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International trade in services gained worldwide recognition with the 1994 GATT Agreements in Marrakech. Its predominant role in international exchanges as well as its contribution to the development of a global economy is now widely acknowledged. An essential component of trade in services is cross-border movements of service providers. However, contemporary literature has focused on skilled migration in general without paying much attention to this major constituent and has resulted in confusion. On the one hand, there are international movements of skilled transients who emigrate for individual reasons in a long term perspective. On the other hand, there are skilled temporary migrants who perform services abroad without the intention or right to settle or seek employment in the host country. This study aims to clarify these differences using the example provided by the Asian Pacific region. Moreover, this study shows that the dynamics of skilled international migration is largely determined by the circulatory movement of skills of international service providers and has emerged as an essential component of economic development strategy of the countries in the region.

The goal of this paper is examine the recent literature on the intersection between philosophical pragmatism and International Relations (IR), including IR theory and IR research methodology. One of the obstacles to motivating pragmatist IR theories and research methodologies, I contend, is the difficulty of defining pragmatism, particularly whether there is a need for a more generic definition of pragmatism or one narrowly tailored to the goals of IR theorists and researchers. Even though philosophical pragmatism does not fit nicely into any of the traditional theoretic frameworks in International Relations, I sketch of a philosophically-inspired pragmatist IR theory based on the writings of John Dewey and Richard Rorty. On the topic of IR research methodology, I show how the cross-pollination of philosophical pragmatism and IR research methods has benefited immensely from the contributions of several leading IR pragmatists, and there are hopeful signs that the relationship can be further enriched. ; Este artículo examina la literatura reciente sobre la intersección entre pragmatismo filosófico y relaciones internacionales (RI), incluyendo la teoría y la metodología de investigación de las RI. Se sostiene que uno de los obstáculos que motivan las teorías y metodologías pragmatistas de las RI es la dificultad de definir el pragmatismo, en particular si existe la necesidad de una definición más genérica de pragmatismo, o una más específica que se vincule con las metas de teóricos e investigadores de las relaciones internacionales. Aunque el pragmatismo filosófico no se ajusta fácilmente a ninguno de los marcos teóricos tradicionales en RI, aquí esbozo una teoría pragmatista de las RI que se inspira en los trabajos de John Dewey y Richard Rorty. Sobre la metodología de las RI, señalo de qué manera la combinación del pragmatismo filosófico y los métodos de investigación en RI se han beneficiado enormemente de las contribuciones de algunos pragmatistas líderes de las RI y que hay signos de esperanza en que dicha relación puede enriquecerse posteriormente.

The paper examines David Armitage's claim that Locke makes an important contribution to international theory by exploring the place of international relations within the Two Treatises of Government. Armitage's suggestion is that the place of international theory in Locke's canonical works is under-explored. In particular, the paper examines the implication of Locke's account of the executive power of the law of nature which allows third parties to punish breaches of the law of nature wherever they occur. The corollary is a general right of intervention under the law of nature. Such a right could create a chaotic individualistic cosmopolitanism and has led scholars such as John Rawls to claim that Locke has no international theory. In response to this problem the paper explores the way in which Locke's discussion of conquest, revolution and the right of peoples to determine the conditions of good government in chapters xvi to xix of the second Treatise contributes to a view of international relations that embodies a law of peoples. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Prior work has established the negative effects of many regulations on business and policy.These negative effects have been a key driver for many of the so-called better regulation programmes. Despite all efforts, however, deregulation programmes have had inconclusive results and their success remains the subject of ongoing debate. We suggest that the public policy efforts have largely overlooked a business perspective of regulation and its institutional determinants. We argue that the institutional determinants of regulation include the regulation stock, the quality of regulation and the predictability of regulation application. This study is among the first to examine the impact of these institutional determinants on regulatory compliance costs for firms using a unique dataset from companies in OECD countries. Our results convincingly support our approach to the study of regulation.

Abstract
This article argues that, even in the absence of international recognition, international law can make a real and meaningful impact in de facto states. Such impact can come about through engagement without recognition, which should be understood, not as a shadowy practice that takes place in the fringes of international law, but as a strategy that is fully compatible with international legal standards. The article makes this argument by relying on a detailed analysis of relevant case law of the European Court of Human Rights. It further proposes that reconceptualizing engagement without recognition can have important practical consequences in the fight against human trafficking, which has received regrettably limited attention by policymakers in de facto states.

International audience ; This reply to Sigrid Boysen proceeds in four steps: (1) it maps international law practice in order to identify whether it protects a principle of democracy (PoD) or even a human right to democracy (HR2D); (2) it surveys the philosophical discussions pertaining to that right to see how they relate to it; (3) it explains why and how exactly our legal discussions would benefit from drawing on philosophical justifications; and (4) it argues that the equivocal state of international legal practice pertaining to the HR2D may actually be justified morally, and that we would be better off endorsing the existing international customary principle of democracy without looking for a corresponding legal human right that cannot be morally justified.

International audience ; This reply to Sigrid Boysen proceeds in four steps: (1) it maps international law practice in order to identify whether it protects a principle of democracy (PoD) or even a human right to democracy (HR2D); (2) it surveys the philosophical discussions pertaining to that right to see how they relate to it; (3) it explains why and how exactly our legal discussions would benefit from drawing on philosophical justifications; and (4) it argues that the equivocal state of international legal practice pertaining to the HR2D may actually be justified morally, and that we would be better off endorsing the existing international customary principle of democracy without looking for a corresponding legal human right that cannot be morally justified.

This article is devoted to new institutional actors in EU external relations. The number of EU regulatory agencies has increased over the years. By fulfilling important administrative tasks in the European Union, these agencies actively participate in international relations with third–country agencies or international organizations in such fields as aviation, food safety or border control. However, their actions have not only to be analysed against the backdrop of the internal implications for the Union's institutional balance and the principles of democracy and transparency but also for their consequences on EU external relations law. This contribution aims to categorize these actions of EU regulatory agencies and highlight that their international relations move in a legal minefield between European and international law.

The elusive ideal of a world constitution is unlikely to be realized any time soon - yet important steps in that direction are happening in world politics. Milewicz argues that international constitutionalization has gathered steam as an unintended by-product of international treaty making in the post-war period. This process is driven by the logic of democratic power, whereby states that are both democratic and powerful - democratic powers - are the strongest promoters of rule-based cooperation. Not realizing the inadvertent and long-term effects of the specialized rules they design, states fall into a constitutionalization trap that is hard to escape as it conforms with their interests and values. Milewicz's analysis will appeal to students and scholars of International Relations and International Law, interested in international cooperation, as well as institutional and constitutional theory and practice.

Mit der ökonomischen Globalisierung geht auch eine Internationalisierung des Konfliktfelds der Arbeitsregulierung einher. Sie findet ihren Ausdruck in der Debatte um internationale Arbeits- und Sozialstandards, die sowohl Menschenrechtsverletzungen als auch den Deregulierungsdruck einer Abwärtsspirale, eines 'race to the bottom', Einhalt bieten sollen. In den Mittelpunkt der kontroversen Diskussion ist die Forderung nach Sozialklauseln gerückt - Klauseln in Handelsverträgen, die Handelsvorteile an die Einhaltung von Arbeitnehmerrechten binden. Befürworter sehen vor allem in ihrem Sanktionspotenzial ein wirksames Mittel der Durchsetzung internationaler Arbeits- und Sozialstandards. In unserem Artikel setzen wir uns kritisch mit den verbreiteten Wirkungsannahmen zu Sozialklauseln auseinander. Wir beziehen uns dabei auf die Ergebnisse eines empirischen Forschungsprojekts zum North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, einem der beiden NAFTA-Nebenabkommen. Es ist dies das erste multilaterale, zwischen Mexiko, den USA und Kanada - also höchst heterogenen Staaten - vereinbarte Abkommen dieser Art. Unsere Ergebnisse stärken letztlich Zweifel an den verbreiteten Begründungen für Sozialklauseln. Wir zeigen auf, dass diese überwiegend ökonomistisch verkürzt sind, die soziale und politische Logik nationaler Arbeitsbeziehungen und auch die Machtassymetrien auf internationaler Ebene vernachlässigen. Problematisch ist auch das einfache Ursache-Wirkungs-Modell internationaler Arbeitsregulierung, das der sozialen Dynamik in einem widersprüchlichen Mehrebenenprozess von transnational governance zwar zugrunde gelegt, letztlich aber nicht gerecht wird. Was somit als effektives Verfahren angesehen wird, könnte sich in der Praxis als Hemmschuh internationaler Arbeitsregulierung erweisen. Es bleibt die Aufgabe politologischer und auch soziologischer Forschung, Erfahrungen existierender Ansätze internationaler Arbeitsregulierung auszuwerten und differenziertere Modelle und Konzepte zu entwickeln. ; Along with economic globalisation there is a visible trend towards a internationalisation of labor regulation as indicated by the debate about international social and labor standards designed and implemented to prevent human rights abuses as well as a 'race to the bottom' of deregulation. One of the central issues in this debate is that of social clauses - clauses in trade agreements that link trade preferences to compliance with international labor standards. Advocates of the concept stress especially the importance of sanctions as an effective means of enforcement of labor standards. In our article, we discuss critically the assumptions regarding the effectiveness of social clauses. Our argument is supported by the results of an empirical research project on the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, one of the two NAFTA-side agreements. It is the first multilateral agreement of that kind negotiated between the U.S.A., Canada and Mexico - i.e. between very heterogeneous states. Our findings further a sceptical view on the effectiveness of social clauses: The concept suffers from an economistic bias and ignores the social and political logic of domestic labor relations as well as power asymmetries in international relations. Most important, it assumes a simple cause-effect model of international labor regulation that does not takes into account the social dynamic of the contradictory and multilevel process of transnational governance. What is seen as a suitable instrument could, finally, turn out to be a bar for effective international labor regulation. Indeed, it remains a challenge for the political and sociological debate to evaluate the experience from existing forms of international labor regulation and to develop more differentiated models and concepts.