Suchergebnisse

This thesis proposes a theoretical framework able to account for the transition from an international system to a domestic one. It relies on empirical studies from the history of European integration. Its model is based on two principal factors: the offense-defense balance and the degree of interdependence among actor When offense has the advantage, incentives drive the actors to solve their interdependence problems by usin violence because it is quite effective. It is only when defense has the advantage that interdependence can lead to integration. However, that latter condition is not sufficient. When interdependence is weak, actors see to limit it, to preserve their independence. It is only when defense has the advantage and interdependence is overwhelming and unavoidable, that integration becomes a viable solution. This model was applied to explain the transition from a traditional independence-preserving strategy to a delegation-of-powers policy in favor of supranational institutions, by examining three categories of actors: governments, members of parliaments an judges. The origins of the European Coal and Steel Community (1951) and the failure of the European Defense Corn munit y (1954) were used to investigate governmental integration. The first reinforcements of the European Parliament conceming budgetary (1970) and legislative matters (1986) served to study parliamentary integration. lastly, the analysis of judicial integration was explored through the evolution of German and French national courts towards the aeee tance of the su remac of Communit law. ; Cette thèse propose un modèle théorique capable de rendre compte du passage d'un système international à un système interne. Elle s'appuie sur des études empiriques empruntées à l'histoire de l'intégration européenne. Son modèle est fondé sur deux facteurs principaux : la balance entre offensive et défensive et le degré d'interdépendance entre acteurs. Lorsque l'offensive a l'avantage, les acteurs sont incités à résoudre leurs problèmes d'interdépendance via l'usage de la violence, qui s'avère efficace. Ce n'es que lorsque la défense a l'avantage que l'interdépendance peut conduire à l'intégration. Cependant, cette condition n'est pas suffisante. Lorsque l'interdépendance est faible, les acteurs cherchent à la limiter en vue de préserver leur indépendance. Ce n'est que lorsque la défense a l'avantage et que l'interdépendance est prépondérante et incontournable que l'intégration peut être une solution viable. Ce modèle est utilisé pour expliquer le passage d'une stratégie traditionnelle d'indépendance à une politique de délégation à des institutions supranationales, à travers trois catégories d'acteurs: les gouvernements, les parlementaires et le juges. L'intégration gouvernementale est étudiée à travers les origines de la Communauté européenne du charbon et de l'acier (1951) et l'échec de la Communauté européenne de défense (1954). L'intégration parlementaire est étudiée à travers les premiers renforcements du Parlement européen en matière budgétaire (1970) et législative (1986). Enfin, l'intégration juridique est étudiée à travers l'évolution des juridictions allemandes et françaises quant à la reconnaissance de la primauté du droit communautaire.

International election observation in Africa is in crisis. This crisis manifests in various ways, including lowering of standards from democracy promotion to 'peaceocracy'; strategic interest bias; progress bias; low-tech methodologies; dominance over citizen observer groups; and contradiction of verdicts of election observation missions with court judgments. The crisis characterizes the wound of international election observation. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic found a pre-existing unhealthy condition of international election observation, thereby pouring salt into the wound. It accentuated the existential crisis of international election observation. Observation has to be recalibrated during and after the pandemic. Existing challenges facing international election observation have to be redressed. International election observation has to adapt to the new condition marked by COVID-19. This adaptation should include development and implementation of guidelines on election observation during COVID-19. In the long run, sustainability of election observation rests in the institutional strengthening of citizen-based observer groups.

It is now rather well established that most International Relations (IR) theories are
predicated on Western knowledges. This potentially limits their analytical capacity
to explain international relations beyond Western ideological values or interests.
However, in recent years there has been a substantial increase in scholarship not
only critiquing the Western centric nature of International Relations theory but
also exploring the contributions that knowledges from the global South make to
the field of IR theory. Thus, the status quo is shifting, albeit slowly. Nevertheless,
the impact as well as the implication of this shift toward knowledge plurality for
the IR theory curricula has not been paid adequate attention. Consequently, this
article investigates whether the demand for knowledge plurality in the realm of
IR theory research has made inroads into the arena of pedagogy resulting in
the generation of knowledge plural IR theory curricula. Moreover, it examines
the different choices and interpretations made by educators in endeavouring to
create knowledge plural IR theory curricula in various global contexts. Further, it
endeavours to discern the factors that have informed and/or shaped respondents'
curricula and pedagogical choices pertaining to the selection, structuring and
transmission of IR knowledge at tertiary education institutions in different
geographical contexts. Ultimately, it reflects on the implications of the increase
in knowledge plural curricula for the development of greater knowledge plurality
within the discipline.

The purpose of this article is to examine the research advanced in the journal, International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics that represents key insights into international agreements on water and their political, legal, economic and cross-disciplinary dimensions for water governance. The article analyses evidence and lessons learnt over the last twenty years to inform policy through a review of theoretical advances, innovations in principles and policy instruments, outcomes of problem-solving and knowledge gained regarding water agreements and associated institutions. Important international agreement principles of no significant harm and economic frames of water as a 'commons' advance equity and community of interest in relation to water. The studies on water, sanitation and hygiene point to the ways the role of the state can be advanced in achieving Sustainable Development Goals and in complex contexts of water scarcity and public private partnerships. Cross-disciplinary learnings substantiate the existence and utility of multiple water frames in legal arrangements and use of multiple policy instruments. Cross-disciplinary insights are significant in addressing equity, whether through the nascent development of water indicators or in advancing social learning. Water governance frameworks increasingly focus on adaptation by incorporating multiple stakeholders. These findings that advance equity and inclusivity are tempered by crucial lessons in our understanding of the very contested, power-laden nature of water governance that impact agency at multiple scales and policy coordination across sectors of water, food and energy.

Other written product issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "This German-language edition of the journal of the International Organization of Supreme Audit Institutions (INTOSAI) includes articles regarding: (1) the XVI International Congress of Supreme Audit Institutions in Montevideo from November 7-14, 1998; (2) supreme audit institutions and the prevention and detection of fraud and corruption; (3) improving public governance through the work of supreme audit institutions and INTOSAI's standing committees and working groups; (4) a meeting of seven regional working groups and their report to Congress; (5) the INTOSAI Development Initiative and the transition of the Secretariat to Norway; and (6) activities within INTOSAI."