The city of Buenos Aires was founded, for the second time 1580 essentially as an outpost of the Spanish Empire to be protected from Indian attacks and possible foreign incursion, basically Portuguese in origin. Thus, from the beginnings of the city's founding, African slaves were used for the defense of the city. They acted in the urban militias, and were outstanding in the defense and re-conquest of the city when the English attacked in 1806- 1807. Innumerable prizes and eulogies were followed by integration of segregated divisions with a white officer corps. After 1813, a series of decrees ordered owners to exchange slaves for use in the Wars of Independence. Thus, property owners were obliged to sell to the State a number of their slaves according to the work performed by the slaves. The slaves would enter the armies as free persons and would serve five years as 'front line" soldiers in order to obtain their freedom. This article studies the participation of the Afro-Argentines in the distinct 'fronts" of the armies of liberation. The paper also reflects on the opinions of the generals who commanded Afro-Argentine troops. ; La ciudad de Buenos Aires fue fundada, por segunda vez, en 1580 esencialmente como un puesto de avanzada para que los españoles se protegieran de los indígenas y de una posible incursión extranjera de origen portugués. Por lo tanto desde la fundación de la ciudad los esclavos africanos fueron empleados para su defensa. Los esclavos actuaban en milicias urbanas y sus acciones fueron decisivas para la defensa y reconquista de Buenos Aires cuando los ingleses la atacaron en 1806-1807. Innumerables premios y elogios fueron seguidos por la integración de las divisiones separadas, con un cuerpo de oficiales blancos. Después de 1813, una serie de decretos ordenaba a los dueños entregar a sus esclavos para las guerras de Independencia . De esta manera los esclavos entraron al ejército como personas libres y debían servir por cinco años en el frente para obtener su libertad definitiva. Este artículo estudia la participación de afro-argentinos en distintos frentes de los ejércitos de liberación. El ensayo también refleja las opiniones de los generales que comandaban las tropas afro-argentinas.
The city of Buenos Aires was founded, for the second time 1580 essentially as an outpost of the Spanish Empire to be protected from Indian attacks and possible foreign incursion, basically Portuguese in origin. Thus, from the beginnings of the city's founding, African slaves were used for the defense of the city. They acted in the urban militias, and were outstanding in the defense and re-conquest of the city when the English attacked in 1806- 1807. Innumerable prizes and eulogies were followed by integration of segregated divisions with a white officer corps. After 1813, a series of decrees ordered owners to exchange slaves for use in the Wars of Independence. Thus, property owners were obliged to sell to the State a number of their slaves according to the work performed by the slaves. The slaves would enter the armies as free persons and would serve five years as 'front line" soldiers in order to obtain their freedom. This article studies the participation of the Afro-Argentines in the distinct 'fronts" of the armies of liberation. The paper also reflects on the opinions of the generals who commanded Afro-Argentine troops. ; La ciudad de Buenos Aires fue fundada, por segunda vez, en 1580 esencialmente como un puesto de avanzada para que los españoles se protegieran de los indígenas y de una posible incursión extranjera de origen portugués. Por lo tanto desde la fundación de la ciudad los esclavos africanos fueron empleados para su defensa. Los esclavos actuaban en milicias urbanas y sus acciones fueron decisivas para la defensa y reconquista de Buenos Aires cuando los ingleses la atacaron en 1806-1807. Innumerables premios y elogios fueron seguidos por la integración de las divisiones separadas, con un cuerpo de oficiales blancos. Después de 1813, una serie de decretos ordenaba a los dueños entregar a sus esclavos para las guerras de Independencia . De esta manera los esclavos entraron al ejército como personas libres y debían servir por cinco años en el frente para obtener su libertad definitiva. Este artículo estudia la participación de afro-argentinos en distintos frentes de los ejércitos de liberación. El ensayo también refleja las opiniones de los generales que comandaban las tropas afro-argentinas.
The Bamboutos Division in Western Cameroon has been the subject of many studies that tackle it as a particular entity. These studies, while dealing particularly with its various groups or political entities, have also tried to accredit the idea of a whole community with special characteristics. However, the mentioned groups constitute a mixed entirety, as the analysis of their historical background can testify: factors of differentiation defined by the elites have come to be added to the initial cut between the twist of pre-colonial political structures and the colonial context. As a matter of fact, after decolonization, the primacy of indigenous factors of differentiation (among those generated by colonization) became more apparent and marked so that it is now at the middle of political, economic and social stakes which are being put in place within the Division, with important dynamics as a backdrop. That is the phenomenon we examine in this work, through the 19th and the 20th centuries.This dissertation thus offers a sociopolitical analysis of a social change case by its scale and speed in Bamboutos Division between the 19th and 20th centuries. Hence, it proposes firstly, some guidelines for the reader to understand the tension between office and movement, which livens up the human societies through the intervention of our research area in the pre-colonial universe. Secondly, it identifies the recurring trends of the story of Africans to the contact of colonization. Thirdly, it gives into details, the main contemporary features of the colonial phenomenon as reinvented and regained control by the administrations just after the independences, to political ends especially that of frame.At each stage, we have shown the increasing impact of modern Society with its ideology of progress and rationality, on all people's life, what makes Chiefs, elites as well as fringes to become more and more influential over their environment especially in land and political turnout matters. However, we have noticed that, the ...
David Drake, also known as Dave the Potter, was born enslaved in Edgefield, South Carolina, at the turn of the nineteenth century. Despite laws prohibiting enslaved people from learning to read or write, Drake was literate and signed some of his pots. This volume collects multifaceted scholarship about Drake and his craft
Hollow City surveys San Francisco's transformation - skyrocketing residential and commercial rents that are driving out artists, activists, nonprofit organizations and the poor; the homogenization of the city's architecture, industries and population; the decay of its public life; and the erasure of its sites of civic memory. California's Bay Area is home to nearly a third of the venture capital and internet businesses in the United States, generating a boom economy and a massive influx of well-paid workers that has transformed the face of San Francisco. Once the great anomaly among American cities, San Francisco is today only the most dramatically affected among the many urban centers experiencing cultural impoverishment as a result of new forms and distributions of wealth. A collaboration between writer-hiostorian Rebecca Solnit and photographer Susan Schwartzenberg, Hollow City surveys San Francisco's transformation - skyrocketing residential and commercial rents that are driving out artists, activists, nonprofit organizations and the poor; the homogenization of the city's architecture, industries and population; the decay of its public life; and the erasure of its sites of civic memory. Written as a tour of the city's distinctive characters and locales, Solnit's text grounds the current evictions in earlier histories of urban renewal and the economic geography of artists, from Haussmann's impact on the Paris of Baudelaire, to the relationship between the Beats and San Francisco's African-American community during 'negro removal' of the 1950s. She investigates the ways wealth is now clear-cutting the cultural richness of American urban life, erasing space for idealism, dissent, memory and vulnerable populations. Schwartzenberg's photo-essays document the profusion of construction and demolition projects in the city, the imperial spaces of dot-com businesses, the proliferation of retail chains, and the rapid disappearance of areas in which artists can live and create. They feature works by more than a dozen San Francisco artists
If you were an independent, adventurous, liberated American woman in the 1920s or 1930s where might you have sought escape from the constraints and compromises of bourgeois living? Paris and the Left Bank quickly come to mind. But would you have ever thought of Russia and the wilds of Siberia? This choice was not as unusual as it seems now. As Julia L. Mickenberg uncovers in American Girls in Red Russia, there is a forgotten counterpoint to the story of the Lost Generation: beginning in the late nineteenth century, Russian revolutionary ideology attracted many women, including suffragists, reformers, educators, journalists, and artists, as well as curious travelers. Some were famous, like Isadora Duncan or Lillian Hellman; some were committed radicals, though more were just intrigued by the "Soviet experiment." But all came to Russia in search of social arrangements that would be more equitable, just, and satisfying. And most in the end were disillusioned, some by the mundane realities, others by horrifying truths. Mickenberg reveals the complex motives that drew American women to Russia as they sought models for a revolutionary new era in which women would be not merely independent of men, but also equal builders of a new society. Soviet women, after all, earned the right to vote in 1917, and they also had abortion rights, property rights, the right to divorce, maternity benefits, and state-supported childcare. Even women from Soviet national minorities—many recently unveiled—became public figures, as African American and Jewish women noted. Yet as Mickenberg's collective biography shows, Russia turned out to be as much a grim commune as a utopia of freedom, replete with economic, social, and sexual inequities. American Girls in Red Russia recounts the experiences of women who saved starving children from the Russian famine, worked on rural communes in Siberia, wrote for Moscow or New York newspapers, or performed on Soviet stages. Mickenberg finally tells these forgotten stories, full of hope and grave disappointments.
" ... a compelling interrogation of the ways in which we have thought about modernity, capitalism, and democracy, and how those ideas inform neoliberal economics, diplomacy, and impact human life. To explicate contemporary theories of development, Quan introduces the concept of "savage developmentalism," with its attendant distortions of the ideals of equality and freedom and assumptions that foment antidemocratic social and political forms. By outlining the pitfalls of security-obsessed developmental approaches, Growth against Democracy troubles the simple notion that modernity is inherently superior and development will benefit everyone. It shows how capitalists' needs for market, finance, and profitability often lead to development programs that engender expansionism, dispossession, and repression. Drawing on political theory, international political economy, critical ethnic studies, legal studies, and feminist analytics, this groundbreaking study exemplifies how multi-disciplinary scholarship best addresses the increasingly complex and multi-layered issues facing humanity today. It analyzes the linkages between development and national security, and provides sustained attention to the making of foreign policy, the development of capitalism and corporate globalization. The book highlights three critical examples of where savage developmentalism has eventuated worse living conditions, severe social repression, and displacement: Brazilian-Japanese economic relations in Brazil under military rule (1964-1985); China's aggressive courting of African good will and resources; and, the United States' reconstruction of Iraq. These three major historical cases represent some of the most momentous global development in the last sixty years, and never before have such powerful cases been analyzed in the same monograph. Growth against Democracy helps re-evaluate the promises of progress, security, and freedom, and broadens our ideas about and priorities for humane public policy at the national and global levels."--Provided by publisher
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Carnival krewes often venture into politics as a subject of their parading. But in Shreveport, politics has ventured into carnival krewes' parading.
In great contrast to his predecessor, Republican Shreveport Mayor Tom Arceneaux has kept things low key and not tried to induce drama into his governance. Until recently, when he began dictating terms to the area's two oldest and largest Carnival krewes, sticking his head into a hornet's nest somewhat voluntarily.
About half a year prior to their next parading, the Krewes of Gemini and Centaur received notification of these changes. For many years now they have marched on the first and second Saturdays of Carnival, typically towards the later afternoon beginning at the southern end of downtown on the Clyde Fant Parkway, then hanging a right at Shreveport Barksdale Highway until going left onto East Kings Highway and ending up at Preston Avenue, typically finishing around 8:30 PM. They used to start in Bossier City and crossed over the Shreveport Barksdale Highway Bridge until city officials on the east bank didn't like to be inconvenienced and kicked them out.
In 2024, the calendar puts Mardi Gras on Feb. 13, and the two krewes alternate Saturdays each year, meaning next year Centaur parades on Feb. 3 and Gemini on Feb. 10. The ecclesiastic calendar on which Ash Wednesday and Easter Sunday is based is well established with these dates known far into the future.
That means every so often either Saturday also ends up as the first Saturday of February, which many governments and cultural organizations, including Shreveport, celebrate as African American History Month. For the past 34 years – about as long as the two krewes have marched – various organizations have put together the Shreveport African American Parade on that date. It meanders around the downtown area and in the early afternoon, leaving little room for physical and temporal conflict whenever krewe parade dates coincide.
Except that it does put a strain on city services, mainly public safety, to have both happen so close to each other. This motivated Arceneaux to declare, initially without any negotiation, that changes would occur for 2024, in that krewe parading had to start at 2:30, it could start only around the Stoner Avenue intersection with the Parkway, and that Centaur could not march on Feb. 3.
Arceneaux's rationale began with increasing public safety incidents over the years that he and police assessed would become less likely the more light was in the sky. But bumping back the time would create greater interference with the African American Parade, so this necessitated a different date. Shortening the route also would create less public safety strain.
Yet that reduction made the least sense since the area customarily used allowed for better marshalling of parade elements, and after launch only had sparse crowds lining the route so initially it would move fairly quickly, not saving much time. Krewes also objected to the earlier time because floats tend to be not so gaudily decorated except for heavy emphasis on the lights.
The date change, however, was the biggest sticking point. At this late date, preparations focused on the traditional date already was well under way for Centaur. Why Arceneaux didn't pursue these changes immediately after this year's parades, which could have minimized the amount of controversy, is unknown but betrays inattentiveness.
Crucially, a lot of marketing for tourism purposes goes into northwest Louisiana Carnival. Admittedly, the two parades pale in comparison to their New Orleans-area brethren, but they are two of the largest in number of floats (not so much in float size or number of other elements) in the state and tourism officials estimate hundreds of thousands of people line the route, with a significant portion not from the area. Changing the date at this late date creates all sorts of complications.
It's understandable why Arceneaux would move to a date change, given the situation of an understaffed police department down around 300 officers. Never publicly discussed, however, is why preference was given to the African American Parade. After all, it has a whole month of Saturdays from which to choose, so its rescheduling would seem more logical and, with the possible exception of the earlier start time designed to avoid violence along the route, would have made the need for changes moot.
The answer may lie in electoral calculations. Only unusual circumstances permitted Arceneaux, who is white, to triumph last year in a majority black city with about half of voters registered as Democrats. While he received a significantly smaller proportion of the black vote than did his opponent, black Democrat state Sen. Greg Tarver, that was well above historical norms for a white Republican candidate and attributed to the mixed feelings Tarver stoked among the black electorate.
Chances are in 2026 one or more black Democrats without Tarver's baggage will contest for the mayoralty and likely one will end up in a runoff against Arceneaux, who would be expected to run for a final term. That would set up difficult dynamics for a repeat triumph, so perhaps Arceneaux's deference in this instance was an attempt to not alienate potential votes needed in a difficult reelection task – although he should realize this isn't something that would win him a lot of votes from that bloc.
Regardless of motivation, in net the backlash may end up costing him votes, and has attracted the attention of the state's top tourism officials, Republican Lt. Gov. Billy Nungesser who is running for reelection this fall. After proclaiming the demands non-negotiable, under Nungesser's and the public's pressure Arceneaux has begun to soften his stance, now saying the original routes may be run and that negotiations have started with the krewes. Nungesser and he plan to meet on the issue on Sep. 29.
This was an unforced error by Arceneaux. Had he undertaken this months ago, likely any conflict would have remained behind closed doors. And if preference to the African American Parade continues, even if the reason behind that isn't part of an electoral strategy, politically he will have taken a hit among some city voters – krewe members, Carnival fans, and businesses who profit from the parades – who will see him as a north Louisiana, Republican, male, and pale version of Dorothy Mae Taylor for the impact he will have on krewes.
Further, no matter the outcome, the public nature of the incident's resolution only draws attention to public safety concerns, where anything but significant progress over the next three years on this almost certainly dooms any reelection chances that Arceneaux may have. This departure from his overall unflashy but steady governance will prove detrimental in that regard.
The global environmental system is approaching a breaking point driven by human activities within the Anthropocene. Population growth and urbanisation are reshaping landscapes placing pressure on natural resources that are needed to sustain human civilisations. Global climate change compound these pressures, adding urgency and leading to unfamiliar problems. Fundamental changes are needed to successfully manage coupled social and eco logical systems. In recognition of this, policies and legislation have shifted towards a systems thinking paradigm, e.g. the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and EU Water Framework Directive (WFD). Implementation has proven challenging where, even two decades after the WFD was enacted, results lag behind expectations especially for surface waters. This foreshadows challenges for emerging policies that have also developed their core aims within a systems thinking paradigm. It is therefore prudent to distil lessons stemming from the water resources management (WRM) domain as these findings will also be relevant more broadly. Surface water systems are beset by issues stemming from increased agricultural production and rapid urbanisation, which has created patchworks of mixed land-use composed of urban, industrial, agricultural, and natural features. These peri-urban systems present a high-level of complexity having multiple, sources of pollution while crossing boundaries of management institutions. Surface waters hold significant cultural and economic significance and become a contested resource fraught with potential conflict in connection with the multiple use interests found within peri-urban settings. Participatory modelling is an increasingly prescribed approach for addressing these social and ecological aspects of WRM concurrently. Despite widespread use and decades of learnings from empirical and experimental research settings, the success of this approach is mixed. Key challenges are time and resource intensiveness, simulation model complexity and transparency, as well as transferability of processes and models used. These factors can lead to a lack of uptake of results and/or tools that are necessary for supplementing human cognitive abilities and creating sustainable management policies. This thesis therefore aims to improve WRM by: (1) developing novel participatory process guidance for data scarce and acrimonious contexts; (2) assessing the role of frameworks in bridging across policy, science, and societal silos for sustainable policy implementation, and (3) co-developing an integrated water quantity and quality systems dynamics (SD) modelling tool with expanded potential for use within participatory WRM. Research was conducted in a South African and Danish catchment, both facing climate change adaptation challenges and high conflict potential among stakeholders. Data scarcity in the South African catchment characterises the major difference between the two catchments, with the Danish catchment benefitting from multiple online gauging stations covering indicators for both water quantity (e.g. stream depth) and quality (e.g. dissolved oxygen sensors). In the South African catchment, stakeholders included local and national water utilities, mining, and industrial companies, as well as regulation and conservation groups. A novel adaptation of established participatory methods was made, when the locally embedded approach led to recognition of the need to create an inclusive process by combining stakeholder narratives with SD conceptual diagrams. Conceptual diagrams from different sectors were refined and combined through an iterative process into a final diagram reflecting the connections among the groups. Within the same process, a semi-quantitative simulation model was developed, and together with the diagram, used as multi-interpretative and structured visual supplements to support strategic conversations regarding management options. The novel process also gave insights regarding how diverse visual tools could be leveraged to address project time and human resource constraints. A parallel monitoring and evaluation program showed successful learning outcomes for participants regarding strategies for systemic climate change adaptation and ecosystem impacts. Policy frameworks are critical to support a more rapid uptake of scientific discovery/results, seen as essential for solving complex social ecological system challenges, because due to their role in organising, and facilitating communication of challenges and solutions. The long-standing, Drivers-Pressures-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR), was chosen for analysis due to its history of use in an operational and reporting framework. A case-study approach was taken that included the South African case, policies for greening in China, and regulation of nanosilver and per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) in the EU. This was done by first synthesizing lessons of three previous DPSIR reviews, situating lessons within the most recent literature. This led to the identification of implicit properties of the framework and the recommendation of five key elements which should be made explicit: 1) iteration; 2) risk, uncertainty, and analytical bias; 3) flexible integration; 4) use of quantitative methods, and; 5) clear and standard definitions for DPSIR. The case studies were analysed using the lens of this proposed next generation DPSIR. The successes and pitfalls of the case studies were characterised using the updated framework, showing its versatility across scales and topics while providing a roadmap for next generation DPSIR application. The co-development of a novel tool, the Dynamic Aquatic Simulation Hub (DASH) was motivated by insights from the first two objectives, including experiences in the South African catchment. SD simulation approaches were used because it is shown to be a preferred method for engaging with stakeholders and is gaining in use within WRM. It was built as an integrated water quantity and quality model, using a lowland, peri-urban Danish catchment as a blueprint, to provide insights in both data scarce and data rich catchments. Data rich application could demonstrate its ability to capture spatiotemporal dynamics found in water quality and quantity data. Data scarce application showed the importance of the SD structural modelling approach which gave insight into the importance of anthropogenic controls on key water resource indicators. Its fast simulation time allows rapid iterative testing of model structural and parameter assumptions, which can be refined with stakeholder input. The software used for DASH can extend these iterations to broader stakeholder groups via visual user interfaces, which gives new potential for the structured use of multi-interpretative elements within participatory modelling processes. Data rich application furthermore showed the importance of dynamic flow contributions, providing evidence for negative consequences for water quality caused by consolidation of and reduction of urban flow contributions, driven by green transition goals. The importance of integrating quality and quantity was highlighted by findings that high summer temperatures fluctuations have outsized impacts due to low flows during the same period. This was shown to have negative consequences for dissolved oxygen levels, which may be further impacted by nutrient releases brought on by these conditions. The modular design of DASH makes it readily transferable, responding to broader challenges related to WRM. It is anticipated that this will allow resources within participatory modelling processes to be used more efficiently. In summary, this PhD thesis has demonstrated the role of system dynamics modelling tools to support participatory processes. The need to develop more operational frameworks to improve WRM has been shown by different case studies and experiences. These results can improve future WRM and learnings can hopefully be transferred to broader sustainability challenges globally.
In The Dutch Moment, Wim Klooster shows how the Dutch built and eventually lost an Atlantic empire that stretched from the homeland in the United Provinces to the Hudson River and from Brazil and the Caribbean to the African Gold Coast. The fleets and armies that fought for the Dutch in the decades-long war against Spain included numerous foreigners, largely drawn from countries in northwestern Europe. Likewise, many settlers of Dutch colonies were born in other parts of Europe or the New World. The Dutch would not have been able to achieve military victories without the native alliances they carefully cultivated. Indeed, the Dutch Atlantic was quintessentially interimperial, multinational, and multiracial. At the same time, it was an empire entirely designed to benefit the United Provinces. The pivotal colony in the Dutch Atlantic was Brazil, half of which was conquered by the Dutch West India Company. Its brief lifespan notwithstanding, Dutch Brazil (1630-1654) had a lasting impact on the Atlantic world. The scope of Dutch warfare in Brazil is hard to overestimate--this was the largest interimperial conflict of the seventeenth-century Atlantic. Brazil launched the Dutch into the transatlantic slave trade, a business they soon dominated. At the same time, Dutch Brazil paved the way for a Jewish life in freedom in the Americas after the first American synagogues opened their doors in Recife. In the end, the entire colony eventually reverted to Portuguese rule, in part because Dutch soldiers, plagued by perennial poverty, famine, and misery, refused to take up arms. As they did elsewhere, the Dutch lost a crucial colony because of the empire's systematic neglect of the very soldiers on whom its defenses rested. After the loss of Brazil and, ten years later, New Netherland, the Dutch scaled back their political ambitions in the Atlantic world. Their American colonies barely survived wars with England and France. As the imperial dimension waned, the interimperial dimension gained strength. Dutch commerce with residents of foreign empires thrived in a process of constant adaptation to foreign settlers' needs and mercantilist obstacles
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Old times -- The rewards of hard work -- The mother hill -- A beachside brawl -- The settlers -- Living in the moment -- Tsumkwe Road -- The provident environment -- The hollow tree -- Strong food -- An elephant hunt -- Pinnacle point -- A gift from God -- Hunting and empathy -- Insulting the meat -- New times -- When lions become dangerous -- Fear and farming -- Cattle country -- Crazy gods -- The promised land
"Recent years have brought public mourning to the heart of American politics, as exemplified by the spread and power of the Black Lives Matter movement, which has gained force through its identification of pervasive social injustices with individual losses. The deaths of Sandra Bland, Michael Brown, Freddie Gray, Trayvon Martin, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, and so many others have brought private grief into the public sphere. The rhetoric and iconography of mourning has been noteworthy in Black Lives Matter protests, but David W. McIvor believes that we have paid too little attention to the nature of social mourning--its relationship to private grief, its practices, and its pathologies and democratic possibilities. In Mourning in America, McIvor addresses significant and urgent questions about how citizens can mourn traumatic events and enduring injustices in their communities. McIvor offers a framework for analyzing the politics of mourning, drawing from psychoanalysis, Greek tragedy, and scholarly discourses on truth and reconciliation. Mourning in America connects these literatures to ongoing activism surrounding racial injustice, and it contextualizes Black Lives Matter in the broader politics of grief and recognition. McIvor also examines recent, grassroots-organized truth and reconciliation processes such as the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2004-2006), which provided a public examination of the Greensboro Massacre of 1979--a deadly incident involving local members of the Communist Workers Party and the Ku Klux Klan"--Publisher's Web site
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Introduction, Fabio VITI, p. 5. - 1. La question foncière à l'épreuve de la reconstruction en Côte d'Ivoire, Jean-Pierre CHAUVEAU et Jean-Philippe COLIN, p. 9. - 2. Regard retro-prospectif sur les crises ivoiriennes de 1993 à la fin de la crise postélectorale de 2010, Kouamé Sylvestre KOUASSI, p. 39. - 3. Discours nationaliste et fétichisation de la loi en Côte d'Ivoire entre 2002 et 2011, Giulia PICCOLINO, p. 63. - 4. Bienfait ou malédiction pour les efforts de maintien de la paix onusien et africain ? Le rôle de la France dans la crise ivoirienne, Marco WYSS, p. 89. - 5. Le retour de Gbagbo. Jeunes patriotes, herméneutique de l'histoire et subjectivation religieuse, Armando CUTOLO, p. 109. - 6. La Réparation du « bruit » du tutorat comme enjeu de la mobilisation des jeunes dans le conflit ivoirien à Diamarakro (Est de la Côte d'Ivoire), Noël KOUASSI, p. 131. - 7. Capabilités et résilience pour une reconstruction post-crise durable en Côte d'Ivoire, Jean Marcel KOFFI, p. 155. - 8. Quand la guerre s'invite à l'école. Impact de la crise ivoirienne en milieu scolaire, Magali CHELPI-DEN HAMER, p. 185. - 9. Une crise peut en cacher une autre. Retour sur une narration pacifiée, Fabio VITI, p. 211. - Les Auteurs, p.237
