown that the forensic psychological report endowed the declaration of the complainant with probative aptitude in 93.3% of the cases, online with the global case review carried out by Hans and Vidmar (1986), which estimates 85% of court decisions based on testimony. Therefore, it is essential to develop psychological techniques that endow testimonies with probative value, being of special relevance in the field of sexual violence given the difficulty of proving the facts especially because of the private context in which they usually occur, in order to improve judicial attention in particular and social justice in general. Therefore, the present doctoral thesis aims to validate a forensicpsychological evaluation technique for the testimonies of women victims of sexual violence (abuse and assault). For this, fictional testimonies are collected, and an analysis of the validity and sufficiency of the statements is carried out, and subsequently a content analysis of the fabricated statements of fact to test the content analysis criteria of the Global Assessment System. (SEG). The results show 90% of fabricated statements of sexual violence are not valid and sufficient evidence, which highlights the need for statements to be obtained at two different moments spaced apart in time. Consequently, only 10% undergo content analysis. From this, three models of forensic decision are extracted that would entail providing the complainant with probative aptitude, preserving the principle of presumption of innocence (The assumed type II error is 0). Therefore, we have valid and reliable forensic evidence to assess the veracity of the testimony in adult women, which implies an opportunity for both scientific and judicial improvement. ; A violencia sexual é unha das problemáticas de saúde pública de maior calado, á vez que unha grave violación dos dereitos humanos. Así mesmo, a súa etioloxía aséntase na configuración social sexista, afectando ás mulleres desproporcionalmente. A vivencia desta victimización supón un impacto integral na persoa, afectando a súa saúde física, psicolóxica e sexual. Respecto a súa magnitude, a macroencuesta de victimización en España da Delegación do goberno contra a violencia de xénero (2020) sinala que 1.810.948 mulleres viviron unha relación sexual non consentida nalgún momento da súa vida. Con todo, só unha mínima parte (17.6%) chegan ao sistema (Ministerio do Interior, 2019), sendo menos do 1% os casos que se incoan pola Fiscalía Xeral do Estado (2010). Por tanto, esta distancia con cífra auto-informada fai notoria a necesidade dun impulso xudicial a este respecto. A propia Fiscalía (2019) sinala a falta de probas como un dos principais motivos de que os casos non prosperen na vía xudicial. Do mesmo xeito, as análises de sentenzas xudiciais en España (Arce, Alonso e Novo, 2010) puxeron de manifesto que o informe psicolóxico forense dotaba de aptitude probatoria á declaración da persoa denunciante no 93.3% dos casos, en liña coa revisión de casos mundial realizada por Hans e Vidmar (1986) que cifra nun 85% as resolucións xudiciais que se basean no testemuño. Por tanto, é fundamental desenvolver técnicas psicolóxicas que doten de valor probatorio aos testemuños, sendo de especial relevancia no ámbito da violencia sexual dada a dificultade de probar os feitos sobre todo no contexto privado no que soen acontecer, en aras de mellorar a atención xudicial en particular e a xustiza social en xeral. Así pois, a presente tese doutoral ten por obxectivo a validación dunha técnica de avaliación psicolóxica-forense para os testemuños de mulleres vítimas de violencia sexual (abuso e agresión). Para iso, solicítanse testemuños ficcionados e levase a cabo unha análise da validez e suficiencia das declaracións, e posteriormente unha análise de contido das declaracións fabricadas de feitos para poñer a proba os criterios de análises de contido do Sistema de Avaliación Global (SEG). Os resultados mostran que o 90% das declaracións fabricadas de violencia sexual non son proba válida e suficiente, o que pon de manifesto a necesidade de que as declaracións se obteñan en dous momentos distintos espazados no tempo. Consecuentemente, só un 10% sométese á análise de contido. Deste extráense tres modelos de decisión forense que supoñerían dotar de aptitude probatoria á persoa denunciante preservando o principio de presunción de inocencia (O erro asumido tipo II é 0). Por tanto, contamos con probas forenses válidas e fiables para avaliación da veracidade do testemuño en mulleres adultas, o que implica unha oportunidade de mellora tanto científica como xudicial.

The genesis of the vision for UC Santa Cruz's newest colleges, College Nine and College Ten, dates back to the 1988 Long Range Development Plan (LRDP)[1], which responded both to faculty members who argued that the Social Sciences Division needed academic space in the campus core, and the demographic studies that demonstrated that UCSC would be experiencing rising student enrollments and would need to house more students on campus. The 1988 LRDP thus called for planning two new colleges that would integrate academic and residential facilities. Fast forward to May of 1999, when under the chancellorship of MRC Greenwood and the vice chancellorship of Francisco Hernandez, The Colleges Nine and Ten Planning Advisory Committee issued a report entitled "Opening College IX and X."[2] Among its recommendations were for these two colleges to "continue the tradition of the current UCSC colleges concentrating upon community life and student affairs," while also "being centers of interdisciplinary curricula and courses, intellectual stimulation, research, conferences, and student projects." The proposal was also for these colleges to be affiliated with the Social Sciences Division, as per the 1988 LRDP. The authors of this report also stated, ".we have come to believe that the opening of Colleges IX and X represents a major new opportunity for UC Santa Cruz [which would build] upon the successes and learning from the failures of the past." Embedded in this allusion to the past lies a complex, and often contentious history of UCSC's relationship to its residential college system. In the early 1960s, the colleges were the vision and invention of founding chancellor Dean McHenry and then-University of California President Clark Kerr and were intended to make UCSC "seem small" as it grew because students would live and study in the intimate environment of their themed college. The idea was to combine the advantages of small liberal arts college (such as Swarthmore) with the resources of a major research university. Some of the inspiration also came from Oxford University and other British universities. Faculty were appointed half time in their college and half time in their board of studies, which had less institutional power and resources than a conventional department. Each faculty member was expected to teach both for the college and the board. While college teaching and service yielded a rich plethora of innovative classes and interdisciplinary collaborations that still benefits UCSC today, it was not given much weight by the traditional University of California in tenure decisions. As the relatively affluent and fiscally expansive era of the 1960s faded into the inflation, austerity, and more conservative 1970s that was less open to innovative public education and more interested in job training, UCSC entered a crisis marked by declining enrollment and financial pressures. Dean McHenry had also originally promised the Regents that the UCSC college system would not result in higher costs, but this was not proving to be the case. In addition, after UCSC opened, the funding formula allocated to the UC campuses per student was altered to allocate more money per graduate student than to undergraduates. This had a significant impact on UCSC, which had been founded with a focus on undergraduate education and had very few graduate programs. (The campus has yet to catch up in this area.) By 1974, Dean McHenry retired and was replaced by a chancellor who lacked leadership experience and left after eighteen months. Angus Taylor stepped in as acting chancellor and the search for a new chancellor began. Enter Chancellor Robert Sinsheimer, who arrived from Caltech in 1977 to a campus ringing with rumors that UCSC, which once held the distinction of being one of the most prestigious and attractive campuses in the United States, might be closed for budgetary reasons. Sinsheimer's response (he was educated at MIT to be a problem solver) was to develop and implement Reorganization, a plan which proposed a new vision for the UCSC colleges and ultimately was approved by the Academic Senate. This plan excised most of the academic role of the colleges (with the exception of a freshman core course) and assigned the academic mission of UCSC mostly to the academic divisions. (The exceptions to this plan were Oakes College and College Eight, which retained more of the original model.) The central mission of the colleges became residential life. Faculty members were relieved of curricular obligations to the colleges. Reorganization eliminated the McHenry-Kerr model for the colleges. It was and still is criticized as part of one might call a "narrative of decline" at UCSC, the loss of a unique creative, interdisciplinary vision, a brave new model for undergraduate education in a public university. Even now, forty years later, the pros and cons of Sinsheimer's Reorganization remain a heated topic in many of the oral histories conducted by the Regional History Project with longtime staff and faculty. In an oral history conducted in 2004, Chancellor Greenwood quipped, "Some people call it the third rail of politics at Santa Cruz. If you touch the colleges, you're dead."[3] The writers of the report "Opening Colleges IX and X" acknowledged this sentiment when they wrote, "While we can learn from some parts of the McHenry model, we cannot return to it. It has been rejected by the campus." Instead they call for a third model of how colleges could work at UC Santa Cruz, which they call the Greenwood Model. This model builds on the post-Reorganization college focus on community life and student affairs and "engages faculty members and students in a way that the current colleges do not." The writers were astute not to imply that the existing eight UCSC colleges should adopt this Greenwood Model, arguing instead that the two models could exist side by side. The vision for these two new colleges was soon realized, with the exception of the endowment for the colleges, which the writers of the report emphasized would be important to its success. To this date, these colleges are awaiting endowment. College Nine opened its doors in fall quarter of 2000 and College Ten in fall of 2002. College Nine's webpage articulates its philosophy: "College Nine has worked hard to successfully develop a strong community, build meaningful traditions, and emphasize our theme through co-curricular programming. College Nine's theme of International and Global Perspectives recognizes the importance of cultural competency in the 21st century. The College Nine community offers students a range of opportunities to explore these issues and to develop skills as dynamic leaders. College Ten's website states, "Consistent with UCSC's founding vision, College Ten creates an integrated living-and-learning environment through engaging academic and extracurricular programs focusing on the theme of Social Justice and Community." The two colleges retain a separate identity, but work closely together and share many staff members. This volume documents some of the history of College Nine and College Ten through two oral history interviews: the first with Deana Slater, who has served as college administrative officer for both colleges since their founding and was part of planning the colleges even before they opened; and second with Wendy Baxter, director of academic and co-curricular programs for both colleges, also since before they officially opened. By focusing on the efforts of these two longtime dedicated staff members in founding and building these new UCSC endeavors, we also pay tribute to the sometimes invisible contributions of staff to this enterprise of higher education. In this oral history Slater and Baxter discuss some of the key elements of the structure, philosophy, and programs at Colleges Nine and Ten, including the Co-Curricular Center (The CoCo), the Leadership Certificate Program, the Practical Activism Conference, the International Living Center, Alternative Spring Break and other service learning programs; The Garden Project, and the relationship with the Social Sciences Division. [1] Long Range Development Plan, 1988. Available in the UCSC Library's Special Collections Department. [2] A digital copy of this May 1999 report, "Opening Colleges IX and X" is in the College Nine and Ten University Archives at Special Collections at the UCSC Library. [3] See Randall Jarrell and Irene Reti, From Complex Organisms to A Complex Organization: An Oral History with UCSC Chancellor MRC Greenwood, 1996-2004. (Regional History Project, UCSC Library, 2014). See p. 52 for a discussion of College Nine and College Ten. Available in full text at https://library.ucsc.edu/reg-hist/from-complex-organisms-to-a-complex-organization-an-oral-history-with-ucsc-chancellor-mrc

The genesis of the vision for UC Santa Cruz's newest colleges, College Nine and College Ten, dates back to the 1988 Long Range Development Plan (LRDP) which responded both to faculty members who argued that the Social Sciences Division needed academic space in the campus core, and the demographic studies that demonstrated that UCSC would be experiencing rising student enrollments and would need to house more students on campus. The 1988 LRDP thus called for planning two new colleges that would integrate academic and residential facilities. Fast forward to May of 1999, when under the chancellorship of MRC Greenwood and the vice chancellorship of Francisco Hernandez, The Colleges Nine and Ten Planning Advisory Committee issued a report entitled "Opening College IX and X." Among its recommendations were for these two colleges to "continue the tradition of the current UCSC colleges concentrating upon community life and student affairs," while also "being centers of interdisciplinary curricula and courses, intellectual stimulation, research, conferences, and student projects." The proposal was also for these colleges to be affiliated with the Social Sciences Division, as per the 1988 LRDP. The authors of this report also stated, ".we have come to believe that the opening of Colleges IX and X represents a major new opportunity for UC Santa Cruz [which would build] upon the successes and learning from the failures of the past." Embedded in this allusion to the past lies a complex, and often contentious history of UCSC's relationship to its residential college system. In the early 1960s, the colleges were the vision and invention of founding chancellor Dean McHenry and then-University of California President Clark Kerr and were intended to make UCSC "seem small" as it grew because students would live and study in the intimate environment of their themed college. The idea was to combine the advantages of small liberal arts college (such as Swarthmore) with the resources of a major research university. Some of the inspiration also came from Oxford University and other British universities. Faculty were appointed half time in their college and half time in their board of studies, which had less institutional power and resources than a conventional department. Each faculty member was expected to teach both for the college and the board. While college teaching and service yielded a rich plethora of innovative classes and interdisciplinary collaborations that still benefits UCSC today, it was not given much weight by the traditional University of California in tenure decisions. As the relatively affluent and fiscally expansive era of the 1960s faded into the inflation, austerity, and more conservative 1970s that was less open to innovative public education and more interested in job training, UCSC entered a crisis marked by declining enrollment and financial pressures. Dean McHenry had also originally promised the Regents that the UCSC college system would not result in higher costs, but this was not proving to be the case. In addition, after UCSC opened, the funding formula allocated to the UC campuses per student was altered to allocate more money per graduate student than to undergraduates. This had a significant impact on UCSC, which had been founded with a focus on undergraduate education and had very few graduate programs. (The campus has yet to catch up in this area.) By 1974, Dean McHenry retired and was replaced by a chancellor who lacked leadership experience and left after eighteen months. Angus Taylor stepped in as acting chancellor and the search for a new chancellor began. Enter Chancellor Robert Sinsheimer, who arrived from Caltech in 1977 to a campus ringing with rumors that UCSC, which once held the distinction of being one of the most prestigious and attractive campuses in the United States, might be closed for budgetary reasons. Sinsheimer's response (he was educated at MIT to be a problem solver) was to develop and implement Reorganization, a plan which proposed a new vision for the UCSC colleges and ultimately was approved by the Academic Senate. This plan excised most of the academic role of the colleges (with the exception of a freshman core course) and assigned the academic mission of UCSC mostly to the academic divisions. (The exceptions to this plan were Oakes College and College Eight, which retained more of the original model.) The central mission of the colleges became residential life. Faculty members were relieved of curricular obligations to the colleges. Reorganization eliminated the McHenry-Kerr model for the colleges. It was and still is criticized as part of one might call a "narrative of decline" at UCSC, the loss of a unique creative, interdisciplinary vision, a brave new model for undergraduate education in a public university. Even now, forty years later, the pros and cons of Sinsheimer's Reorganization remain a heated topic in many of the oral histories conducted by the Regional History Project with longtime staff and faculty. In an oral history conducted in 2004, Chancellor Greenwood quipped, "Some people call it the third rail of politics at Santa Cruz. If you touch the colleges, you're dead."[3] The writers of the report "Opening Colleges IX and X" acknowledged this sentiment when they wrote, "While we can learn from some parts of the McHenry model, we cannot return to it. It has been rejected by the campus." Instead they call for a third model of how colleges could work at UC Santa Cruz, which they call the Greenwood Model. This model builds on the post-Reorganization college focus on community life and student affairs and "engages faculty members and students in a way that the current colleges do not." The writers were astute not to imply that the existing eight UCSC colleges should adopt this Greenwood Model, arguing instead that the two models could exist side by side. The vision for these two new colleges was soon realized, with the exception of the endowment for the colleges, which the writers of the report emphasized would be important to its success. To this date, these colleges are awaiting endowment. College Nine opened its doors in fall quarter of 2000 and College Ten in fall of 2002. College Nine's webpage articulates its philosophy: "College Nine has worked hard to successfully develop a strong community, build meaningful traditions, and emphasize our theme through co-curricular programming. College Nine's theme of International and Global Perspectives recognizes the importance of cultural competency in the 21st century. The College Nine community offers students a range of opportunities to explore these issues and to develop skills as dynamic leaders. College Ten's website states, "Consistent with UCSC's founding vision, College Ten creates an integrated living-and-learning environment through engaging academic and extracurricular programs focusing on the theme of Social Justice and Community." The two colleges retain a separate identity, but work closely together and share many staff members. This volume documents some of the history of College Nine and College Ten through two oral history interviews: the first with Deana Slater, who has served as college administrative officer for both colleges since their founding and was part of planning the colleges even before they opened; and second with Wendy Baxter, director of academic and co-curricular programs for both colleges, also since before they officially opened. By focusing on the efforts of these two longtime dedicated staff members in founding and building these new UCSC endeavors, we also pay tribute to the sometimes invisible contributions of staff to this enterprise of higher education. In this oral history Slater and Baxter discuss some of the key elements of the structure, philosophy, and programs at Colleges Nine and Ten, including the Co-Curricular Center (The CoCo), the Leadership Certificate Program, the Practical Activism Conference, the International Living Center, Alternative Spring Break and other service learning programs; The Garden Project, and the relationship with the Social Sciences Division. [1] Long Range Development Plan, 1988. Available in the UCSC Library's Special Collections Department. [2] A digital copy of this May 1999 report, "Opening Colleges IX and X" is in the College Nine and Ten University Archives at Special Collections at the UCSC Library. [3] See Randall Jarrell and Irene Reti, From Complex Organisms to A Complex Organization: An Oral History with UCSC Chancellor MRC Greenwood, 1996-2004. (Regional History Project, UCSC Library, 2014). See p. 52 for a discussion of College Nine and College Ten. Available in full text at https://library.ucsc.edu/reg-hist/from-complex-organisms-to-a-complex-organization-an-oral-history-with-ucsc-chancellor-mrc

The dissertation was prepared in 2000–2004 at the Vilnius Pedagogical University and in 2004-2007 at Mykolas Romeris University, The dissertation is defend without PhD studies Scientific supervisor: Prof. Habil. Dr. Stasys Puškorius (Mykolas Romeris University, Social Sciences, Management and Administration, 03S). The doctoral dissertation will be defended at the Management and Administration Research Council of Mykolas Romeris University: Chairman of the Council: Prof. Habil. Dr. Adolfas Kaziliūnas (Mykolas Romeris University, Social Sciences, Management and Administration, 03S) Members: Prof. Dr. Eugenijus Chlivickas (Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Social Sciences, Management and Administration, 03S) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Jolanta Palidauskaitė (Kaunass University of Technology, Social Science, Sociology 05S) Prof. Dr. Alvydas Pumputis (Mykolas Romeris University, Social Sciences, Law 01S) Prof. Habil. Dr. Stasys Puškorius (Mykolas Romeris University, Social Sciences, Management and Administration 03S) Opponents: Prof. Habil. Dr. Borisas Melnikas (Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Social Sciences, Management and Administration 03S) Prof. Habil. Dr. Vygantas K. Paulikas (Mykolas Romeris University, Social Sciences, Management and Administration 03S) The public defence of the doctoral dissertation will take place at Management and Administration Research Council on 28th December, 2007 at 10 a.m. in the Senate Hall of Mykolas Romeris University (Room C-230). Address: Ateities str. 20, LT-08303 Vilnius, Lithuania The summary of the doctoral dissertation was sent out on 20th November, 2007. The doctoral dissertation is available at the library of the Mykolas Romeris University and Lithuanian National Library of Martynas Mazvydas (Gedimino Av. 51, Vilnius). Introduction In the modern world the mindset of people as well as self-organization factors of various social groups change. Traditional ideologies that used to reflect the thinking of the majority of people in the past are now losing their popularity, and new ideas appear as unlimited pluralism settles in. Sometimes these ideas are old ones that have come from the past. An example would be the idea of communitarianism – some followers claim that this idea should already be called an ideology. When analysing communitarian ideas, most of them may be found in the ideologies of conservatives, Christian democrats, and social utopians or even anarchists–communists." Therefore it is necessary for contemporary man to choose from many strong or weaker ideological attitudes and to solve the dual problem: to identify new values that are often related with one of the segments of the "new public management" – participation of citizens and communities. So one of the traditional values, closely related with the "new public management" when reforming the public sector (especially when talking about self-governance), is considered more often in the Western democratic states nowadays – this value is sociality. Sociality in the democratic world in the context of public administration was and still is considered to be a special value that defines the quality of social organizations, and therefore it is promoted in various ways in the context of creating civil society, and it is one of the factors of modernisation of the public sector. Analysis of local communities from the managerial point of view may be based on the term of subsidiarity (discretion, additionality) that states that what may be done better by a community should not be done by the state. But where the forces of one man or a community are not enough, society and the state should support their efforts according to means. According to the classical definition of subsidiarity, matters that can be handled by individuals on their own should not be taken from them and assigned to the society as in this way justice would be offended. Scientific novelty of the dissertation may be defined by the following statements: • There are no dissertations in the area of public administration that would analyse especially the functionality of local communities, so this attempt to define and analyse the functionality of non-formal local communities of villages and towns allows to expect polemic with works of other authors that analyse the problem of sociality on the whole; • Factors that influence the functionality of contemporary local community have not been grouped and analysed till now; • The definition of factors and actions of local community functionality will enable to expect a faster realisation and implementation of these principles in practice for Lithuania that is developing state and self-governance local administration based on the principles of de-centralisation and subsidiarity; • The problems and directions of creation, development and expansion of local community functionality were analysed thoroughly and systematically, and theoretical and practical recommendations for solving these problems were prepared for the first time in Lithuania; • The concept that defines a functional local community has not been formed. Practical advantage of the dissertation. The actions intended by the author if performed by institutions existing in local communities will enable politicians, public officials and active citizens to draw attention to certain factors that influence the functionality of local communities and to choose certain managerial actions when creating functional local communities. When defining functional local community the author based himself on theoretical material as well as on personal experience because, having worked as a mayor of a regional municipality for five years, he had set the stimulation of mustering people in local communities as one of his strategic goals. From this point of view the dissertation will be useful for praticians because, according to Richard Fenn, the analysis of all subjects, especially the phenomenon of society, requires the researcher to indulge into institutional details – to experience institutions' habits, day-to-day life, successes and misfortunes, as they are experienced by all who live [169, p. 31]. Scientific problem. Lately sociality has been discussed a lot, but there has been no discussion about what it is in local communities, and only one its active form is acknowledged – the existence of a formalised community centre (registered community centres are counted). No attempt is made for local communities in villages and towns to be functional (while that is the basis of self-governance), and no analysis is performed about what its functionality as well as the efficiency of self-governance depends on. The research emphasizes that: • As traditional values of public life are vanishing, the appearing niche is being filled by negative phenomena that make public life more problematic (empirical data collected on alcoholism, neglect of children, criminality); there is discussion about whether this may be resisted by organising citizens into self-organization groups (cultural, charity, youth groups were researched) thus making local communities functional so that they may contribute to the efficiency of public life; • The functionality of villages and towns (that we call local communities) of contemporary Lithuania has withered or manifests itself episodically, while the re-creation of functionality is one of the activity criteria of public institutions and dimensional expression of democratic (real self-governance) management; • It has been noticed that social capital in Western countries is constantly rebuilding itself thus strengthening administrative structures – local government (municipality, eldership) and local institutions (the church, school, cultural institutions, etc.), citizen initiatives, so it should be discussed if functional local community could be one of such links since full-fledged social capital is not functioning yet in our country? The aim of the dissertation is to indicate that systematic managerial actions performed in certain factors may create functional local communities in Lithuanian villages and towns. Goals of the dissertation: 1. to determine factors that influence local community; 2. to define functional local community; 3. to determine the possibilities of institutions existing in local communities to form a functional local community; 4. to plan specific actions and functions of institutions when creating functional local communities; 5. to prepare practical recommendations for interested government institutions, formal and non-formal citizen groups what priority actions should be performed when creating functional local communities. Research object is non-formal local communities of Lithuanian villages and towns, the institution system that creates functional communities. Research subject is functional local communities. Hypotheses: 1. It is presumable that certain factors have a bigger influence on the creation of functional local community. 2. It is presumable that functional local community will start appearing if a system of factors that influence sociality will be formed in institutions of local self-governance (eldership, school, cultural institutions), parishes, and when organising social and physical security in villages and towns. CONTENTS OF THE DOCTORAL DISSERTATION Introduction Chapter 1. Analysis of Functionality of Local Communities in the Works of Western and Lithuanian Scientists and in EU Documents. 1.1. Works of Western Scientists and EU Documents about Functionality of Local Communities. 1.2. Works of Lithuanian Scientists on the Functionality of Local Communities. 1.3. Concepts Related to Local Community. 1.4. Conclusions. Chapter 2. Development of Local Communities in Lithuania in the 20th Century. 2.1. Local Communities in Lithuania before World War II. 2.2. The Soviet Period – Interrupted Tradition of Sociality. 2.3. Local Community in Lithuania after the Restoration of Ind