Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of credit card knowledge and financial self-efficacy toward credit card misuse and intention to reuse credit card. The technological breakthroughs and regulatory reforms of the past decades have brought payment media to the forefront of business, social and political interest. This research is a survey research that is conducted to understand the causal relationships between variables with the use of questionnaire as the instrument to obtain data. The questionnaire is distributed to 100 sample who fulfill the requirements. The sample of this research are adults in Pontianak that are at least 21 years old. In this research, the data analysis method used is Structural Equation Model Partial Least Square (SEMPLS) method. To conduct analysis using PLS method, this research is using smartPLS 3.0 software. The hypothesis of the research is H1 : Credit card knowledge have significant influence on credit card misuse, H2: Financial self-efficacy have significant influence on credit cards misuse, H3: Credit card knowledge have significant influence on intention to reuse credit cards, H4: Financial self-efficacy have signficant influence on intention to reuse credit cards, H5: Credit card misuse have significant influence on intention to reuse credit cards. The result of this research shows that H1, H4 and H5 are accepted but H2 and H3 are rejected.References A, F. (1984). "Many sides of the coin: The psychology of money usage. Personality and Individual Differences. 501-509.Ackert, L., & Church, B. (2015). Credit cards, financial responsibility, and college students: an experimental study. International Journal of Behavioural Accounting and Finance, Vol. 5 No. 1, 1-26.Aghazadeh, H., & Esfidani, M. R. (2007). Internet Marketing Strategies. 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El Ecuador, como país intercultural y plurinacional recoge en su memoria social todas las costumbres, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones que transforman en direccionamientos para el desarrollo del país en todas sus áreas, ya que compila en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador su forma de actuar, ya hoy en día gracias a la revolución ciudadana, lo podemos socializar y aplicar, mismos que deben ser cumplidos en forma coercitiva porque ese es su modo de vida, que con toda seguridad lo manifiesto, es la base para llegar al Sumak Kausay. El presente trabajo explica en resumen la historia de nuestros pueblos originarios, mismos que para llegar a la vida republicana y la colonización han sufrido un proceso de expansionismo y dominación incaica – española, en su debido orden, para luego entrar en la capitulación por las grandes empresas de conquistas, organizadas técnicamente en Centro América y expandirse hacia América del Sur e ingresar al proceso de formación del amerindio, que en el tránsito de Inca a indio y campesino, ha sufrido discriminaciones en todo sentido, llegando a ocultar toda la sabiduría ancestral que luego fue catalogado como actividades paganas en contra de Dios de acuerdo a la Biblia que nos trajeron del viejo mundo (Vera, 1989) En este proceso, el amerindio pasa por un período de tamizaje en donde se cumplió con el gran objetivo de la conquista; que desaparezca de una vez por todas los rasgos culturales de la cosmología andina, que el runa y la huarmi tengan vergüenza de sus ancestros, sus etnias y culturas; de este modo, terminaron con su vestimenta, culto, creencias, mitos, leyendas y tradiciones (Derecho Consuetudinario). Conscientes estamos que toda la memoria ancestral se resume en el Derecho Consuetudinario de los pueblos originarios del Ecuador, pero no se puede desarrollar, preservar y socializar sino existe un proceso de enseñanza básica para que sea transmitida de generación en generación, caso contrario, toda esa riqueza cultural quedaría en el olvido. Razón por la cual los maestros cumplen un papel importante en el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje, ya que son los responsables del conocimiento histórico real del antes y el después de las comunidades y pueblos del Ecuador. Para que un docente pueda transmitir los conocimientos ancestrales inéditos a las futuras generaciones, debe dominar la norma y la sociología jurídica ya que nos da la sabiduría y todas las herramientas para hacerlo con eficiencia, efectividad, y eficacia de todos los conocimientos ancestrales en prácticas diarias; es así como, en la vida republicana, hasta la década de los 90 los educadores no podían realizar prácticas educativas reales en forma clara, transparente y cierta, porque los contenidos científicos se basaban sólo en conocimientos extranjeros o currículos de otros países y en el mejor de los casos al catecismo. Es la Sociología Jurídica, la filosofía y el Derecho Consuetudinario especialmente la danza el teatro y los juegos populares las únicas actividades que de una u otra manera utilizan legalmente los educadores para realizar el proceso de enseñanza aprendizaje con saberes ancestrales plasmados en mensajes a través de corografías, obras teatrales y juegos lúdicos o populares. Tanto en el Ecuador como en el resto de América Latina, existe un nuevo escenario político en la cual la: multi-pluri-inter-culturalidad está ganando espacio y legitimidad. Esta nueva coyuntura incluye el reconocimiento por parte de los estados sobre la diversidad étnica y cultural, así también la necesidad de reconocer derechos específicos, colectivos y de la naturaleza, lo que algunos autores llaman el nuevo "constitucionalismo multicultural", que está enfocado en una nueva forma de solución de conflictos, ya sea por la conciliación, mediación, arbitraje, pero principalmente la justicia indígena (Van, 2000) y su relación con la ciudadanía "étnica" "cultural". (Montoya, 2002). Ratifican la aplicación de los Métodos Alternativos y Solución de Conflictos (MASC) mismos que están amparados por la Constitución ecuatoriana en su Artículo 190. Como bien sabemos, a diferencia de otros países de la región, en el Ecuador este reconocimiento oficial es de mayor jerarquía; reflejo y resultado de luchas y demandas del movimiento indígena, de sus procesos de fortalecimiento identitario como actores sociales, políticos y culturales y de su cuestionamiento de los modelos existentes de ciudadanía, democracia, estado y nación liderados por los movimientos indígenas en sus diversas organizaciones de la costa, sierra y oriente. Las demandas de reconocimiento cultural de los pueblos indígenas y pueblos originarios del Ecuador, han puesto en duda la vigencia de un sistema jurídico mono cultural, aun teniendo en cuenta el escenario del multiculturalismo constitucional que recorrió las reformas constitucionales latinoamericanas desde la aprobación del Convenio No. 169 por parte de la Organización Internacional de Trabajo en 1989. En el Ecuador este proceso es primordial y de sumo interés, razón por la cual con la aprobación del referéndum de la nueva Constitución en el 2008, en la que se define como Estado Plurinacional de Derechos, reconociendo la coexistencia de una diversidad de sistemas jurídicos. Los países de la región, como Bolivia y Venezuela, entre otros, han transitado procesos similares, cuestionando la permanencia del denominado monismo jurídico quien plantea que las crisis son una precondición para el surgimiento de nuevas teorías y referentes para la solución de conflictos. El reconocimiento por parte del Estado de los sistemas jurídicos, no implica que las autoridades de los pueblos y nacionalidades indígenas tengan el objetivo de crear algo nuevo, sino el reconocimiento de una realidad histórica de ejercicio de derechos consuetudinarios, que en el marco de la construcción colonial de la dominación estatal fueron invisibilizados, negados y perseguidos, como prácticas al margen de la ley. El pluralismo jurídico no es una "alternativa" del derecho, sino un proceso de construcción de otras formas jurídicas que identifiquen al derecho con los sectores mayoritarios de la sociedad, y de respuestas institucionales a procesos de transición de una sociedad marcada por la colonialidad hacia una construcción social y estatal de carácter intercultural y plurinacional, en donde se compila todas las costumbres, tradiciones, leyendas y mitos ancestrales. Tal como lo plantea (Coutinho, 1990), "un pluralismo de sujetos colectivos fundado en un nuevo desafío: construir una nueva hegemonía que contemple el equilibrio entre el predominio de la voluntad general, sin negar el pluralismo de los intereses particulares". En los últimos cuatro años de vigencia de la nueva carta magna del Ecuador, la coexistencia de la justicia ordinaria y la justicia indígena no ha estado exenta de conflictos respecto de los alcances de la jurisdicción de la administración y justicia indígena, de la adaptación de procesos a los derechos humanos, de los mecanismos de coordinación entre autoridades estatales y autoridades indígenas, entre otros. En ciertos casos se alcanzan situaciones en las que las autoridades comunitarias fueran sometidas a la justicia ordinaria por exceder su jurisdicción (Ref. Caso La Cocha), así como fuertes reclamos por parte de las autoridades comunitarias respecto de la intervención no solicitada de operadores de justicia al margen de sus derechos colectivos. Razón por la cual sociólogos, filósofos e investigadores para dar jerarquía a toda la memoria, filosofía ancestral y la cosmovisión andina, enfocan como Derecho Consuetudinario para llegar al cumplimiento de la armonía comunitaria. ; Ecuador, as an intercultural and multinational country in its social memory, collects all customs, myths, legends and traditions that become the country's means for development in all areas, as compiled in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador that nowadays, thanks to the citizen's revolution we can socialize and apply, these should executed as an imperative because that is their way of life, which I can surely say, is the foundation to achieve the Smac Kausay. In this paper we explain in brief the history of our people, whom to reach the republican status and colonization have undergone a process of expansionism and Inca- Spanish domination, thereafter entering the capitulation by the big companies conquests, technically organized in Central America to expand into South America and enter the process of formation of the Amerindian going from Inca to Indian and peasant, has suffered discrimination in every way; thus hiding all ancient wisdom since it was listed as pagan activities against God and the Bible that were brought from the old continent. In this process the Amerindian goes through a period of screening where he meets the great object of conquest, disappearing once and for all the cultural traits of the Andean cosmology, the run and huarmi are ashamed of their ancestors, their ethnicities and cultures; in this way the screening process finished with their costume, religion, beliefs, myths, legends and traditions. It is known that all the ancestral memory is summed up in the customary law of the indigenous peoples of Ecuador, however, it is not possible for it to develop, preserve and socialize, unless through a process of basic education to be transmitted from generation to generation; otherwise, all this cultural richness would be forgotten. This is why teachers play an important role in the teaching-learning process since they are responsible for the actual historical knowledge before and after the communities and people of Ecuador. For a teacher to transmit to future generations unpublished ancestral knowledge, you must 22 master the art, as only art gives us the wisdom and all the tools to do it with efficiency, effectiveness, and expertise of all ancient knowledge in daily practices; the reason being is that during the republican period until the 90s, educators could not make real educational practices in clear, transparent and authentic ways, because scientific contents are based only on foreign expertise or curricula of other countries. Performing arts are especially theater and dance popular games the only activities that one way or another legally used educators for the teaching-learning process with ancestral knowledge embodied in messages through choreographies, plays and recreational or popular games. Both in Ecuador and in the rest of Latin America, there is a new political scenario in which the multi- -inter-culture is gaining ground and legitimacy. This new bias includes the States recognition over ethnic and cultural diversity, and also the need to recognize personal and common rights, as well as those of nature, for which some authors call the new "multicultural constitutionalism." Van Cott (2000) and its relation to the cultural ethnicity. Montoya (2002). In relation to what is the Alternative Dispute Resolution mean (ADR) which are covered by the Constitution in Article 190. As we know, unlike other countries in the region, in Ecuador this official recognition is of major prominence; reflection and result of struggles and demands of the indigenous movement in the processes of strengthening identity and social, political and cultural actors and their questioning of existing models of citizenship; democracy, state and nation led by indigenous movements in their various organizations through the coast, mountains and east. The demand for cultural recognition of indigenous peoples and indigenous people of Ecuador have questioned the validity of a mono cultural legal system, even taking into account the stage of the constitutional multiculturalism that swept Latin American constitutional reforms since the adoption of Convention No. 169 by the International Labor Organization in 1989. In Ecuador this process is essential and of great interest, thus with the approval of the referendum on the new Constitution in 2008, which is defined as multinational State of Rights, recognizing the coexistence of a variety of legal systems in it. The countries of the region such as Bolivia, Venezuela and others, have passed similar processes, questioning the permanence of the so-called legal monism who argues that crises are a precondition for the emergence of new theories and relating to conflict resolution. The recognition by the State of legal systems does not imply that the authorities of the indigenous people and nationalities have the goal of creating something new, but the recognition of a historical reality exercise of customary rights, which under the colonial domination were invisible, denied and persecuted, and practices outside the law. We do not consider the legal pluralism as an "alternative" use of law but as a process of construction of other legal forms identifying the law with the majority sectors of society and institutional responses to processes of transition from a society marked by colonialism moving towards a social state characterized as intercultural and multinational where all the customs, traditions, legends and ancient myths are compiled. As stated by Coutinho (1990), "a pluralism of collective subjects based on a new challenge: to build a new hegemony that considers the balance between the dominance of the general will, without denying the pluralism of individual interests". In the last 4 years of validity of the new Constitution of Ecuador, the coexistence of ordinary justice and indigenous justice, has not been free of conflict over the scope of the jurisdiction of the administration and indigenous justice, the adaptation of cases to human rights, the mechanisms of coordination between state authorities and indigenous leaders, among others. Reaching in some cases, situations where the Community authorities were subjected to regular courts to "exceed" its jurisdiction (Ref. Case La Cocha) and strong complaints from the Community authorities regarding the unsolicited intervention of justice operators regardless of their collective rights. 24 In this research all cultural features of the main communities and indigenous nationalities of the three regions of Ecuador are also being analyzed, which have gone unnoticed in the social context and in the best case, taken as isolated activities, put in practice or socialized in the main festivities of the people. This is the reason for us as educators for basic education, to give all the memory hierarchy, ancient philosophy and the Andean world we take it as customary law to take into action with the community may it be as a voluntary act or coercively. Part of the study of this paper is also to extent the responsibility to the State-Government, to maintain all the values and principles of the ancestral memory and cultural heritage of the indigenous people of Ecuador in an intact and unchanged way, to transmit to future generations; goal which you can achieve only with the education and training of teachers in different areas, but mainly in performing arts ; as well, on how to handle: customs, traditions, ethnic and folk legends, which is part of the standard of living of the indigenous people and peasants, and serves as a relevant issue to the development of basic education curriculum. This research with proposed development schedule was fulfilling the objectives, analyzing the extent to which cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador are present in the teaching of basic education, teacher training, and the level of positioning in the absence the arts, the presence of popular traditions in the curriculum and teacher preparation for teaching and its impact on society, and only then get to know the cultures of indigenous people of Ecuador in basic education. A study on the contribution of arts and popular traditions in the curriculum of basic education to achieve the implementation of the common system of legal pluralism with coarse principles based on Andean philosophy. The methodology, as an instrument for the operationalization of variables and objectives of the research is based on the paradigm of functionalism and constructivism, with field research (indigenous community leaders, members of councils, cultural promoters, educational authorities, elders of the different communities , basic education teachers) as descriptive, bibliographic and documentary scientific contributions in the areas of study, collecting data with the technique of the survey, interview and observation, and tools such as questionnaire. Interview guide and observation sheets, which allowed establishing the relationships between variables and approving the alternative hypothesis. Thus affirm that in our country, knowledge of the cultures of the indigenous people of Ecuador have not been involved, but rather have been marginalized and forgotten, where only basic education devoted to teaching general knowledge and specified in the area of mathematics and language, which is why there is a lack of 80% of the current population, and especially of teachers, both Ecuadorian reality as ethnicities and cultures of our ancestors.

Satisfied with some important progress being made in health care reform on the home front, these past few days President Obama turned his full attention to foreign policy. In a week packed with international speeches, bilateral meetings and joint declarations, he succeeded in establishing a new ambitious agenda for international cooperation and wasted no time in getting started. In his speech to the UN, he outlined his main foreign policy goals based on four pillars: non-proliferation, climate change, Middle East peace and economic stability. He spoke clearly about his determination to put an end to the international skepticism and distrust the United States faced during the Bush years and enumerated the changes already made: banning the use of torture, closing the Guantánamo base, drawing down forces in Iraq, renewing efforts in the Arab-Israeli conflict by naming a special envoy, seriously addressing climate change and abandoning plans for a land-based missile defense in Eastern Europe. He challenged other leaders to respond in kind by joining US efforts at non-proliferation, fighting terrorism, taking measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and combating poverty. A day later in Pittsburgh for the G-20 summit, the President, flanked by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Sarkozy, revealed a new nuclear facility built by Iran in the city of Qum and called for further sanctions on the Islamic Republic. This well-timed revelation is supposed to give the administration some more leverage when talks with the Iranians start later this week. As it happens, the US had known about this new uranium enriching plant for more than a year but had kept the information secret for later use. In Pittsburgh, with France and Britain safely on his side, the President had further opportunity to press the other two members of the UN Security Council, Russia and China, to cooperate with the new sanctions regime that will most likely include imports of refined oil into Iran. While Russia appears to be leaning towards cooperation (perhaps as a quid pro quo of Obama's decision not to deploy the anti-missile defense system in Poland and Czech Republic), it is not as yet clear whether the Chinese will too. This week has been a good one for China, which seems to be coming of age as an international player both in climate change and as a partner for economic stability in the G-20. But the revelation at Qum was certainly a pre-emptive coup that put the Iranians on the defensive, and gave Obama an opportunity to publicly test the other Permanent Members of the Security Council to prove their commitment to non-proliferation.As the United States moves aggressively to engage with the rest of the world and vows to renew its pledge to international law and institutions, the expectation is that others will take their share of responsibility and respond to global challenges. Obama's moral authority flows not only from what he says, and how he says it, but also by virtue of who he is: in his case, the man is the message and the intended drastic cut with his predecessor could not be more apparent. However, as Realists constantly remind us, foreign policy is about national interest defined as power, and while the change of tone and of emissary is well-noted, we are likely to see some change, but also a lot of continuity in US foreign policy. Barack Obama's first speech at the United Nations General Assembly was well-received around the world but had less impact on a home audience whose main concerns are unemployment, health care reform and economic recovery. Inevitably, the usual suspects accused him of treason for recognizing America's past mistakes in public and for socializing with tyrants. Others denounced his narcissistic impulses, for trying to portray American foreign policy as "all about Obama". While it is easy to dismiss the extreme critics, it is important for the rest of the world to realize how much the United Nations' legitimacy and prestige has suffered in the United States during the last ten years, and not only due to derisions by Bolton and Bush. TV images of the UN headquarters in New York seem distant and irrelevant to most Americans, who view the organization as an anachronistic shibboleth that embodies all fluff and no substance and whose activities are hard to take seriously in most cases, be it when it deals with Rwanda, Darfur or with Iranian sanctions. At this year's opening session, the General Assembly room, with a badly lit podium and a very unbecoming blue-greenish background, was showing its age in spite of a 2002 facelift (it was built in 1952). And while Obama was as dynamic and articulate as usual, his televised speech was followed by that of Mohammad Khadafy from Libya, which lasted one hour and a half and included bizarre statements and phrases that can only be accounted for by a serious onset of senility. Besides calling for a UN investigation of John F. Kennedy's assassination, and surreally complaining about how far most of those present had had to travel to get to New York (was jetlag his excuse to explain away his own state of mental confusion?), he repeatedly called President Obama "my son" (I cringed at imagining the right wing blogs reaction to that) and referred to the UN Security Council as the "Terror Council". His difficulty to find a place in New York where he would be allowed to pitch his tent was followed with amusement by the media and further added to his own oddity, and by extension, to the inadequacy of the UN as a serious forum. While later Prime Minister Netanyahu's excellent, Churchill-like speech brought the audience back to the 21st century and restored some respectability to the venue, the UN lost credibility again when Iranian president Ahmadinejad went on a new rant later in the day and again and proceeded once more to deny the Holocaust's existence. In addition to this rarified atmosphere, the main foreign policy topic that is of concern for the American public, and the one that would have made them pay attention, namely, the war in Afghanistan was hardly mentioned by Obama in this occasion. After eight years of war in Afghanistan, the effort seems to be unraveling on all fronts. European NATO members, whose soldiers are fighting and dying in Afghanistan, are unwilling or unable to commit more troops; the Taliban has renewed its offensives with new intensity in the south and the east of the country, and the Afghan election was plagued with corruption, proving what many already suspected, that President Hamid Karzai is an extremely unreliable partner and a corrupt leader who will not be able to hold the country together. At the same time, Al Qaeda has found refuge in neighboring Pakistan so the US initial counterterrorist mission, namely to hunt down and exterminate Al Qaeda, has mutated into one of counterinsurgency against an indigenous group, the Taliban, fighting against the government and the foreign forces to regain its power. All this in a country that has never been a nation, a narco-state whose economic base is the production and trafficking of opium, and where several empires, from the Macedonians to the British and the Soviets were once defeated. The President's plan so far has been to train the Afghan army so that it can hold off the Taliban, support government institutions, gain the trust of villagers and create structures of governance in rural areas so that Al Qaeda won't be able to move in again. This week a Pentagon memo by General Crystal was leaked by Bob Woodward of Watergate fame. Published in the Washington Post on September 21st, it presents a grim picture of the war and warns that success is uncertain. It calls for new resources and a new counterinsurgency campaign. While the number of troops requested is not specified, it warns that "under-resourcing" the effort could be fatal. Woodward, never one to sell himself short, has called his leaked memo the equivalent of the 1971 Pentagon Papers leaked by Daniel Ellsberg in the New York Times, which revealed the expansion of the Vietnam War from 1965 on, that had been kept secret from the American public. Of course the memo is not the equivalent of Ellsberg and Russo's revelations, but still, it refocused attention on the intractability of this war. The President's response has been that after the Afghan election, the White House is re-assessing its strategy and that until he is satisfied with a new strategy he will not send more troops. It is clear that the administration is having doubts about a conflict it once called a war of necessity. Public opinion is also turning against what will soon be the longest war in American history, as casualties continue to increase and there is no end in sight. As the term "military surge" is being increasingly used to denote McCrystal's new demands, comparisons with the war in Iraq are inevitable. Similarly to the Iraq war, elections have represented a turning point. But the surge in Iraq began with the so-called Sunni awakening, when the Iraqis themselves decided they had had enough of the violence and organized against those that insisted on it (mainly outsiders, Al Qaeda-in-Iraq). Also, in Iraq's leader Al-Maliki, the US found a relatively reliable and legitimate partner, one who instigated the political class to resolve their differences by political means. Finally, Iraq had an economic base that could be restored to produce substantial national wealth, and a mostly urban, well-educated population with some institutional experience. In contrast, Afghanistan is a mainly rural country, a tribal society which repudiates any attempts at centralization and profoundly distrusts the government in Kabul more, in some cases, than the foreign troops. The central government is rotten and weak, Karzai an unreliable leader who stole the election and whose brother is the head of the drug mafia. Can more US troops make up for all these weaknesses?Obama is thus in a delicate situation: he can't be "at war" with his own generals (indeed, General McCrystal was appointed by Obama only in March, after he dismissed the previous general in charge). On the other hand, if he allows more troops to be deployed, there is danger that Afghanistan may become his Vietnam. He therefore needs to choose between continuing a counterinsurgency operation, training more Afghan forces, protecting the local populations, getting into their villages and gaining their trust, or withdrawing ground troops and focusing on counter-terrorism, using drones and other off-shore means and special forces to go after the terrorist bases. Vice-President Biden is advocating a middle ground strategy: leaving enough troops on the ground to prevent Al Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan, but redefining the mission as one of narrow counter-terrorism and move away from nation-building and a protracted counter-insurgency operation that would signify more US casualties and more discontent at home. After all, the main reason why the US went to Afghanistan was to confront and eliminate Al Qaeda, which has since then moved across the border to the tribal areas of Pakistan. As several domestic arrests have demonstrated this week, Al Qaeda threats are just as likely to come from Springfield Illinois, Queens New York or Dallas Texas as from abroad or from the virtual Al Qaeda organizing through the worldwide web. Recalibrating his approach to Afghanistan is thus imperative, and it must be done for the right reasons, regardless of personal gain or saving face.Obama has had a very successful September, but his ambitious agenda both at home and abroad faces many pitfalls ahead. A youthful president, brimming with self-confidence, with a huge electoral mandate and with the best team of experts in history, can still be thwarted by unsolvable problems, domestic and foreign enemies and by serendipity itself. As a student of history and a John F Kennedy admirer, Obama knows this, and he should measure his decisions and temper his ambitions accordingly. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

As the U.S. experience in Iraq following the 2003 invasion made abundantly clear, failure to plan properly for risks associated with post-conflict stabilization and reconstruction can have a devastating impact on the overall success of a military mission. This book investigates how U.S. presidents and their senior advisers have managed vital noncombat activities while the nation is in the midst of fighting or preparing to fight major wars. It argues that research from psychology - specifically, construal level theory - can help explain how individuals reason about the costs of post-conflict noncombat operations that they perceive as lying in the distant future

Die Genfer Konferenz der VN-Konvention über konventionelle Waffen am 13. bis 16. Mai 2014 war das erste Expertentreffen auf dem ein Moratorium und ein potenzielles Verbot autonomer Waffensysteme -lethal autonomous weapons systems (LAWS) - diskutiert wurden. Die Konferenz brachte allerdings keine Klarheit über grundlegende Begriffs-Definitionen dieser Waffensysteme, etwa hinsichtlich der Unterscheidung zwischen automatischen und autonomen Systemen. Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über die verschiedenen vorherrschenden Kategorisierungen der LAWS, je nach Autonomie bzw. Automationsgrad und befasst sich darüber hinaus mit diversen - einschließlich völkerrechtlichen -Aspekten des heutigen und zukünftig möglichen Einsatzes solcher Waffensysteme. (IFSH/Pll)

Before September 11, 2001, few Americans had heard of immigration detention, but in fact a secret and repressive prison system run by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service has existed in this country for more than two decades. In American Gulag, prisoners, jailers, and whistle-blowing federal officials come forward to describe the frightening reality inside these INS facilities

This article presents an attempt to approach the dispute over Kosovo between Serbs and Albanians from a non-territorial perspective, with particular focus on the preservation of the Serbian cultural and religious heritage. First, we argue that the Kosovo issue is at present commonly understood as an either-or territorial dispute over sovereignty and recognition between Serbian and Kosovo Albanian politicians. However, we claim that a lasting resolution to the Kosovo issue actually needs to account for at least three separate aspects: 1) status of Northern Kosovo which is ethnically Serbian and still maintains various ties with the Serbian state, 2) status of Serbian cultural and religious heritage, chiefly UNESCO world heritage Serbian medieval monasteries and churches and 3) the fact that the Serbian population in central Kosovo, i.e. south of the river Ibar, where most of the mentioned monasteries and churches are located, are located in small municipalities or enclaves of Serbs surrounded by vast Albanian populations. We examine the applicability of the non– territorial approach (NTA) to the Kosovo issue by analyzing the normative framework directly regulating the Serbian cultural and religious heritage in Kosovo, its preservation and protection, particularly of Serbian Orthodox monasteries, churches and other historical and cultural sites, while comparing these regulations to the existing normative NTAs in Croatia and Montenegro. Arguably, since most Serbian monasteries and churches are not included in any sovereignty negotiations, we point to the potential to combine territorial and non–territorial approaches, regardless of the continued obstacles in implementation arising from continued contestation of Kosovo's sovereign status. ; Tekst se fokusira na neteritorijalni pristup (NTA) sporu oko Kosova između Srba i Albanaca, posmatrano preko srpskog kulturno-religijskog nasleđa na ovoj teritoriji. Polazno stanovište je da se kosovsko pitanje uobičajeno shvata kao teritorijalni spor između srpskih i kosov ...

El artículo aborda la temática de las fronteras (materiales y simbólicas) en su dimensión vinculada a las migraciones internacionales. La perspectiva teórica asumida se apoya en el concepto de representaciones sociales, interesándonos en aquellas que construye la sociedad hospitante o receptora, en este caso, se hace énfasis en miembros del sistema judicial en la provincia de Mendoza, Argentina. Con este objetivo, se presenta y analiza algunos de resultados de una investigación de índole cualitativa en cuyo marco se realizaron entrevistas a integrantes del Poder Judicial mendocino. ; This article addresses the subject of borders (material and symbolic) in its dimension linked to international migrations. The assumed theoretical perspective is based on the concept of social representations, interested in those built by the host or receiving society, in this case, focusing on members of the judicial system in the province of Mendoza, Argentina. With this objective, we present and analyze some of the results of a qualitative research in which we conducted interviews with members of the judiciary in Mendoza.

The issue of aggression is an area of deep reflection and opposition in the area of psychology and humanities in general. Depending on the theoretical approach, different and contradictory positions have been expressed on the nature and origin of aggression. Aggressive behaviour is one of the most common problems in childhood and one of the most frequent grounds for referral to advisory centres.A child is described as "aggressive" when its usual way of reacting to others is violent and devastating. The phenomenon of violence and aggression includes a set of activities and actions which result in physical or mental suffering and injury to people operating in a social environment or even damage to objects in every place. Some of the main causes of aggressive behaviour include the family, the breakdown of the system of values and norms, the unfavourable conditions in the wider social space, the effects on friends, the group and the 'important others', but even more so on the effects of SMEs through the programmes and models they put forward. This recommendation will summarise the conceptual framework of aggression. This includes the definition, the forms that aggression takes in everyday life and the factors contributing to the manifestation of the phenomenon. Finally, some series of animation of children showing scenes of violence directly or indirectly will be analysed for example. ; Το θέμα της επιθετικότητας αποτελεί πεδίο έντονου προβληματισμού και αντιθέσεων στον χώρο της ψυχολογίας και των ανθρωπιστικών επιστημών γενικότερα. Ανάλογα με τη θεωρητική προσέγγιση, έχουν διατυπωθεί διαφορετικές και αντιφατικές θέσεις για τη φύση και την προέλευση της επιθετικότητας. Η επιθετική συμπεριφορά είναι ένα από τα πιο συνηθισμένα προβλήματα στην παιδική ηλικία και ένας από τους πιο συχνούς λόγους παραπομπής σε συμβουλευτικά κέντρα.Ένα παιδί χαρακτηρίζεται ως «επιθετικό» όταν ο συνήθης τρόπος αντίδρασής του προς τους άλλους είναι βίαιος και καταστροφικός. Το φαινόμενο της βίας και της επιθετικότητας περιλαμβάνει ένα ...

Summary The purpose of this article is to discover the presence of the concept of person in the doctrine of the sovereignty of Carl Schmitt. Despite the fact that this concept had a wide metaphysical development within Christian thinking during the late age, Roman lawyers could never be dispelled from the legal imprint of their creators. For that reason, it served as a conceptual support for the subsequent roll-out of the concept of legal person, which was systematised throughout modernity. To achieve our goal, we will try to track the transformation of the concept of person throughout the middle age and modernity, as well as to review the concept of sovereignty in modern political theory. On the other hand, we will examine the notion of decision in Carl Schmitt's work, a concept which the great German lawyer used to define his own conception of sovereignty. On the basis of these clarifications, we will try to establish the relationship between the concept of a person and that of decision within the schmittian conception of sovereignty, taking as a guiding thread the theological assumptions underlying it. As we will see, such estimates will refer to the work of Danish thinker Søren Kierkegaard, whose doctrines will show us the full scope of the schmittian approach. In this way, we can conclude that the concept of a person underlying the schmittian decision has been transformed, in the first place, into a concept of political existence, a concept determined by the relationship of enemiity; and secondly, the concept of unity of personality, a concept determined by updating the spiritual dimension within the human condition. ; Resumen La finalidad del presente artículo es descubrir la presencia del concepto de persona en la doctrina de la soberanía de Carl Schmitt. A pesar de que este concepto tuvo un amplio desarrollo metafísico en el seno del pensamiento cristiano durante la antigüedad tardía, jamás pudo desembarazarse de la impronta jurídica de sus creadores los juristas romanos. Por tal razón, sirvió como ...

In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the difference between the military and citizens. Consequently, the war economy benefits from supporting the civilian population. The total war effect explains why a predatory state undertakes welfare programs. This is one of the contributions of the present paper. While welfare state is closely related to total warfare, social welfare is not. Fraternal social welfare in the United States preceded the New Deal and the rise of welfare state. Similarly, the French welfare system was born as citizen welfare and not state welfare. In fact, welfare programs were initiated in 1871 during the Paris Commune by workers under the name of la sociale, and it was established as a self-managed citizen welfare in 1945 before being displaced by government welfare programs. A second contribution of this paper is to explore the reap-propriating effect or the way self-managed citizen welfare was transformed into a welfare state through a three stage process of reforms in 1946, 1967, and 1996.