Suchergebnisse

This article presents the first attempt to examine the political consequences of internationally funded programs that target local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Although the purported mission of NGOs is often economic, humanitarian, or environmental, the authors suggest that their impact is also profoundly political. Injections of international resources into underdeveloped, often clientelistic societies can fundamentally change the nature of the local political arena, affecting access to economic resources, social benefits, and ultimately the quality of democratic representation. The authors analyze the impact external resources have on politics by examining a series of World Bank-funded projects based in the Brazilian Amazon from 1995 to 1997. They show that World Bank funding designed to channel resources to local groups had powerful effects in the political arena, increasing electoral support for the Left in the 1998 presidential race. This article has important implications for the growing role of NGOs and their influence on politics in the developing world.

Tez, Yngiltere, Yspanya ve Türkiye'de ?u an varolan ortamlaryn Ynsan Kaynaklary Yönetimi uygulamalary için uygun olup olmady?yny sorgulamakta ve bu ortamlary birbiriyle kar?yla?tyrmaktadyr.Genelde Ynsan Kaynaklary Yönetimi özelde de Kar?yla?tyrmaly Ynsan Kaynaklary Yönetimi konularynda bilgi veren bir Giri? bölümünün ardyndan, Clark ve Mallory tarafyndan geli?tirilen bir biçe kullanylarak üç ülkedeki ortam Uluslararasy Kurumsal Ba?lam (AB, ILO ve OECD), Ulusal Örgütsel Ba?lam (ekonomik dizge, e?itim dizgesi, finans, hukuk dizgesi ve siyasal dizge) ve Ulusal Ekin temelinde kar?yla?tyrylmaktadyr.Her bir temeldeki kar?yla?tyrma, Türkiye'de Ynsan Kaynaklary Yönetimi uygulamalaryny çevreleyen ortamyn di?er iki ülkedekinden çok da kötü olmady?yny göstermektedir. Ancak, her alanda düzeltmelere gereksinim oldu?u ortaya çykmaktadyr.Sonuç bölümünde ilkin, Türkiye'deki ortamyn Ynsan Kaynaklary Yönetimi'ne özellikle gereksinim duyulmasyny gerektiren özel durumu anlatylmakta, ardyndan i?yerlerinin, sendikalar ve i?veren kurulu?larynyn, meslek örgütleri ve benzer kurumlaryn ve son olarak da devletin bu ba?lamdaki 'görevleri' syralanmaktadyr. Bu resim içinde en büyük sorumlulu?un i?yerlerine dü?tü?ü görülmektedir. Ancak di?erleriyle kar?yla?tyryldy?ynda Ynsan Kaynaklary Yönetimi konusunda en ilerici ve yeni dü?ünce ve uygulamalar da yine i?yerlerinden gelmektedir.The thesis questions the suitability of the environments for Human Resources Management practices in three countries namely the UK, Spain and Turkey, and compares these environments with each other.After an introduction presenting the general notions of Human Resources Management in general, and Comparative Human Resources Management in particular, by using a comparative model devised by Clark and Mallory, the environments in the three countries are compared on the basis of International Institutional Context (the EU, ILO and OECD), National Institutional Context (economic system, educational system, finance, legal system and political system) and National Culture.Each comparison on these bases reveals that the environment surrounding Human Resources Management practices in Turkey is not much less favourable than those of the other two countries. Reforms, however, should be realised in every area.In the Conclusion section, first, the special condition of the environment in Turkey that specifically necessitates Human Resources Management is expressed, and then, the respective 'duties' of firms, trade unions and employers' associations, professional associations and similar bodies, and state are identified. Firms appear to have the primary responsibility in this depiction. But, compared to the other actors, they are also the ones who actually do try on most progressive and novel ideas and practices in the field of Human Resources Management.

La présente étude utilise la Base de données longitudinales sur l'immigration pour analyser les trajectoires de revenus des immigrants en deux étapes au Canada, dès leur permis de travail temporaire initial. L'objectif principal de la recherche est d'arriver à d'importantes conclusions sur la relation entre la catégorie de permis de travail temporaire et l'intégration au marché du travail des nouveaux arrivants et des nouvelles arrivantes. Axée sur les quatre sous-catégories principales de permis du Programme de mobilité internationale—titulaires d'un permis de travail postdiplôme, Permis de travail ouverts aux membres de la famille des travailleurs étrangers ou époux/épouses et conjoint·e·s de fait des titulaires d'un permis d'études, personnes mutées à l'intérieur d'une société ou programme vacances-travail—, la recherche explore la façon dont les résultats sur le marché du travail de ces divers titulaires de permis de travail temporaires se comparent à ceux des immigrant·e·s à une étape arrivant directement de l'étranger. Les conclusions mettent en relief les différences significatives dans les résultats sur le marché du travail au sein de la population immigrante, compte tenu de la catégorie de permis de travail précis avant la migration. Notamment, les personnes avec un permis de travail postdiplôme et les personnes mutées à l'intérieur d'une société ont des revenus initiaux plus élevés que les personnes sans permis de travail ou d'études préalables. À l'inverse, les participant·e·s au programme vacances-travail ont des revenus initiaux plus faibles et le revenu de titulaires de permis pour conjoint·e·s varie selon le genre. De plus, l'étude note diverses tendances en matière de croissance des revenus annuels dans le temps, associées à différents types de permis. On discute des conséquences de ces résultats en ce qui concerne les politiques. Note des rédacteurs : Le premier volume de Canadian Public Policy/Analyse de politiques a été publié en 1975. Ce volume-ci est le cinquantième. Pour commémorer cet événement, nous avons organisé une série de conférences qui sont publiées dans ce numéro spécial. La professeure Banerjee a donné cette conférence dans un webinaire organisé par la chaire d'excellence en recherche du Canada en migration et intégration en juin 2023.

We investigate the impact of global and local crises on bank stability and examine the effect of owning bank subsidiaries in other countries. We consider banks from MENA countries which experienced both types of crises during our sample period. Our findings highlight a negative impact of the global financial crisis of 2007-2008 on bank stability but, on the whole, no negative impact of the 'Arab Spring'. A deeper investigation shows that owning subsidiaries outside the home country is a source of increased fragility during normal times, yet a source of higher stability during the 'Arab Spring' but not during the global financial crisis. Moreover, owning foreign subsidiaries in one or two world regions is insufficient to neutralize the 'Arab Spring' crisis, while being present in three or more regions is more stabilizing during the 'Arab Spring' but also more destabilizing during the global financial crisis. Our findings contribute to the literature examining bank stability and have several policy implications. (T. Al Raheb). c Email: amine.tarazi@unilim.fr (A. Tarazi) 2 Local Versus International Crises, Foreign Subsidiaries and Bank Stability: Evidence from the MENA Region. Abstract We investigate the impact of global and local crises on bank stability and examine the effect of owning bank subsidiaries in other countries. We consider banks from MENA countries which experienced both types of crises during our sample period. Our findings highlight a negative impact of the global financial crisis of 2007-2008 on bank stability but, on the whole, no negative impact of the 'Arab Spring'. A deeper investigation shows that owning subsidiaries outside the home country is a source of increased fragility during normal times, yet a source of higher stability during the 'Arab Spring' but not during the global financial crisis. Moreover, owning foreign subsidiaries in one or two world regions is insufficient to neutralize the 'Arab Spring' crisis, while being present in three or more regions is more stabilizing during the 'Arab Spring' but also more destabilizing during the global financial crisis. Our findings contribute to the literature examining bank stability and have several policy implications.

We investigate the impact of global and local crises on bank stability and examine the effect of owning bank subsidiaries in other countries. We consider banks from MENA countries which experienced both types of crises during our sample period. Our findings highlight a negative impact of the global financial crisis of 2007-2008 on bank stability but, on the whole, no negative impact of the 'Arab Spring'. A deeper investigation shows that owning subsidiaries outside the home country is a source of increased fragility during normal times, yet a source of higher stability during the 'Arab Spring' but not during the global financial crisis. Moreover, owning foreign subsidiaries in one or two world regions is insufficient to neutralize the 'Arab Spring' crisis, while being present in three or more regions is more stabilizing during the 'Arab Spring' but also more destabilizing during the global financial crisis. Our findings contribute to the literature examining bank stability and have several policy implications. (T. Al Raheb). c Email: amine.tarazi@unilim.fr (A. Tarazi) 2 Local Versus International Crises, Foreign Subsidiaries and Bank Stability: Evidence from the MENA Region. Abstract We investigate the impact of global and local crises on bank stability and examine the effect of owning bank subsidiaries in other countries. We consider banks from MENA countries which experienced both types of crises during our sample period. Our findings highlight a negative impact of the global financial crisis of 2007-2008 on bank stability but, on the whole, no negative impact of the 'Arab Spring'. A deeper investigation shows that owning subsidiaries outside the home country is a source of increased fragility during normal times, yet a source of higher stability during the 'Arab Spring' but not during the global financial crisis. Moreover, owning foreign subsidiaries in one or two world regions is insufficient to neutralize the 'Arab Spring' crisis, while being present in three or more regions is more stabilizing during the ...

The transformation of the Eurocentric epistemological base of International Relations, without inadvertently generating a 'derivative discourse' of Western International Relations, requires an intellectual flight over rigid boundaries of Western scientism, thereby reorienting the discipline of International Relations itself towards a post-Western epoch. As such, post-Western International Relations theory can be largely viewed as an offspring of scholastic explorations aimed at breaking epistemological imperialism in International Relations. Not surprisingly, the non-Western 'rising powers' in global politics are taking particular interest in designing a post-Western International Relations theory. While the notion of 'Tianxia' has emerged as a Chinese conceptual response to the budding intellectual curiosity surrounding post-Western International Relations, the Indian scholarly scepticism towards formulating 'systemic' theories projects a hazy image of the status of post-Western International Relations theory in India. This article aims at reconsidering the absence of post-Western International Relations theory in India by evaluating the fundamental Indian scriptures as a potential epistemological guide to theorise International Relations. In order to do that, the article awakens the concept of 'Advaita' as an untapped epistemological resource. The article is divided into four sections. The first section traces the academic space for post-Western International Relations theorisation in India. The second section evokes the notion of 'Advaita' as an epistemological-methodological tool to craft post-Western International Relations theory. The third section compares 'monism' as the common underlying epistemological foundation of 'Tianxia' and 'Advaita'. Finally, the fourth section sets out to establish the credentials of 'Advaitic monism' as an intellectual strategy to formulate post-Western International Relations theory.

This article analyzes the civil society dimension and pays particular attention to the role of civil society's organizations within the EU's Eastern Partnership's governance and networking processes. The study is based on the EU's documents' analysis and the data of qualitative interviews conducted between 2011-2014 from the respondents of the EU's institutions (European Commission, EEAS, EP), member states' representations in Brussels, and the members of the Eastern Partnership civil society forum created in 2009. The study shows that the representatives of civil society organizations are seeking to be involved and are existent in most of the stages and interactional modes of the EU's relations with the Eastern Partnership countries, and this process predicts the conditions for the emergence of international governance in the Eastern neighborhood space. On the other hand, the representatives of CSOs are complaining about not being involved enough in the negotiations deciding over the Association or other kind of agreements between the EU and their (EaP) country ; Politologijos katedra ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

Abstract: The current international patent system emerged within certain economic, political and social conditions in specific territories and periods. It has its historical roots in the Statute of Venice (1474), the Statute of Mono- polies (1624), the United States Patent Law (1790), the French Patent Law (1791) and the Paris Convention (1883). Over time, these laws shaped a new model, which currently prevails. To strengthen the analysis of this article, the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (1994), as well as free trade twentieth century agreements are integrated into the discussion. It is worth noting that each amendment stressed the economic relevance of the patent and its use to benefit certain economic elites through the creation of monopolies. Consequently, the debate on the purposes and nature of the inter- national patent system has also been constant from its emergence to the present. This article provides basic elements for reflection about the origin, purposes and scope of national patent models implemented in Latin America within the global trend of scientific-technological innovation for development.

Unmanned systems are one of the fastest-growing and widely developing technologies in the world, offering many possibilities for a variety of research fields. This book comprises the proceedings of the 2021 International Symposium on Unmanned Systems and the Defense Industry (ISUDEF), a multi-disciplinary conference on a broad range of current research and issues in areas such as autonomous technology, unmanned aircraft technologies, avionics, radar systems, air defense, aerospace robotics and mechatronics, and aircraft technology design. ISUDEF allows researchers, scientists, engineers, practitioners, policymakers, and students to exchange information, present new technologies and developments, and discuss future direction, strategies, and priorities in the field of autonomous vehicles and unmanned aircraft technologies. Covers a range of emerging topics; Addresses current issues on autonomous vehicles and unmanned aircraft; Full proceedings of ISUDEF 2021 held at Howard University.

Authoritarianism operates on a visceral level rather than relying on arguments. How can we counter authoritarian affects? This publication brings together more than 50 first-hand accounts of anti-authoritarian movements, activists, artists, and scholars from around the world, focusing on the sensuous and emotional dimension of their strategies. From the collective art and aesthetics of feminist movements in India, Iran, Mexico, and Poland, to sewing collectives, subversive internet art in Hong Kong, and even anti-authoritarian board games, the contributions open new perspectives on moments of resistance, subversion, and creation. Indeed, the handbook itself is a work of anti-authoritarian art.The editors behind the »International Research Group on Authoritarianism and Counter-Strategies« and »kollektiv orangotango« are: Aurel Eschmann, Börries Nehe, Nico Baumgarten, Paul Schweizer, Severin Halder, Ailynn Torres Santana, Inés Duràn Matute, and Julieta Mira

Participation of the church organizations in political process is considered. The Church as an institution takes an active part in international relations. Activity of the religious organizations on the international scene has ambiguous character. They, in a historical retrospective, used policy of interference in internal and in foreign affairs of the states. It is shown that religious institutes are capable to exert impact on policy of the state. Religious organizations have shown and have a contradictory impact on interstate relations. The church organizations tried to be active participants in political life. With the strengthening of secular power, religious organizations have not ceased to use political technologies of pressure on the policies of the ruling class. They changed them and adapted them to new political realities. As a rule, the church as an institution enjoys authority among the population in most countries. The world view of many social groups is still formed under the influence of religious doctrines and concepts. The church, as well as the state, can mobilize the supporters. Many of them are ready to advocate the interests of church in political process. The fate of many political regimes, directly depended on interaction with the leadership of the church. In turn modern political actors try to strengthen own political power by means of religious institute. The ruling class is interested in participation of church in policy. Their cooperation is mutually advantageous. Activization of the church organizations in political process depends on activity of the state. In Russia, the Russian Orthodox Church enjoys popularity. She actively advances interests of the Russian political elite which in turn give to ROC various support. Along with this, the church strives to counteract the spread of Western ideals in the country. Priests actively preach traditional Christian values in the socio-political process. Their influence increases every year. ; Рассмотрено участие церковных организаций в политическом процессе. Церковь как институт принимает активное участие в международных отношениях. Деятельность религиозных организаций на международной арене носит неоднозначный характер. Показано, что религиозные институты способны оказывать влияние на политику государства. Они, в исторической ретроспективе, использовали политику вмешательства во внутренние и во внешние дела государств. Религиозные организации проявляли и проявляют противоречивое воздействие на межгосударственные отношения. Церковные организации пытались быть деятельными участниками в политической жизни. При усилении светской власти, религиозные организации не перестали использовать политические технологии давления на политику правящего класса. Они их изменяли и адаптировали к новым политическим реалиям. Церковь как институт, как правило, пользуется авторитетом среди населения в большинстве стран. Мировоззрение многих социальных групп по-прежнему формируется под влиянием религиозных доктрин и концепций. Церковь, как и государство, может мобилизовать своих сторонников. Многие из них готовы отстаивать интересы церкви в политическом процессе. Участь многих политических режимов, непосредственным образом зависела от взаимодействия с руководством церкви. В свою очередь современные политические акторы пытаются усилить с помощью религиозного института собственную политическую власть. Правящий класс заинтересован в участии церкви в политике. Их сотрудничество является взаимовыгодным. Активизация церковных организаций в политическом процессе зависит от деятельности государства. В России популярностью пользуется Русская православная церковь. Она активно продвигает интересы российской политической элиты, которые в свою очередь оказывают РПЦ различную поддержку. Наряду с этим церковь стремиться противодействовать распространению в стране западных идеалов. Священнослужители активно проповедуют традиционные христианские ценности в общественно-политическом процессе. Их влияние с каждым годом увеличивается.