Suchergebnisse

The article analyzes the systems of medical support for school-age children, features of organization. International experience shows that there are different models of medical care for children in educational institutions. The main differences relate to the subordination of the school service (health or education structures), funding, training and the greatest differences — in terms of preventive care: the volume and timing of preventive medical examinations. World Health Organization notes that now the optimal model of school health care in the world is not defined. The general problems of school health are the lack of funding, uneven access of children to medical services. The state of medical provision of schoolchildren in the post-Soviet countries is considered, as well as the results of the restructuring in the field of children health care related to the reform of the sanitary and epidemiological institutions system, the modernization of their functions, the creation of new vertical structures, the functions of which is the development of national and regional programs for promoting healthy lifestyle, medical education and communication activities. The development of the system of school medicine in Ukraine was analysed from the point of view of the "Concept of quality standards of school health services and competences" of the European Union for School and University Health and Medicine. The prospects of school medicine in Ukraine are outlined. Namely, the need to develop and implement a new Ukrainian model of school medicine adapted to European standards and integrate it into the public health system, which is approved in Ukraine; updating the regulatory framework; development of personnel potential; formation of new professional competencies of healthcare workers in school medicine in Ukraine; strengthening the interagency cooperation in helping children and adolescents maintain their health. ; В статье приведен анализ систем медицинского обеспечения детей школьного возраста, особенности организации. Международный опыт свидетельствует, что существуют различные модели медицинского обеспечения детей в учебных заведениях: отличия касаются подчинения школьной службы (структурам здравоохранения или образования), финансирования, подготовки кадров и наибольшие — в плане профилактической направленности: объема и сроков проведения профилактических медицинских осмотров. Всемирная организация здравоохранения отмечает, что пока оптимальная модель школьного здравоохранения в мире не определена. Общими проблемами школьного здравоохранения являются недостаточное финансирование, неравномерный доступ детей к медицинским услугам. Приведены данные о состоянии медицинского обеспечения школьников в странах постсоветского пространства, результаты изменений в области охраны здоровья детей, касающихся реформирования системы санитарно-эпидемиологических учреждений, модернизации их функций, создания новых вертикальных структур, функциями которых является разработка национальных и региональных программ по пропаганде здорового образа жизни, медицинского образования и коммуникационная деятельность. Проанализировано развитие системы школьной медицины в Украине с позиции «Концепции стандартов качества школьных медицинских услуг и компетенций» Европейского союза школьной и университетской медицины (2014). Определены перспективы школьной медицины в Украине, а именно: потребность в разработке и внедрении новой украинской модели школьной медицины, адаптированной к европейским стандартам, с последующим интегрированием ее в систему общественного здравоохранения, утвержденную в Украине; обновление нормативно-правовой базы; развитие кадрового потенциала; формирование новых профессиональных компетенций медицинских работников школьной медицины в Украине; усиление межведомственного взаимодействия в вопросах сохранения здоровья детям и подросткам. ; В статті проведено аналіз систем медичного забезпечення дітей шкільного віку, особливостей організації. Міжнародний досвід свідчить, що існують різні моделі медичного забезпечення дітей у навчальних закладах: відмінності щодо підпорядкування шкільної служби (структурам охорони здоров'я або освіти), фінансування, підготовки кадрів та найбільш — щодо профілактичної спрямованості: обсягу та терміну проведення профілактичних медичних оглядів. Всесвітня організація охорони здоров'я наголошує, що поки оптимальної моделі шкільної охорони здоров'я в світі не визначено. Загальними проблемами шкільної охорони здоров'я є недостатнє фінансування, нерівномірний доступ дітей до медичних послуг. Наведено стан медичного забезпечення школярів у країнах пострадянського простору, результати змін у галузі охорони здоров'я дітей, що стосувалися реформування системи санітарно-епідеміологічних закладів, модернізації їх функцій, створення нових вертикальних структур, функціями яких є розробка національних і регіональних програм щодо пропаганди здорового способу життя, медичної освіти та комунікаційна діяльність. Проаналізовано розвиток системи шкільної медицини в Україні з позиції «Концепції стандартів якості шкільних медичних послуг і компетенцій» Європейського союзу шкільної та університетської медицини. Окреслено перспективи шкільної медицини в Україні, а саме: потреба у розробці і запровадженні нової української моделі шкільної медицини, адаптованої до європейських стандартів, та інтегрування її у систему громадського здоров'я, що затверджено в Україні; оновлення нормативно-правової бази; розвиток кадрового потенціалу; формування нових професійних компетентностей медичних працівників шкільної медицини в Україні; посилення міжвідомчої взаємодії в питаннях допомоги збереження здоров'я дітям і підліткам, які навчаються.

The article analyses the extremely complex contemporary international situation, fraught with the growing threat of a world war. It is shown that the current aggravation of military and political tensions in the world is associated with a change of technological and world economic patterns, secular accumulation cycles and global players on the international stage.The main features of the new Cold War against Russia are singled out: the main ideological contradiction — orientation of the USA and NATO countries to preserve a uni-polar world order, Russia and its allies — to preserve a multi-polar world; the presence of confrontational parties — countries of the "Golden Billion" (NATO bloc) and countries striving to establish a multi-polar world (BRICS, Eurasian Economic Union, SCO, CSTO); the antagonistic purposes: the common purpose of the USA and Western countries — preservation of a uni-polar world, private purpose — elimination of the main geopolitical opponents, the common purpose of Russia and its allies — formation of a multi-polar world, private — ensuring state sovereignty and national security; the limited armed conflicts; the achievement of political goals by military force; the activation of naval exercises; the new phase of the arms race; the economic wars (sanctions); the suspension of cooperation between Russia and NATO.The article considers the current issues of the influence of NATO expansion on the security of the Russian Federation. It studies The four main factors that determine the current relationship between NATO and Russia: the "Ukrainian factor", the "Caucasian factor", the "Syrian factor", and the factor of «concentration» in the Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Poland) as well. The author draws a conclusion about the constant risk of escalating confrontation, which is a threat to the military and national security of the Russian Federation.The article demonstrates the danger of the concepts that are being developed by American strategists: those of a limited nuclear war and a rapid global strike, which has a negative impact on the provision of strategic stability in the modern world.Particular attention is paid to the unique automated Russian system "Perimeter", known in Western Europe and the United States as the "Dead Hand", which has no analogues in the world and guarantees the possibility of a retaliatory nuclear strike against the enemy under any circumstances. The article emphasises the advantages of this system in comparison with other existing "duplicating" systems in the USA and UK. The author concludes that, in conditions of aggravating confrontation with the West, it is necessary to strengthen Russia's economy and defense capability to ensure military and national security; and to create a broad anti-war coalition of countries capable of stopping the American aggression. ; В статье дан анализ чрезвычайно сложной современной международной обстановки, чреватой нарастанием угрозы мировой войны. Показано, что нынешнее обострение военно-политической напряженности в мире связано со сменой технологических и мирохозяйственных укладов, вековых циклов накопления и глобальных игроков на международной арене.Выделены основные признаки новой холодной войны против России: главное идеологическое противоречие — ориентация США и стран НАТО на сохранение однополярного мироустройства, ориентация России и союзников — на многополярный мир; наличие противоборствующих сторон: страны «золотого миллиарда» (блок НАТО) и страны, стремящиеся к установлению многополярного мира (БРИКС, Евразийский экономический союз, ШОС, ОДКБ); антагонистические цели: общая цель США и стран Запада — сохранение однополярного мира, частная цель — устранение основных геополитических противников, общая цель России и союзников — формирование многополярного мира, частная — обеспечение государственного суверенитета и национальной безопасности; ограниченные вооруженные конфликты; достижение политических целей военной силой; активизация военно-морских учений; новый этап гонки вооружений; экономические войны (санкции); приостановка сотрудничества России и НАТО.Рассматриваются актуальные вопросы влияния расширения НАТО на обеспечение безопасности Российской Федерации. Исследуются четыре основных фактора, определяющих в настоящее время отношения НАТО и России: «украинский фактор», «кавказский фактор», «сирийский фактор», а также фактор «концентрации» в прибалтийских государствах (Литве, Латвии, Эстонии и Польше). Сделано заключение о постоянном риске эскалации противостояния, представляющего угрозу военной и национальной безопасности Российской Федерации.Показана опасность разрабатываемых американскими стратегами концепций ограниченной ядерной войны и быстрого глобального удара, что негативно сказывается на обеспечении стратегической стабильности в современном мире.Особое внимание уделяется уникальной автоматизированной, не имеющей аналогов в мире российской системе «Периметр», известной в Западной Европе и США как «Мертвая рука» (Dead Hand), которая гарантирует возможность нанесения ответного ядерного удара по противнику при любых обстоятельствах. Подчеркнуты преимущества данной системы перед имеющимися «дублирующими» аналогами в США и Великобритании. Сделан вывод о необходимости в условиях обострения конфронтации с Западом укрепления экономики и обороноспособности России для обеспечения военной и национальной безопасности, а также создания широкой антивоенной коалиции стран, способных остановить американскую агрессию.

The problems of the functioning of the labor market are important for the development of any country, especially in the conditions of aggravation of the socio - economic crisis, which changed the main parameters of the labor market, increased the extent of illegal employment and labor migration. Taking into account the importance of these factors for improving the welfare of the population, improving the socio-economic development of the country, the aim of this research was to determine the modern tendencies of the functioning of the labor market, the allocation of its features in the conditions of socio-economic and political instability, the rationale of the directions of activation of the labor market as an important factor in improving the quality of life of citizens and the factor of improving the socio-economic state of the regions and the country as a whole. The article describes the ways of formation and development of Ukrainian system of legislative regulation of the labor market, describes the existing tendencies in the functioning of the labor market, defines its features in conditions of socio-economic and political instability, identifies the main problems of its functioning at the state and regional levels. The author conducted the research of the level of employment and unemployment, illegal employment, labor migration and payment, its non-compliance with European standards. Taking into account the increase of migration outflow of population and demographic risks, the author proves the necessity to change the state policy in relation to migration of the working population and youth to preserve human capital. The author argues the feasibility of introducing a new system of cooperation between employers and educational institutions to address the issue of youth employment. According to the results of the research, the directions of activation of the labor market development in the conditions of aggravation of the socio-economic crisis are proposed. ; Проблемы функционирования рынка труда важны для развития любой страны, особенно в условиях обострения социально-экономического кризиса, который существенно изменил основные параметры рынка труда, увеличил объемы нелегальной занятости и трудовой миграции населения. Учитывая важность указанных факторов для повышения благосостояния населения, улучшения социально-экономического развития страны, целью данного исследования стало определение современных тенденций функционирования рынка труда, выделение его особенностей в условиях социально-экономической и политической нестабильности, обоснование направлений активизации рынка труда как важного фактора повышения качества жизни граждан и фактора улучшения социально-экономического положения регионов и страны в целом. В статье рассмотрены пути формирования и развития украинской системы законодательного регулирования трудовых отношений, охарактеризованы существующие тенденции функционирования рынка труда, определены его особенности в условиях социально-экономической и политической нестабильности, обозначены основные проблемы его функционирования на государственном и региональном уровнях. Автором проведено исследование уровня занятости и безработицы населения, нелегальной занятости, трудовой миграции и оплаты труда, сделан вывод о ее несоответствии европейским стандартам. Учитывая увеличение миграционного оттока населения и, связанные с этим, демографические риски, автором доказана необходимость изменения государственной политики в отношении миграции трудоактивного населения и молодежи для сохранения человеческого капитала. Автором аргументировано целесообразность введения новой системы сотрудничества между работодателями и учебными заведениями для решения вопроса занятости молодежи. По результатам проведенного исследования предложены направления активизации развития рынка труда в условиях обострения социально-экономического кризиса. ; Проблеми функціонування ринку праці є важливими для розвитку будь-якої країни, особливо в умовах загострення соціально-економічної кризи, яка змінила основні параметри ринку праці, суттєво збільшила обсяги нелегальної зайнятості та трудової міграції. Враховуючи важливість зазначених факторів для підвищення добробуту населення, покращання соціально-економічного розвитку країни, метою даного дослідження стало визначення сучасних тенденцій функціонування ринку праці, виокремлення його особливостей в умовах соціально-економічної та політичної нестабільності, обґрунтування напрямів активізації ринку праці як важливого чинника підвищення якості життя громадян і фактора покращання соціально-економічного стану регіонів та країни в цілому. В статті розглянуто шляхи формування та розвитку української системи законодавчого регулювання ринку праці, охарактеризовано існуючі тенденції функціонування ринку праці, окреслено його особливості в умовах соціально-економічної та політичної нестабільності, визначено основні проблеми його функціонування на державному та регіональному рівнях. Автором проведено дослідження рівня зайнятості та безробіття населення, нелегальної зайнятості, трудової міграції та оплати праці, її невідповідності європейським стандартам. Враховуючи збільшення міграційного відтоку населення та демографічні ризики, автором доведено необхідність зміни державної політики щодо міграції трудоактивного населення та молоді для збереження людського капіталу. Автором аргументовано доцільність запровадження нової системи співпраці між роботодавцями та закладами освіти для вирішення питання зайнятості молоді. За результатами роведеного дослідження запропоновано напрями активізації розвитку ринку праці в умовах загострення соціально-економічної кризи.

Охарактеризовано самоорганізацію населення на місцевому рівні та визначено її роль у становленні громадян-ського суспільства в Україні. Зокрема, встановлено, що самоорганізація населення в широкому значенні є самостійна організація власної роботи, поведінки людьми (фізичними особами), які проживають у певному локалітеті. У вузькому значенні самоорганізації населення – це представницькі органи, що створюються жителями, які на законних підставах проживають на території села, селища, міста або їх частин, для реалізації та захисту будь-яких своїх законних прав та інтересів. Класифікувати місцеву самоорганізацію населення доцільно за місцем проживання (територіальна) та за інтересами (екстериторіальна). Основним елементом системи місцевої самоорганізації населення в Україні є органи самоорганізації населення, через які будуються довірчі взаємовідносини, співпраця влади та громадян і громади в цілому у вирішенні окремих питань місцевого значення.Доведено, що місцева самоорганізація населення в Україні відіграє важливу роль у становленні громадянського суспільства, відображає рівень демократизації на локальному рівні й у державі в цілому. Досвід демократизації україн-ського суспільства підтверджує, що демократія бере початок «знизу», тобто з особистої участі громадян у розв'язанні конкретних життєвих питань, які безпосередньо стосуються умов їхнього життя. ; The self-organization of population at the local level has been characterized and its role in the formation of the civil society in Ukraine has been defined. In particular, it has been found that self-organization of population in the broad sense is an inde-pendent organization of its own work, behavior, created by people (individuals), which live in a certain locality. In its narrow sense, the self-organization of population are representative bodies, created by residents, who live officially on the territory of a village, town, city or part thereof, aimed at the realization and protection of any of their legitimate rights and interests. Clas-sification of the local self-organization of population is expedient by the place of residence (territorial) and in terms of interests (extraterritorial). The basic element of the system of local self-organization of population in Ukraine are the bodies of self-or-ganization of population (BSP), through which trust relations, cooperation of the authorities with citizens and the community as a whole in solving certain issues of local importance are built. It is impossible to create effective local government without the bodies of self-organization of population, just as it is impossible to develop local infrastructure without knowing expectations, interests and wishes of the residents of the local community. These institutions have complex public and power nature, since they act as a form of public participation in solving local problems through powers granted to them, but function as NGOs.It has been shown that in general the bodies of self-organization of population are focused on the protection of social, eco-nomic and cultural issues, such as the organization and activities of local self-performed in compliance with law; transparency; voluntarily taking on certain powers of the respective local council; territoriality; election; accountability and responsibility to the respective councils; accountability and responsibility to the residents who have chosen community organizations; financial and institutional independence. It has been proven that the local self-organization of population in Ukraine plays an important role in the development of civil society, reflects the level of democratization at the local level and in the whole state. The experience of democratization of Ukrainian society confirms that democracy originates «from below», that is, with the personal participation of citizens in solving specific life issues that directly affect the conditions of their lives. ; Охарактеризована самоорганизация населения на местном уровне и определена ее роль в становлении граждан-ского общества в Украине. В частности, установлено, что самоорганизация населения в широком смысле является самостоятельной организацией собственной работы, поведения людьми (физическими лицами), проживающими в определенном локалитете. В узком смысле самоорганизация населения – это представительные органы, создаваемые жителями, проживающими на законных основаниях на территории села, поселка, города или их частей, для реализации и защиты любых своих законных прав и интересов. Классифицировать местную самоорганизацию населения целесо-образно по месту жительства (территориальная) и по интересам (экстерриториальная). Основным элементом системы местной самоорганизации населения в Украине являются органы самоорганизации населения, с помощью которых строятся доверительные взаимоотношения, сотрудничество властей с гражданами и общиной в целом в решении от-дельных вопросов местного значения.Доказано, что местная самоорганизация населения в Украине играет важную роль в становлении гражданского общества, отражает уровень демократизации на локальном уровне и в государстве в целом. Опыт демократизации украинского общества подтверждает, что демократия берет начало «снизу», то есть с личного участия граждан в реше-нии конкретных жизненных вопросов, непосредственно касающихся условий их жизни.

Religious revival occupies an important place in the overall process of democratic transformation. Return society to traditional spiritual values has caused interest to the essence of Christian social thought. In modern Ukraine Christian socialism may become one of departing point of a national idea generation. Christian thinkers Russian of emigration worked on the problem of overcoming of distortions the materialistic totalitarian of socialist ideas. Ideas of social justice in the Ukrainian society acquire new meaning and require the corresponding theoretical study. Creative heritage figures of Christian philosophy Russian abroad may become the basis of the study. Modern scholars of the creative heritage of the Russian emigration have gained a certain material and identified research areas for further research.Theory of Christian socialism in Russia is the result of finding a solution to the complex issues of economic, social and political development of the Russian Empire.Development ideas of Christian socialism in Russia was based on the Orthodox doctrine. Russian intelligentsia in finding solutions to social problems for a long time did not pay attention to religious issues. In beginning XX century certain groups of intellectuals and clerics begin to cooperation. This is caused by the ideological influence of religious and social ideas of V. Soloviev, F. Dostoevsky and L. Tolstoy and the events of the First Russian revolution.Christian socialism as a political phenomenon has received the most theoretical justification in Russia and France. Practical implementation of the program provisions Christian socialism took place in major Western European countries. Russia has failed to use achieve its own of social thought for improving the prosperity of and quality of life. Active development of of theoretical propositions of Christian socialism among Russian emigration engaged historian and philosopher G. Fedotov, theologian and S. Bulgakov Orthodox priest, philosopher and religious thinker S. Frank. Religious idealism influenced the political conception of philosophy N. Berdyaev and I. Ilyin, economist and public figure Struve, lawyer N. Alekseev and many other outstanding Russian scientists emigrants. Theologian S. Bulgakov criticizes the socialism. Emphasizes that socialism put forward the idea of the struggle for personal and economic interests of the class. Socialism and Christianity should complement each other. Christianity the spirituality fills the socialism. Socialism provides an economic basis to achieve the Christian ideal of universal brotherhood and love.Socialism of totalitarian society deprives a person of economic independence. State takes freedom of choice and provides stability to society and the people. But there is a serious contradiction. Socialism itself wants to become a religion. Bulgakov distinguishes three types of socialism. Materialistic socialism builds heaven on earth. Atheistic socialism has been fighting against religion itself becomes a religion. Christian socialism creates the material conditions of human spiritual development. Private property is essential for the organization of economic life of society. The task of Christians is to explain objectives of socialism, which carries the idea of Christian brotherhood and love. Christianity must be protected from the influence of social vices economy, powers and property. The problem of protecting the ideals of religion is important for all religions and ideologies. A true Christian should pray, think and act in a Christian manner. Christianity should permeate all aspects of society. True socialism is realized in a free society.In the opinion of S. Frank full implementation of the principles of Christian love can be under the domination of private property and social inequality. In the implementation of Christian justice plays a major role motivation and means. Social stability and high standard of living are the result of setting the boundaries of economic freedom. Scientific analysis of the problems of Christian socialism will help in finding ways to overcome totalitarian deformations of socialist ideas. ; Проведен анализ идеи позитивного соотношения христианства и социализма С. Булгакова. Отмечены характерные черты разработанной философом концепции материалистического, атеистического и христианского социализма. Определены особенности политической теории С. Франка. Подчеркнута важность свободы как обязательного условия духовной жизни. Освещены взгляды религиозных мыслителей на проблему реализации социальной справедливости. Определено отношение теоретиков христианского социализма к проблемам собственности и экономической свободы. ; Проведено аналіз ідеї позитивного співвідношення християнства і соціалізму С. Булга-кова. Зазначено характерні риси розробленої філософом концепції матеріалістичного, атеїстичного і християнського соціалізму. Окреслено особливості політичної теорії С. Франка. Підкреслено важливість свободи як обов'язкової умови духовного життя. Висвітлено погляди релігійних мислителів на проблему реалізації соціальної справедли-вості. Визначено відношення теоретиків християнського соціалізму до проблем власності й економічної свободи.

Проведений аналіз первинної інвалідності дорослого та працездатного населення Полтавської області за 2009-2013 рр. На прикладі Полтавського обласного центру медико-соціальної експертизи показана необхідність забезпечення контролю за реабілітаційними заходами серед хворих та інвалідів, що сприятиме зниженню рівня інвалідності.Проведен анализ первичной инвалидности взрослого и трудоспособного населения Полтавской области за 2009-2013 гг На примере Полтавского областного центра медико-социальной экспертизы показана необходимость обеспечения контроля за реабилитационными мероприятиями среди больных и инвалидов, что будет способствовать снижению уровня инвалидности.The analysis of primary disablement of adult and able-bodied population of Poltava region has been carried out for the period from 2009 to 2013. After the example of Poltava Regional Center of Medical and Social Expertise the necessity to provide monitoring after rehabilitation measures among patients and disabled people is shown; this will enable lowering of disablement rate. In Poltava region during the period of 2009-2013, stable indices of primary disablement has been registering. The percentage of newlyobserved individuals is almost at the same level from 27% to 31,1%. The rate of primary disablement among adult population in Poltava region was 2,7% down from the previous year, i. e., by 50,5 in 2013 versus 51,9 in 2012; by 53,3 in 2011; by 47,1 in 2010 and by 48,1 in 2009. The rate of primary disablement among able-bodied population was 0,7% down from the previous year, i. e., by 58,5 in 2013 versus 58,9 in 2012; 61,7 in 2011; 58,2 in 2010; 58,8 in 2009. Age structure did not undergo significant changes and constituted the following: individuals aged from 18 to 39 inclusive constituted 25,6 %; from 40 to 55 (women) and 60 (men) 52,7%; retirement age 21,7 %. The analysis of structure of primary disablement according to disability groups meets the national rates and is tending to lowering in the density on Group I disablement and constituted 11,3% in 2013, 13,5% in 2012, 12,6% in 2011, 13,3% in 2010 and 13,7% in 2009. The percentage of Group II disability also lowered and constituted 36,4% in 2013, 36,7% in 2012, 40,7% in 2011,39,6% in 2010 and 37,4% in 2009. The percentage of Group III disability rose and constituted 52,3% in 2013, 49,8% in 2012,47,1% in 2011,47,1% in 2010, and 48,9% in 2009. Activity of Medical and Social Expertise (MSE) service is directed onto rehabilitation of disabled people, i. e., monitoring of fulfillment of rehabilitation measures, clinical examination of disabled people, medical rehabilitation, provision with rehabilitation technical equipment, employment. Medical and Social Expertise Committee carried out works on social rehabilitation with such institutions as Department of Labor and Public Social Protection and Pension Fund. The data analysis shows positive tendency to lowering of primary disability of the adult population in the region and percentage of severe disablement groups. This can be explained by the attempts to solve this problem at the national level, i. e., to carry out such Ukrainian legislation, as directives " On the Rehabilitation of Disabled People in Ukraine", " On the Basics of the Social Protection of Disabled People in Ukraine", the Decree of the President of Ukraine issued 18. 12. 2007, No. 1228/2007 "On the Extra Urgent Measures as for Creation of Favorable Conditions for Life Activity of Individuals with Limited Physical Possibilities", the Decree of the President of Ukraine issued 19. 05. 2011, No. 588 " On the Measures as for Solving Urgent Problems of Individuals with Limited Physical Possibilities", resolution of Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine issued 01.08. 2012, No. 706 " On the Ratification of the National Target Program " National Program On Implementation of Convention On Privileges for Disabled People" for the period to 2020", Directive in compliance with the Order of Ministry of Public Health of Ukraine issued 07. 02. 2008, No. 57 " On the Ratification of National Standards in the Field of Rehabilitation of Disabled People", directed onto enhancement of the procedure of medical and social expertise of disabled people, realization of rehabilitation measures and provision of social services, enhancement of record system of disabled people, data on rehabilitation measures and social services they need; reinforcement of responsibility for violation of rights of disabled people, involvement of public representatives into participation in realization of rights and needs of disabled people, improvement of their life conditions, as well as provision with development of international cooperation in the field of provision of rights and satisfaction of needs of disabled people. However, in positive tendency to lowering of primary disablement among adult population, the level of disablement in the region is higher than national one, which can be explained by the insufficient realization of rehabilitation measures for patients and disabled people by medical institutions.

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An independent and comprehensive justice system is the bedrock of any democracy, emblematic of the rule of law and public trust in government. A country's judicial efficacy is a measure of its standing in international relations, influencing its ability to ensure national security as well as the integrity of the alliances it is part of. For Ukraine, currently engaged in a tumultuous conflict and aspiring for NATO integration, bringing its military justice system in line with international standards transcends legal necessity and becomes a strategic imperative.Current State and ChallengesThe historical backdrop of the Ukrainian judiciary is marked by repeated reform efforts of varying success and compromised by corruption and inefficiency. This becomes especially relevant in the context of the ongoing war. It is not surprising that the majority of corruption cases revolve around armament and aid supplies. A more recent source of discontent is the controversial drafts of conscription legislation, which have sparked widespread debate and criticism from both officials and the public, largely because potential draftees fear losing their rights and facing injustice as a result of the lawless behavior of conscription officers and law enforcement agencies.War usually increases executive power and reduces personal freedoms, making the judiciary as the main protector of individual rights.Analyzing public support for military operations is pivotal for policymakers. Recent research has highlighted the lack of data from non-Western and minor powers (NWMP), which have been principal actors in post-World War II conflicts. If similar surveys were conducted in Ukraine, it is likely that a major deterrent to conscription would be the uncertainty of the environment, particularly the absence of law. Although public data of this nature are unavailable, it is reasonable to hypothesize that a credible military justice system would positively address this issue.Ukraine's Military Justice System TodayThe military justice system in Ukraine has often been viewed as anachronistic. Key components, such as military courts and the military prosecutor's institute, were systematically dismantled in 2010 and 2019, respectively. Despite these changes, the military justice framework has been retained and now consists of three main bodies.The first is the Military Law Enforcement Service (MLES) of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU), which essentially functions as a military police service with significantly reduced capabilities. The MLES cannot investigate crimes. Its functions are limited to initiating investigations, supporting legal enforcement activities, and enforcing administrative punishments and judgments.Second is the Special Defense Prosecutor's Office, founded as a department in May 2023 by Andriy Kostin, who exploited a legislative loophole regarding prosecutors that allows the prosecutor general to establish special departments within the office.Finally, the Code of Internal Service of the AFU outlines the expansive role of the deputy brigade commander on legal matters, tasked with addressing the wide range of remaining legal issues.It is notable that the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, the Security Service, and the National Police have retained their jurisdiction over the investigation of certain crimes. This leads to jurisdictional overlap and additional procedural issues, ultimately resulting in justice failures.Russia's full-scale invasion exposed the deficiencies of this system. Reports of human rights violations within the military have become a toxic issue for the Ukrainian government and highlighted the issue. The absence of a structured military justice system undermines not only the discipline and efficacy of the armed forces but also public trust in the military as an institution. It also gets in the way of Ukraine realizing its NATO aspirations.Legislative Initiatives and AnalysisRecent legislative efforts, particularly the Draft Law on the Military Justice of Ukraine (MJU), demonstrate a recognition of the problem. However, the draft law falls short in several key areas. It lacks clarity in defining the roles and responsibilities of the proposed MJU, especially concerning its advisory capacity in operational and international law. Moreover, the draft law does not provide for credible oversight mechanisms or ethical standards. This gap is critical, as a military justice system devoid of robust oversight and ethical governance is susceptible to the same pitfalls of corruption and inefficiency that have historically plagued Ukraine's judiciary. Additionally, the draft's silence on international cooperation limits its potential to align with common, established standards, a crucial aspect for Ukraine's defense strategy and international relations.Among other initiatives we can mention the efforts of the Ministry of Defense to develop military police, yet the details of this initiative are unknown.JAG Corps Model as a SolutionTo address these gaps, Ukraine might consider established military justice models such as the U.S. Judge Advocate General's Corps (JAG Corps), the legal branch of each uniformed service. The JAG model offers a comprehensive approach to military legal services, encompassing a range of functions essential for a modern military force. These functions include providing advice on administrative and operational law and guidance for commanders on the law of war, interpreting rules of engagement, handling government contracts, and providing legal assistance to service members, including aid in personal legal matters and ensuring their rights are protected.Adopting a similar model would require Ukraine to address several key areas. It would entail, first, establishing clear roles and functions for military legal officers across various fields of practice, including litigation, general advisory, commercial law, international relations, and operational law. Second, the model must incorporate a framework for continuous legal education and training for both the troops and the officers of the proposed MJU. Third, integrating a model akin to the JAG into both the existing military structure and the procedural rules would require meticulous legal drafting.Why It Matters Reforming Ukraine's military justice system can and should address both immediate and long-term needs. Enhancing the draft law to clearly articulate the functions and authority of the MJU, combined with essential Rules of Procedures and establishing credible oversight mechanisms and ethical standards, is crucial for maintaining integrity and public trust in the military justice system.Ukraine might also seek international guidance in this regard from NATO-aligned countries to better align its military justice practices with international standards, implementing a model akin to the JAG Corps. This would not only ensure that Ukraine's military justice system was equipped to handle the complexities of modern military operations while upholding the highest standards of legal and ethical conduct, it would also reinforce Ukraine's commitment to the rule of law and democratic values.Reforming the military justice system in Ukraine is an urgent matter and a strategic imperative that demands immediate attention and action, of a piece with Ukraine's broader goals of democratic reform.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

An independent and comprehensive justice system is the bedrock of any democracy, emblematic of the rule of law and public trust in government. A country's judicial efficacy is a measure of its standing in international relations, influencing its ability to ensure national security as well as the integrity of the alliances it is part of. For Ukraine, currently engaged in a tumultuous conflict and aspiring for NATO integration, bringing its military justice system in line with international standards transcends legal necessity and becomes a strategic imperative.Current State and ChallengesThe historical backdrop of the Ukrainian judiciary is marked by repeated reform efforts of varying success and compromised by corruption and inefficiency. This becomes especially relevant in the context of the ongoing war. It is not surprising that the majority of corruption cases revolve around armament and aid supplies. A more recent source of discontent is the controversial drafts of conscription legislation, which have sparked widespread debate and criticism from both officials and the public, largely because potential draftees fear losing their rights and facing injustice as a result of the lawless behavior of conscription officers and law enforcement agencies.War usually increases executive power and reduces personal freedoms, making the judiciary as the main protector of individual rights.Analyzing public support for military operations is pivotal for policymakers. Recent research has highlighted the lack of data from non-Western and minor powers (NWMP), which have been principal actors in post-World War II conflicts. If similar surveys were conducted in Ukraine, it is likely that a major deterrent to conscription would be the uncertainty of the environment, particularly the absence of law. Although public data of this nature are unavailable, it is reasonable to hypothesize that a credible military justice system would positively address this issue.Ukraine's Military Justice System TodayThe military justice system in Ukraine has often been viewed as anachronistic. Key components, such as military courts and the military prosecutor's institute, were systematically dismantled in 2010 and 2019, respectively. Despite these changes, the military justice framework has been retained and now consists of three main bodies.The first is the Military Law Enforcement Service (MLES) of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU), which essentially functions as a military police service with significantly reduced capabilities. The MLES cannot investigate crimes. Its functions are limited to initiating investigations, supporting legal enforcement activities, and enforcing administrative punishments and judgments.Second is the Special Defense Prosecutor's Office, founded as a department in May 2023 by Andriy Kostin, who exploited a legislative loophole regarding prosecutors that allows the prosecutor general to establish special departments within the office.Finally, the Code of Internal Service of the AFU outlines the expansive role of the deputy brigade commander on legal matters, tasked with addressing the wide range of remaining legal issues.It is notable that the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, the Security Service, and the National Police have retained their jurisdiction over the investigation of certain crimes. This leads to jurisdictional overlap and additional procedural issues, ultimately resulting in justice failures.Russia's full-scale invasion exposed the deficiencies of this system. Reports of human rights violations within the military have become a toxic issue for the Ukrainian government and highlighted the issue. The absence of a structured military justice system undermines not only the discipline and efficacy of the armed forces but also public trust in the military as an institution. It also gets in the way of Ukraine realizing its NATO aspirations.Legislative Initiatives and AnalysisRecent legislative efforts, particularly the Draft Law on the Military Justice of Ukraine (MJU), demonstrate a recognition of the problem. However, the draft law falls short in several key areas. It lacks clarity in defining the roles and responsibilities of the proposed MJU, especially concerning its advisory capacity in operational and international law. Moreover, the draft law does not provide for credible oversight mechanisms or ethical standards. This gap is critical, as a military justice system devoid of robust oversight and ethical governance is susceptible to the same pitfalls of corruption and inefficiency that have historically plagued Ukraine's judiciary. Additionally, the draft's silence on international cooperation limits its potential to align with common, established standards, a crucial aspect for Ukraine's defense strategy and international relations.Among other initiatives we can mention the efforts of the Ministry of Defense to develop military police, yet the details of this initiative are unknown.JAG Corps Model as a SolutionTo address these gaps, Ukraine might consider established military justice models such as the U.S. Judge Advocate General's Corps (JAG Corps), the legal branch of each uniformed service. The JAG model offers a comprehensive approach to military legal services, encompassing a range of functions essential for a modern military force. These functions include providing advice on administrative and operational law and guidance for commanders on the law of war, interpreting rules of engagement, handling government contracts, and providing legal assistance to service members, including aid in personal legal matters and ensuring their rights are protected.Adopting a similar model would require Ukraine to address several key areas. It would entail, first, establishing clear roles and functions for military legal officers across various fields of practice, including litigation, general advisory, commercial law, international relations, and operational law. Second, the model must incorporate a framework for continuous legal education and training for both the troops and the officers of the proposed MJU. Third, integrating a model akin to the JAG into both the existing military structure and the procedural rules would require meticulous legal drafting.Why It Matters Reforming Ukraine's military justice system can and should address both immediate and long-term needs. Enhancing the draft law to clearly articulate the functions and authority of the MJU, combined with essential Rules of Procedures and establishing credible oversight mechanisms and ethical standards, is crucial for maintaining integrity and public trust in the military justice system.Ukraine might also seek international guidance in this regard from NATO-aligned countries to better align its military justice practices with international standards, implementing a model akin to the JAG Corps. This would not only ensure that Ukraine's military justice system was equipped to handle the complexities of modern military operations while upholding the highest standards of legal and ethical conduct, it would also reinforce Ukraine's commitment to the rule of law and democratic values.Reforming the military justice system in Ukraine is an urgent matter and a strategic imperative that demands immediate attention and action, of a piece with Ukraine's broader goals of democratic reform.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Background. The rapid development of the industry of chemical, radiation-nuclear technologies and the emergence of the chemical and radiation environment surrounding virtually all spheres of the human activity causes urgent need to solve complex problems of medical supply of chemical and radiation safety in Ukraine. There is an increase in the role of vocational training of toxicologists according to the needs of the health care system of Ukraine in providing toxicological assistance to both the civilian population and individual special medical units providing medical care under conditions of terrorist threats and emergencies and accompanied by the action of chemical, radiation and biological agents. The purpose of the study was to analyze the current system of chemical safety in the country in terms of existing external and internal chemical threats and to develop a modern model of professional training in the field of toxicology. Material and me­thods. The recommendations of international organizations on the formation of an effective system of chemical safety, in particular training of specialists in the field of medical toxicology for the last 20 years (Food and Agriculture Organization, International Labor Organization, Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, United Nations Environment Programme, United Nations Industrial Development Organization, United Nations Institute for Training and Research, World Health Organization), were studied. The analysis of the periodical scientific sources of the Commonwealth of Independent States, Europe, the USA, Japan and other countries on these issues was carried out. Results. In Ukraine, the training system of toxicologists in the health care system has not been established. For example, there are no specialized departments in institutions of postgraduate education. In the institutions of higher education, the number of training hours on toxicology has been reduced from 2 weeks to 3–5 hours. The necessity to provide the appropriate level of training of toxicologists for the needs of the health care system in Ukraine determined in 2017 the development and implementation of the educational and scientific training program for masters at the premises of the department of military toxicology, radio­logy and medical protection of the Ukrainian Military Medical Academy was stipulated (master's) level of higher education in the field of toxicology. This program of specialization in toxicology developed according to EUROTOX standards is relevant not only for medical officers and officials of state structures responsible for medical support of special forces for combating chemical (biological) terrorism and specialists in the field of medical devices, but also for emergency care experts, and the heads of health care institutions of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine. The main sections of the programs for postgraduate education of toxicologists at training courses in many countries of the world are: general principles of medical toxicology (types and circumstances of poisoning, basic principles of toxicology, clinical diagnosis, general principles of treatment for poisoning, organizations and groups — participants of poison control programs); toxic effects of chemicals on the human body (systematic monitoring and evaluation of the most widespread and severe cases of poisoning and toxic substances, monitoring and evaluation of toxicants); human toxicology in the aspect of rare-earth chemical research (toxicity prognosis, statistical and epidemiological programs for evaluation of acute and chronic effects of specific substances), etc. The developed master's program is based on the methodological principles of EUROTOX. Conclusions. Ensuring an effective system of chemical and radiation safety in Ukraine is possible under the conditions of creating a unified system of training toxicologists in the health care system of Ukraine according to EUROTOX standards. A practical step in this direction could be the creation at the premises of department of military toxicology, radiology and medical protection of the Ukrainian Military Medical Academy of an interdepartmental educational, methodological and scientific center to train toxicologists for the Armed Forces of Ukraine on the standards of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, for medical and preventive and scientific-practical institutions of Ukraine according to EUROTOX standards and receiving internationally recognized certificate of a toxicologist that will give the automatic right to enter the European register of toxicologists and increase the competitiveness of national experts. ; Актуальность. В Украине в последние годы все больше ощущается необходимость в новом формате профессиональной подготовки врачей-токсикологов для реализации государственных задач в направлении создания эффективной системы химической безопасности и защиты в условиях террористических угроз и риска возникновения чрезвычайных ситуаций, сопровождающихся действием химических агентов. Цель: анализ системы профессиональной подготовки врачей-токсикологов в системе Вооруженных сил Украины и подтверждение актуальности разработки новой модели профессиональной подготовки кадров по специальности «токсикология». Материалы и методы. Изучены рекомендации международных организаций по вопросам подготовки токсикологов. Проведен анализ периодических научных источников стран СНГ, Европы, США и других стран по этим вопросам. Результаты. Авторами рассмотрена возможность создания единой межведомственной системы подготовки врачей-токсикологов в соответствии с международными стандартами. Проведен сравнительный анализ действующих программ последипломной подготовки по направлению «токсикология» в отдельных странах Европейского союза, разработанных по рекомендациям Европейской ассоциации токсикологов. Проанализированы основы профессиональной подготовки врачей-токсикологов в Украине. Определенная роль кафедры военной токсикологии, радиологии и медицинской защиты Украинской военно-медицинской академии в последипломной подготовке врачей-токсикологов в направлении создания кадрового компонента системы химической безопасности. Авторами сформулированы предложения по совершенствованию программ последипломной подготовки врачей-токсикологов в Украине. Выводы. Обеспечение эффективной системы химической безопасности в Украине сегодня возможно при условии создания единой межведомственной системы подготовки врачей-токсикологов, основанной на международных стандартах и объединяющей потребности широкого спектра министерств и государственных служб. ; Актуальність. В Україні останніми роками все більше відчувається необхідність у новому форматі професійної підготовки лікарів-токсикологів для реалізації державних завдань у напрямі створення ефективної системи хімічної безпеки й захисту в умовах терористичних загроз і ризику виникнення надзвичайних ситуацій, що супроводжуються дією хімічних агентів. Мета: аналіз системи професійної підготовки лікарів-токсикологів у системі Збройних сил України й підтвердження актуальності розробки нової моделі професійної підготовки кадрів за спеціальністю «токсикологія». Матеріали та методи. Вивчено рекомендації міжнародних організацій з питань підготовки токсикологів. Проведено аналіз періодичних наукових джерел країн СНД, Європи, США та інших країн із цих питань. Результати. Авторами розглянута можливість створення єдиної міжвідомчої системи підготовки лікарів-токсикологів за міжнародними стандартами. Проведено порівняльний аналіз діючих програм післядипломної підготовки за напрямом «токсикологія» в окремих країнах Європейського Союзу, що розроблені за рекомендаціями Європейської асоціації токсикологів. Проаналізовані основи фахової підготовки лікарів-токсикологів в Україні. Визначена роль кафедри військової токсикології, радіології й медичного захисту Української військово-медичної академії в післядипломній підготовці лікарів-токсикологів у напрямі створення кадрового компонента системи хімічної безпеки держави. Авторами сформульовані пропозиції щодо удосконалення програм післядипломної підготовки лікарів-токсикологів в Україні. Висновки. Забезпечення ефективної системи хімічної й радіаційної безпеки в Україні сьогодні можливе за умов створення єдиної міжвідомчої системи підготовки лікарів-токсикологів, що базується на міжнародних стандартах і об'єднує потреби широкого спектра міністерств і державних служб.

             Previously posted on May 10/22 and Jan 30/23            Kissinger in Washington, May 7, 2022Henry Kissinger will be one hundred years old in a few weeks and has published five books since he turned ninety. Along with President Nixon, he futilely prolonged and escalated the Vietnam War for four years when defeat was already inevitable. But he also received the Nobel Peace Prize precisely for negotiating the ceasefire for that same war.     His doctrine also has these two faces. On the one hand, he conceives international politics as the interaction between states seeking power. On the other hand, he favors the balance of powers so that no one is able to fully impose its dominance on the others.   In the academic literature, Kissinger's approach is called "realism" and is widely accepted. The main alternative is the so-called "liberal" approach, which trusts in the ability of institutions to prevent wars and keep peace. From there arose the League of Nations, which failed, and the United Nations and its specialized organizations, which have had significant success on many issues, but are also currently showing their insufficiency.    The most accurate postulate of the realists is that the world is more peaceful when there are multiple powers than when there are only two, as in the Cold War, or a single super-dominant one, as seemed to be the case with the United States after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.   The success of the formula requires that the multilateral equilibrium could only be overthrown by an effort of a magnitude too difficult to mount. As a historical example, Kissinger has analyzed and praised the so-called Concert of Europe that was formed, after the defeat of Napoleon's France, by Great Britain, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and also recovered France. According to his interpretation, the Concert "came close to constituting the government of Europe" and achieved a long period without European-wide wars. The balance was upset by the unification of Germany at the end of the 19th century and its consequent aggressive expansionism, which led to the absurd and catastrophic First World War. Taking a similar approach, Kissinger continues to praise the construction of the European Union, which has prevented new general wars on the continent.    During his time in government, the biggest concern was that communism would end up dominating the world according to the domino theory, whereby the fall of a piece like Indochina would be followed by Burma and Thailand, as well as Indonesia (which, in fact, was very close), and from there, India, Japan, the Middle East... That's why the Vietnam war extended to Laos and Cambodia. But this is also the reason for the diplomatic opening to China, to break the Sino-Soviet bloc and achieve a certain multilateral balance.    The current interest of the discussion is that the role of the United States as the only superpower may be less exclusive and exclusionary than it seemed. A version of political realism in academia tends to analyze international relations "after hegemony" as a ground for "anarchy", that is, destructive conflicts and wars. However, the changes around the Ukrainian war can be read as a new opportunity for multilateral cooperation.    The United States has the initiative and many economic and military resources, but, paradoxically, it may have a good opportunity to expand pluralism. In the new situation of divided government between the Presidency and Congress, the most ambitious projects in domestic policy are paralyzed, so Joe Biden can focus on foreign policy, where he has more power, and expand multilateral cooperation.    The European Union is beginning to develop, for the first time, a spirited common international policy, in contrast to the dissent during the Iraq war, when the governments of Britain and Spain were on one side and those of France and Germany on the other. The rulers of China and India, which are rivals to each other, have told Russia that the world is not ready for war.    This configuration with more than three major powers points to a balance of powers capable of avoiding polarization, since, otherwise, a coalition of two-to-one preludes conflict.     Specifically, the Group of Seven, which is the nucleus of a latent world government, needs to work more closely with some members of the Group of Twenty, which includes India and China, so that its decisions are widely accepted and effective.    Negotiations between the US and the EU for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), in which substantive agreements had been reached, were paralyzed by Trump, and could now be revived.    The Trans-Pacific Agreement for Economic Cooperation was also abandoned by Trump, but the other eleven initial countries went ahead on their own and ended up signing the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), to which China has presented its candidacy. Many in the United States are clamoring for re-entry in what had been its own initiative.    And after the war in Ukraine, a new international structure will have to be defined, especially for Central and Eastern Europe, in which, as Kissinger said in a recent interview, "Russia should find a place."    Realism shows that the seeking for power explains many things, and the balance of power can prevent a general war. But when there is neither a single dominant power nor a confrontation between two, "liberal" rules and institutions may be the best mechanism for peace and multilateral cooperation.Also in Spanish in the daily La Vanguardia-click       While President Biden is not clear, and sometimes he is confusing about how the war in Ukraine could end, some other voices in Washington can speak and suggest more clearly. Several of them did it a few days ago at the Financial Times Weekend Festival, which was held, for the first time outside England, at the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts in Washington.The first surprisingly constructive intervention was from William J. Burns, the current CIA Director. Just a year ago, he came from retirement after a long career as a diplomat, and as such, in his presentation, the conversation with an FT journalist, and the dialogue with the audience, he showed a broader vision than the usual spies. When he was Ambassador in Boris Yeltsin's Moscow in the mid-1990s, Burns already felt that the NATO expansion until the borders of Russia was "premature at best, and needlessly provocative at worst." More specifically, to push for NATO membership of Ukraine and Georgia was "a serious strategic mistake that did indelible damage" –an opinion that at the time was shared by the governments of France and Germany. In an official encounter, Putin had told him that Ukraine in NATO "would be a hostile act toward Russia."Burns emphasized, of course, that there is "absolutely no justification for the invasion of Ukraine." Yet, he resumed that kind of strategic explanation while dismissing the ideological elaborations that pretend either justify or condemn the attack. In short: Russia has "pushed back" after Ukraine moved westward away from Russian influence.In his view, nevertheless, Putin miscalculated regarding the power of the Russian Army (which was sent to a "special operation" not planned by its generals), about Ukrainian resistance, and with the supposition that the West would be distracted by elections in Germany and France. He tried to explain the recent candidacies of Sweden and Finland to NATO as a deterrent against Putin's other potential attacks in the future. But the Director of the CIA did not utter a word that could be interpreted as supporting Ukraine's NATO membership.Even more thrilling was the participation of Henry Kissinger on "the new world disorder." The former Secretary of State is 99 years old this month, announced a new book of immediate publication, and for nearly one hour was focused, clear, and insightful, also in a dialogue with the audience. Kissinger started by using his academic background and remarking that the foreign policy's main priority of Russia, which is the largest country in the world, has always been to protect its huge territory from invasions. From this perspective, after the Cold War, the country's leadership was "offended" by NATO's absorption of Eastern Europe.Now –he noted— public discussion on Ukraine is all about confrontation, but by reflecting on the previous failures of the several governments he advised, he lamented that, again, nobody knows where we are going. Kissinger had already opposed Ukraine's candidacy to NATO when President Bush and Vice-president Cheney launched it in 2008. Six years later, at the Russian occupation of Crimea, he warned that Ukraine should not join either the East or the West, but it should function as "a bridge" between the two. He had predicted that otherwise, "the drift toward confrontation would accelerate."Most striking was his warning about the use of nuclear weapons. "I would not make Ukraine's membership to NATO a key issue," he remarked at the Kennedy Center. It would be "unwise to take an adversarial position," mainly because of the horrible danger of a nuclear war. His approach was certainly in contrast with that in the 1970s, of which he was reminded, when the gibberish theory of the "domino" was used to attack one country after another. Bush and Cheney still used that approach in the early 2000s to justify "preventive wars." I got the impression that with aging, intelligent people like Kissinger may feel that it is not worth trying to deceive himself again, and despite his physical frailness (or perhaps because of that), his more mature brain moves in the direction of more honest and clear thinking. His main argument was that in the past, although confrontation was addressed to "preserve the balance of power" between the US and the Soviet Union, at the same time, he also promoted agreements for nuclear arms reduction and control. Nowadays, modern technology would produce much worse destruction, so he claimed for a "new era" in which the governments should take more care about the consequences of nuclear arms and favor diplomacy above all. Kissinger reminded the audience that, in the past, nuclear countries such as the Soviet Union and the United States accepted military defeats from non-nuclear countries, such as in Vietnam and (both) in Afghanistan. Even more now, "we have to deescalate to conventional arms and learn to live with adversarial relations." Kissinger has met Putin more than twenty times and asserted that "there is still room for negotiation" with him. In Spanish in the daily La Vanguardia

In the context of restoration of government framework and local authorities in the regions prone to external aggression, special attention should be paid to the study of the problem of organisation of communication between public authorities and local population. It is the dialogue and the effective exchange of information between the population and the local authorities that constitute one of the major pillars of reintegration of Donbass territories, covered by the antiterrorist operation, into Ukraine; the regional specifics of the given territories is the anarchy resulting from withdrawal of the local government bodies that were legally elected yet in 2010. In fact, escape of heads and deputies of local councils in the most challenging period in life of the region catalysed the local people, reinforcing the sense of insecurity and understanding the betrayal of representatives of local government bodies. Thus, the issues of enhancement of communication channels effectiveness, which were still burning before the beginning of the external aggression and the partial occupation of Donbass, have been compounded today by the problem of establishment of communication channels between the population and the new Ukrainian local authorities nearly from scratch. This needs to take into account that the armed conflict conditions remain and, obviously, leave their imprint on social interaction within local communities. At the same time, it is the development of communication in the ATO zone, especially in the areas that underwent occupation or were released, which may form the basis for the harmonious entry of the citizens into the Ukrainian socium. Establishment of civil­military administrations (CMAs) with the purpose to temporarily substitute the non­functioning local authorities in Donbass is the unique experience for Ukraine. Despite legal recognition of rights and duties of local government bodies, it should be understood that CMAs act in terms of the «undeclared war», increasingly choosing the model of restricted interaction with the population in this context. The analysis conducted in the article shows that among the traditional information channels, CMAs give preference to reception of citizens by executive authorities and placement of announcements. At the same time, such forms as media, Internet resources, reports and assemblies of citizens are hardly used by CMAs which altogether results in discontent among the population. But the main thing is that in the ATO zone such important components of communication as information exchange and involvement of population in the decision making by local authorities are totally missing. This trend also defines the level of interconnection not only between the government and the population in the ATO zone; on the contrary, the studies, conducted by the All­Ukrainian Association of local government bodies of «Association of Ukrainian Cities» in cooperation with the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, show that population in peaceful cities of Ukraine also experiences difficulties in communication with the government. This increases mistrust of the local government both in the ATO zone and in the country in the whole. The author of the article arrives at the conclusion about the need to reconsider the communication component in the work of local government bodies. It is in the ATO zone where the unique environment was established for creation of an open dialogue format, involvement of citizens into rebuilding the infrastructure thus nourishing the sense of participation in the governance. Given that CMAs report to state institutions, the situation can be reversed and the communication can be established only with the state support and intention. As the most efficient mechanism, the state may attract representatives of the third sector to this region, who could serve as volunteers for establishment of information services under CMAs, promptly reflecting and distributing information among the population and providing feedback. ; У контексті відновлення основ організації керування й місцевої влади в регіонах підданих зовнішній агресії особливої актуальності заслуговує дослідження проблематики комунікації публічної влади. Саме діалог й ефективний обмін інформацією між населенням і місцевою владою важлива складова реінтеграції територій Донбасу охоплених антитерористичною операцією. Специфікою більшості територій Донбасу стало безвладдя, у результаті відхилення законно обраних ще в 2010 році органів місцевого самоврядування. По суті, втеча мерів, депутатів місцевих рад у найважчий період життя регіону активізував у місцевих жителів почуття незахищеності й зрадництва з боку місцевої влади. Тим самим можна констатувати, що до проблем підвищення ефективності каналів комунікації зберігає свою актуальність до початку зовнішньої агресії й часткової окупації Донбасу, сьогодні додалася проблема налагодження комунікаційних зв'язків між населенням і новою місцевою українською владою фактично із чистого аркуша. При цьому необхідно враховувати, що умови військового конфлікту зберігаються й, безумовно, відкладають свій відбиток на взаємодію. У той же час саме розвиток комунікації в зоні АТО, особливо в населених пунктах, які пережили окупацію й звільнені може стати основою для гармонійного входження жителів в український соціум. Створення військово­цивільних адміністрацій з метою тимчасово замінити нефункціонуючі органи місцевого самоврядування на Донбасі – унікальний досвід для України. Незважаючи на законодавче закріплення за ВЦА прав і обов'язків органів місцевого самоврядування, необхідно розуміти, що діють вони в умовах «неоголошеної війни» і тим самим у більшій мірі обирають модель обмеженої взаємодії з населенням. Проведений у статті аналіз показує, що серед традиційних каналів подачі інформації ВЦА віддають перевагу прийому громадян посадовими особами; вивішуванню інформаційних оголошень. При цьому такі форми, як ЗМІ, Інтернет­ресурс, звіти, збори громадян практично не використовуються в роботі ВЦА, що в цілому викликає невдоволення в населення. Але головне, що в зоні АТО абсолютно відсутні такі важливі компоненти комунікації, як обмін інформацією й включення населення в процес прийняття рішень місцевої влади. Хоча дана тенденція характеризує й рівень взаємин не тільки влади з населенням у зоні АТО, навпаки, дослідження, проведені Всеукраїнською асоціацією органів місцевого самоврядування «Асоціація міст України» разом з Норвезьким інститутом міських і регіональних досліджень, показують, що й у мирних містах України населення також зазнає труднощів у комунікації із владою. Це підсилює рівень недовіри до місцевої влади як у зоні АТО, так і в цілому по країні. Автор статті приходить до висновків про необхідність перегляду комунікаційної складової в роботі органів місцевої влади. Саме в зоні АТО склалися унікальні умови створити формат відкритого діалогу, залучення громадян у відродження інфраструктури і тим самим формувати почуття причетності до керування. Виходячи з підпорядкованості ВЦА державним структурам переломити ситуацію й налагодити комунікацію можливо тільки при сприянні й бажанні держави. Як найбільш діючий механізм може стати залучення державою в даний регіон представників третього сектора як волонтерів по створенню інформаційних служб при ВЦА, які б оперативно відбивали й поширювали інформацію серед населення й здійснювали зворотний діалог. ; У контексті відновлення основ організації керування й місцевої влади в регіонах підданих зовнішній агресії особливої актуальності заслуговує дослідження проблематики комунікації публічної влади. Саме діалог й ефективний обмін інформацією між населенням і місцевою владою важлива складова реінтеграції територій Донбасу охоплених антитерористичною операцією. Специфікою більшості територій Донбасу стало безвладдя, у результаті відхилення законно обраних ще в 2010 році органів місцевого самоврядування. По суті, втеча мерів, депутатів місцевих рад у найважчий період життя регіону активізував у місцевих жителів почуття незахищеності й зрадництва з боку місцевої влади. Тим самим можна констатувати, що до проблем підвищення ефективності каналів комунікації зберігає свою актуальність до початку зовнішньої агресії й часткової окупації Донбасу, сьогодні додалася проблема налагодження комунікаційних зв'язків між населенням і новою місцевою українською владою фактично із чистого аркуша. При цьому необхідно враховувати, що умови військового конфлікту зберігаються й, безумовно, відкладають свій відбиток на взаємодію. У той же час саме розвиток комунікації в зоні АТО, особливо в населених пунктах, які пережили окупацію й звільнені може стати основою для гармонійного входження жителів в український соціум. Створення військово­цивільних адміністрацій з метою тимчасово замінити нефункціонуючі органи місцевого самоврядування на Донбасі – унікальний досвід для України. Незважаючи на законодавче закріплення за ВЦА прав і обов'язків органів місцевого самоврядування, необхідно розуміти, що діють вони в умовах «неоголошеної війни» і тим самим у більшій мірі обирають модель обмеженої взаємодії з населенням. Проведений у статті аналіз показує, що серед традиційних каналів подачі інформації ВЦА віддають перевагу прийому громадян посадовими особами; вивішуванню інформаційних оголошень. При цьому такі форми, як ЗМІ, Інтернет­ресурс, звіти, збори громадян практично не використовуються в роботі ВЦА, що в цілому викликає невдоволення в населення. Але головне, що в зоні АТО абсолютно відсутні такі важливі компоненти комунікації, як обмін інформацією й включення населення в процес прийняття рішень місцевої влади. Хоча дана тенденція характеризує й рівень взаємин не тільки влади з населенням у зоні АТО, навпаки, дослідження, проведені Всеукраїнською асоціацією органів місцевого самоврядування «Асоціація міст України» разом з Норвезьким інститутом міських і регіональних досліджень, показують, що й у мирних містах України населення також зазнає труднощів у комунікації із владою. Це підсилює рівень недовіри до місцевої влади як у зоні АТО, так і в цілому по країні. Автор статті приходить до висновків про необхідність перегляду комунікаційної складової в роботі органів місцевої влади. Саме в зоні АТО склалися унікальні умови створити формат відкритого діалогу, залучення громадян у відродження інфраструктури і тим самим формувати почуття причетності до керування. Виходячи з підпорядкованості ВЦА державним структурам переломити ситуацію й налагодити комунікацію можливо тільки при сприянні й бажанні держави. Як найбільш діючий механізм може стати залучення державою в даний регіон представників третього сектора як волонтерів по створенню інформаційних служб при ВЦА, які б оперативно відбивали й поширювали інформацію серед населення й здійснювали зворотний діалог.

Problem formulation. The problem of organizing state and non-state institutions to combat the spread of fakes in the information space is to establish a parity (balance) between: citizens right to receive reliable/legal information protection, freedom of speech protection and expression (civil liberties) and protection of national interests of Ukraine. The existing imbalance caused by the lack of effective mechanisms to counteract misinformation and its dissemination through social media. In the EU countries at the state level the fight is not against misinformation, but with illegal (harmful, dangerous) content in the media and social media, which is ineffective for Ukraine in the face of existing challenges and threats related to the military conflict and occupation of part of state territory, as well as the Covid-19 pandemic. Previously unresolved parts of the overall problem. An unresolved part of the general problem is the lack of proper scientific substantiation of state mechanisms to combat disinformation and its dissemination in the media and social media. The aim of the article is to develop strategic approaches and practical recommendations for combating misinformation and its dissemination in Ukraine by social media in the context of information and psychological attacks and the Covid-19 pandemic. Main material. Digital technologies and information flows form practically all social processes faced by modern society. Thanks to built-in microprocessors, algorithmic devices and information systems combine texts, sounds and images that are easily stored and reproduced in digital format. The transfer of mass communication to the Internet has led to the transition of target audiences from traditional media to social networks. Without diminishing the benefits, opportunities and prospects that the digital world opens to humanity, it is necessary to actualize the significance of the negative side of the digital development of mass communication. Digital realities open up new possibilities for the introduction of various manipulation tools, among which misinformation is especially dangerous. Post-truth interpretation refers to artificial circumstances in which the emotions and personal beliefs of target audiences are more important than objective facts and evidence that become irrelevant, particularly in shaping public opinion and influencing the mass consciousness. Post-truth is not just the opposite of truth, but rather a phenomenon of purposeful introduction of proactive communication, which as a set of different and interconnected actions, due to its recombined qualities and combination of different components misleads recipients of information in order to subdue them. The consequence is a decrease in the level of trust in the received information and media. People are confused, it becomes difficult for them to separate true information from false information, they do not realize what is true and what media can be trusted. The post-truth politics is realized through "soft" and gradual transformation of the system of national values and moral principles into so-called alternative "universal norms of morality" to absolutize individual freedom, discredit expert opinions and rational discussions, and most importantly to destroy information sovereignty. One of the effective tools for implementing such a policy is gaslighting - a form of organized influence of suggestors (manipulators, politicians, officials) on the processes of public self-identification in order to disorient them and further subdue by provoking uncertainty and doubts about the adequacy of their perception of reality. Victims of gaslighting no longer trust their values, ideals and beliefs, and in despair they give up and by default fall under the influence of manipulators. Such people do not even realize that they are consumers of misinformation. Global networks are becoming a suitable environment for gas writers, as the constant presence of the vast majority of users on social networks and media channels is caused by the growing level of Internet addiction and digital autism, which create a person first addiction and secondly dangerous state of inability to maintain psychological support. languages with other individuals. That is, the digital transformation of everyday life contributes to the loss of people's communication skills of real communication. The loss of the ability to think adequately, independently and analytically is also negative, because the content and meaning of what is happening around them is formed by social media and digital algorithms of artificial intelligence. Influencing citizens by external propagandists' manipulation means disseminate not only criminal and illegal content through social media, but also directly implement political scenarios of changes in national values, the overthrow of the government, provoke armed conflicts, and so on. Disinformation contributes to a geometrically progressive increase in the incidence of the population, which leads to the introduction by the authorities of some regulatory (remediation) measures that may impair freedom of speech and freedom of expression, restrict freedom of assembly and access to public information. In order to obtain the necessary parity between the appropriateness of the application of regulatory measures to combat misinformation to protect the right to reliable and lawful information and the exercise of civil liberties (rights to freedom expression), it is necessary to legally define the grounds, limits and criteria limitation. The dissemination of harmful information cannot be overcome post-factum with the help of targeted sanctions, under these conditions rapid preventive measures are needed. In this context, the media play a key role in combating fakes and are accountable to the state and society for failing to provide accurate and reliable information to the public. Social media units, multinational corporations (digital producers), administrators of social networking platforms, non-governmental organizations and international institutions, civil society and independent media are the subjects of counteraction to the spread of disinformation by social media. Conclusions and recommendations. The significance of the negative consequences of the digital development of mass communication is actualized, the virtual reality of which opens new possibilities for the introduction of various manipulation tools, among which misinformation carries a special danger. It has been proven that misinformation is successfully disseminated through aggressive information campaigns and lack of knowledge about threats and existing vulnerabilities of society, and more effectively affects target audiences by disrupting the interaction (cooperation and communication) of actors to counter its dissemination at the national and international levels. It is substantiated that modern management processes are formed under the influence of post-truth policy, one of the effective tools of which is gaslighting. The main factors that contribute to the spread of misinformation through social media are identified: the effectiveness of the impact on the mass consciousness; scale, high speed and rate of distribution; stability of online presence (causes cumulative effect); intentional promotion of content by artificially adding it to disseminated information flows through popular media and resources; high quality, multidimensionality and variety of fake products, which are perfectly combined in the form of texts, images and videos; easy availability, high-tech and convenience of software for creating fakes. The necessity of disseminating positive Ukrainian narratives by social media as a tool to counteract misinformation and information defense of the country has been proved. It is proposed to involve the best representatives of the Ukrainian elite: patriotic politicians and public figures (opinion leaders), bloggers, volunteers, scientists, cultural and artistic figures for this case. It is substantiated that state public policy subjects of counteracting disinformation and its dissemination (Center for Counteracting Disinformation of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Center for Strategic Communications and Information Security of the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine and National Council of Ukraine on Television and Radio Broadcasting) flows in the middle of the country, if necessary, applying the necessary remedial action, study the target audiences, identify, analyze and assess their vulnerabilities (public fears, doubts, etc.), predict possible information attacks on Ukraine. It is necessary to constantly cooperate with digital media and mass media through information and communication campaigns. Practical recommendations were given to state/non-state subjects of counteraction of misinformation on struggle in Ukraine against production of fake content by means of social media. It is necessary: to create a favorable socio-economic, institutional-legal and information-communicative environment for quality and independent journalism, as well as an independent community of fact-checkers as a form of journalistic control to verify the facts used in texts, speeches, social networks posts and identify possible inconsistencies; to disseminate accurate, reliable and objective information on the basis of responsible and independent journalism, to prevent the dissemination of fabricated and manipulative content; to produce positive Ukrainian narratives as a tool of information defense, to prevent the emergence of fakes (instead of refuting fakes - to act in advance), promptly and without explanation to remove/block malicious content in accordance with the law and "community policy"; to set requirements for the media platforms transparency (their activities, funding sources, owners), define criteria and algorithms for ranking information, as well as legally and legitimately require social media to remove illegal content and block its distributors; to monitor, moderate and control the social media content on the basis of legality, transparency and compliance with international human rights standards with the use of means to protect them; to regulate and control the distribution of advertising on news resources of the media and social media, in particular to ensure verification of the transparency and veracity of its sponsored political content, as well as limit of its targeting in order to minimize the income of disinformation disseminators; to promote digital services of voluntary users identification in the online space; to ensure easy, fast and reliable access to all official documents, regulated by the Council of Europe Convention on Access to Official Documents, ratified by Ukraine in 2020 (Council of Europe Convention on Access to Official Documents, 2009); to delegate to search platforms and social networks to determine the truth/falsity of information using artificial intelligence algorithms, remembering that these algorithms can be used to detect/remove misinformation, and vice versa - to create fake information (for example, to form the necessary public opinion misinformation is directed to a specific target audience, taking into account its features and characteristics through algorithmic analysis of messages on social networks, preferences, a selection of sources of user content); to ensure that the majority of the population masters the media literacy and cyberhygiene basics, in particular to encourage and promote the introduction of specialized media programs on information and digital literacy for most people to understand the functions and ramifications of artificial intelligence algorithms, the ability to make informed decisions minimize the impact of threats (risks) associated with the use of such systems, in cooperation with relevant stakeholders, including the private sector, the media, civil society, educational institutions and scientific and technical institutions. Key words: post-truth politics, misinformation, gaslighting, mass media, social media, social networks, fact-checking, media literacy, information campaigns, infodemia, digital technologies, digital transformations, artificial intelligence algorithms. ; У статті охарактеризовано проблеми організації боротьби із поширенням фейків в інформаційному просторі, які пов'язані з відсутністю ефективних державних механізмів протидії дезінформації та її поширенню засобами соціальних медіа. Доведено, що в країнах ЄС здійснюється боротьба не з дезінформацією, а з незаконним (шкідливим, небезпечним) контентом, що поширюється у ЗМІ та соціальних мережах, що є неефективним в умовах існуючих викликів та загроз, які пов'язані з військовим конфліктом та окупацією частини території України, а також пандемією Сovid-19, спричиненої коронавірусом SARS-CoV-2. Актуалізовано значущість негативних наслідків цифрового розвитку масової комунікації, реалії якого відкривають нові можливості запровадження різних інструментів маніпулювання, особливу небезпеку серед яких становить дезінформація. Охарактеризовано управлінські процеси, які формуються під впливом політики постправди, одним з ефективних інструментів реалізації якої є газлайтинг. Визначено основні фактори, які сприяють поширенню дезінформації засобами соціальних медіа. Доведено необхідність поширення засобами соціальних медіа позитивних українських наратив як інструменту протидії дезінформації та здійснення інформаційної оборони країни. Визначено державні суб'єкти вироблення публічної політики з протидії дезінформації та її поширенню в Україні, а також надано практичні рекомендації щодо боротьби з продукуванням фейкового контенту засобами соціальних медіа. Ключові слова: політика постправди; дезінформація; газлайтинг; засоби масової комунікації; засоби масової інформації; соціальні медіа; соціальні мережі; фактчекінг; медіаграмотність; інформаційні кампанії; інфодемія; цифрові технології; цифрові трансформації; алгоритми штучного інтелекту.

Problem formulation. The problem of organizing state and non-state institutions to combat the spread of fakes in the information space is to establish a parity (balance) between: citizens right to receive reliable/legal information protection, freedom of speech protection and expression (civil liberties) and protection of national interests of Ukraine. The existing imbalance caused by the lack of effective mechanisms to counteract misinformation and its dissemination through social media. In the EU countries at the state level the fight is not against misinformation, but with illegal (harmful, dangerous) content in the media and social media, which is ineffective for Ukraine in the face of existing challenges and threats related to the military conflict and occupation of part of state territory, as well as the Covid-19 pandemic. Previously unresolved parts of the overall problem. An unresolved part of the general problem is the lack of proper scientific substantiation of state mechanisms to combat disinformation and its dissemination in the media and social media. The aim of the article is to develop strategic approaches and practical recommendations for combating misinformation and its dissemination in Ukraine by social media in the context of information and psychological attacks and the Covid-19 pandemic. Main material. Digital technologies and information flows form practically all social processes faced by modern society. Thanks to built-in microprocessors, algorithmic devices and information systems combine texts, sounds and images that are easily stored and reproduced in digital format. The transfer of mass communication to the Internet has led to the transition of target audiences from traditional media to social networks. Without diminishing the benefits, opportunities and prospects that the digital world opens to humanity, it is necessary to actualize the significance of the negative side of the digital development of mass communication. Digital realities open up new possibilities for the introduction of various manipulation tools, among which misinformation is especially dangerous. Post-truth interpretation refers to artificial circumstances in which the emotions and personal beliefs of target audiences are more important than objective facts and evidence that become irrelevant, particularly in shaping public opinion and influencing the mass consciousness. Post-truth is not just the opposite of truth, but rather a phenomenon of purposeful introduction of proactive communication, which as a set of different and interconnected actions, due to its recombined qualities and combination of different components misleads recipients of information in order to subdue them. The consequence is a decrease in the level of trust in the received information and media. People are confused, it becomes difficult for them to separate true information from false information, they do not realize what is true and what media can be trusted. The post-truth politics is realized through "soft" and gradual transformation of the system of national values and moral principles into so-called alternative "universal norms of morality" to absolutize individual freedom, discredit expert opinions and rational discussions, and most importantly to destroy information sovereignty. One of the effective tools for implementing such a policy is gaslighting - a form of organized influence of suggestors (manipulators, politicians, officials) on the processes of public self-identification in order to disorient them and further subdue by provoking uncertainty and doubts about the adequacy of their perception of reality. Victims of gaslighting no longer trust their values, ideals and beliefs, and in despair they give up and by default fall under the influence of manipulators. Such people do not even realize that they are consumers of misinformation. Global networks are becoming a suitable environment for gas writers, as the constant presence of the vast majority of users on social networks and media channels is caused by the growing level of Internet addiction and digital autism, which create a person first addiction and secondly dangerous state of inability to maintain psychological support. languages with other individuals. That is, the digital transformation of everyday life contributes to the loss of people's communication skills of real communication. The loss of the ability to think adequately, independently and analytically is also negative, because the content and meaning of what is happening around them is formed by social media and digital algorithms of artificial intelligence. Influencing citizens by external propagandists' manipulation means disseminate not only criminal and illegal content through social media, but also directly implement political scenarios of changes in national values, the overthrow of the government, provoke armed conflicts, and so on. Disinformation contributes to a geometrically progressive increase in the incidence of the population, which leads to the introduction by the authorities of some regulatory (remediation) measures that may impair freedom of speech and freedom of expression, restrict freedom of assembly and access to public information. In order to obtain the necessary parity between the appropriateness of the application of regulatory measures to combat misinformation to protect the right to reliable and lawful information and the exercise of civil liberties (rights to freedom expression), it is necessary to legally define the grounds, limits and criteria limitation. The dissemination of harmful information cannot be overcome post-factum with the help of targeted sanctions, under these conditions rapid preventive measures are needed. In this context, the media play a key role in combating fakes and are accountable to the state and society for failing to provide accurate and reliable information to the public. Social media units, multinational corporations (digital producers), administrators of social networking platforms, non-governmental organizations and international institutions, civil society and independent media are the subjects of counteraction to the spread of disinformation by social media. Conclusions and recommendations. The significance of the negative consequences of the digital development of mass communication is actualized, the virtual reality of which opens new possibilities for the introduction of various manipulation tools, among which misinformation carries a special danger. It has been proven that misinformation is successfully disseminated through aggressive information campaigns and lack of knowledge about threats and existing vulnerabilities of society, and more effectively affects target audiences by disrupting the interaction (cooperation and communication) of actors to counter its dissemination at the national and international levels. It is substantiated that modern management processes are formed under the influence of post-truth policy, one of the effective tools of which is gaslighting. The main factors that contribute to the spread of misinformation through social media are identified: the effectiveness of the impact on the mass consciousness; scale, high speed and rate of distribution; stability of online presence (causes cumulative effect); intentional promotion of content by artificially adding it to disseminated information flows through popular media and resources; high quality, multidimensionality and variety of fake products, which are perfectly combined in the form of texts, images and videos; easy availability, high-tech and convenience of software for creating fakes. The necessity of disseminating positive Ukrainian narratives by social media as a tool to counteract misinformation and information defense of the country has been proved. It is proposed to involve the best representatives of the Ukrainian elite: patriotic politicians and public figures (opinion leaders), bloggers, volunteers, scientists, cultural and artistic figures for this case. It is substantiated that state public policy subjects of counteracting disinformation and its dissemination (Center for Counteracting Disinformation of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Center for Strategic Communications and Information Security of the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy of Ukraine and National Council of Ukraine on Television and Radio Broadcasting) flows in the middle of the country, if necessary, applying the necessary remedial action, study the target audiences, identify, analyze and assess their vulnerabilities (public fears, doubts, etc.), predict possible information attacks on Ukraine. It is necessary to constantly cooperate with digital media and mass media through information and communication campaigns. Practical recommendations were given to state/non-state subjects of counteraction of misinformation on struggle in Ukraine against production of fake content by means of social media. It is necessary: to create a favorable socio-economic, institutional-legal and information-communicative environment for quality and independent journalism, as well as an independent community of fact-checkers as a form of journalistic control to verify the facts used in texts, speeches, social networks posts and identify possible inconsistencies; to disseminate accurate, reliable and objective information on the basis of responsible and independent journalism, to prevent the dissemination of fabricated and manipulative content; to produce positive Ukrainian narratives as a tool of information defense, to prevent the emergence of fakes (instead of refuting fakes - to act in advance), promptly and without explanation to remove/block malicious content in accordance with the law and "community policy"; to set requirements for the media platforms transparency (their activities, funding sources, owners), define criteria and algorithms for ranking information, as well as legally and legitimately require social media to remove illegal content and block its distributors; to monitor, moderate and control the social media content on the basis of legality, transparency and compliance with international human rights standards with the use of means to protect them; to regulate and control the distribution of advertising on news resources of the media and social media, in particular to ensure verification of the transparency and veracity of its sponsored political content, as well as limit of its targeting in order to minimize the income of disinformation disseminators; to promote digital services of voluntary users identification in the online space; to ensure easy, fast and reliable access to all official documents, regulated by the Council of Europe Convention on Access to Official Documents, ratified by Ukraine in 2020 (Council of Europe Convention on Access to Official Documents, 2009); to delegate to search platforms and social networks to determine the truth/falsity of information using artificial intelligence algorithms, remembering that these algorithms can be used to detect/remove misinformation, and vice versa - to create fake information (for example, to form the necessary public opinion misinformation is directed to a specific target audience, taking into account its features and characteristics through algorithmic analysis of messages on social networks, preferences, a selection of sources of user content); to ensure that the majority of the population masters the media literacy and cyberhygiene basics, in particular to encourage and promote the introduction of specialized media programs on information and digital literacy for most people to understand the functions and ramifications of artificial intelligence algorithms, the ability to make informed decisions minimize the impact of threats (risks) associated with the use of such systems, in cooperation with relevant stakeholders, including the private sector, the media, civil society, educational institutions and scientific and technical institutions. Key words: post-truth politics, misinformation, gaslighting, mass media, social media, social networks, fact-checking, media literacy, information campaigns, infodemia, digital technologies, digital transformations, artificial intelligence algorithms. ; У статті охарактеризовано проблеми організації боротьби із поширенням фейків в інформаційному просторі, які пов'язані з відсутністю ефективних державних механізмів протидії дезінформації та її поширенню засобами соціальних медіа. Доведено, що в країнах ЄС здійснюється боротьба не з дезінформацією, а з незаконним (шкідливим, небезпечним) контентом, що поширюється у ЗМІ та соціальних мережах, що є неефективним в умовах існуючих викликів та загроз, які пов'язані з військовим конфліктом та окупацією частини території України, а також пандемією Сovid-19, спричиненої коронавірусом SARS-CoV-2. Актуалізовано значущість негативних наслідків цифрового розвитку масової комунікації, реалії якого відкривають нові можливості запровадження різних інструментів маніпулювання, особливу небезпеку серед яких становить дезінформація. Охарактеризовано управлінські процеси, які формуються під впливом політики постправди, одним з ефективних інструментів реалізації якої є газлайтинг. Визначено основні фактори, які сприяють поширенню дезінформації засобами соціальних медіа. Доведено необхідність поширення засобами соціальних медіа позитивних українських наратив як інструменту протидії дезінформації та здійснення інформаційної оборони країни. Визначено державні суб'єкти вироблення публічної політики з протидії дезінформації та її поширенню в Україні, а також надано практичні рекомендації щодо боротьби з продукуванням фейкового контенту засобами соціальних медіа. Ключові слова: політика постправди; дезінформація; газлайтинг; засоби масової комунікації; засоби масової інформації; соціальні медіа; соціальні мережі; фактчекінг; медіаграмотність; інформаційні кампанії; інфодемія; цифрові технології; цифрові трансформації; алгоритми штучного інтелекту.