Suchergebnisse

As Malaysia recorded its first deaths from Covid-19 in mid-March 2020, media coverage drew attention to the approximately four million undocumented migrant workers and over 160,000 refugees excluded from state-provided basic support services, including healthcare. The spread of the virus across informal settlements and marginalized populations severely tested Malaysia's governance capabilities. It underscored the importance of accounting for and supporting all Malaysian residents in order to successfully respond to the pandemic. The government's early response to the pandemic involved a lockdown and the provision of food and supplies to vulnerable communities via local distribution centres. Initially, these vital resources were delivered by the military because officials believed that the army was best placed to effectively distribute essentials while containing the spread of the virus. Unfortunately, however, military control over distribution centres discouraged many undocumented migrants and refugees from going to the centres out of fear of being arrested and potentially detained or deported. This fear of accessing food and supplies compounded the already precarious situation of many thousands of residents who also lacked adequate access to healthcare or social welfare services. Fortunately, local authorities swiftly recognized this error and allowed local civil society organizations (CSOs) that had established trust with migrant and refugee communities to take charge of food distribution at the centers. Shortly afterwards around 120 local CSOs collaborated with the Malaysian Welfare Department to provide food, essential supplies, and medical services.

Poverty simulations suggest that the COVID-19 pandemic and the measures implemented by the government to contain the spread of the virus will increase the number of poor in the country. As such, various social safety nets were implemented by both the national and local government agencies to help the affected individuals, families, and enterprises cope with the economic effects of COVID-19 and to smoothen their consumption particularly during the initial stages of the national lockdown, albeit temporarily.

Due to its low-lying geography, high population density and persistent poverty, Bangladesh is considered one of the most vulnerable countries in the world to the potential impacts of climate change. In the worst-case scenario, climate change may result in rising sea levels that will displace millions of people from the coastal regions of the country and adversely affect their livelihoods and long-term health. Although Bangladesh has witnessed rapid economic development and substantial improvements on several important human development indicators, its potential vulnerability to climate change poses a severe challenge to the country's ability to sustain the progress made so far. Whereas a number of interrelated factors, including global carbon dioxide emissions, can explain Bangladesh's vulnerability to climate change, the country's development trajectory especially its reliance on fossil fuels has created its own environmental consequences. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) estimates that if the world continues on its current fossil fuel-intensive path, damage from climate change can cost Bangladesh up to 2 percent of its GDP by 2050.1 Without reconciling its economic and the environmental pillars, economic growth will not be sustainable and from Bangladesh's perspective, it will be a major challenge to maintain the average 6 percent or higher growth rate that is vital to achieving middle-income economy status while ensuring a smooth transition to a sustainable and inclusive growth path. While recent studies have pointed out that environmental degradation itself is costly and has negative effects on economic growth (Croitoru & Sarraf, 2010; Hallegatte et al, 2012 Padilla in this volume), the challenge for emerging economies is to remain in the development trajectory acknowledging the interdependence between economic growth and environmental adaptation. A possible solution of this is to adopt and apply green economy policies, which by definition concentrate on making the economic growth process resource-efficient, cleaner and more resilient, without necessarily slowing economic growth. Over the last decade, developing countries across the Asia and Pacific region have increasingly begun to reshape their economic development strategies around this concept. Most governments now recognize that they can no longer afford to pursue economic growth at the cost of the welfare of their people or the destruction of their natural resource base. Consequently, they are starting to integrate the core values of social equity and environmental sustainability into their national development strategies.

Marc Joffe


San Francisco is proving to be ground zero in the nationwide commercial real estate collapse. While the values of offices and malls are tumbling in many US cities, the losses in San Francisco are more dramatic and, unlike elsewhere, have extended to hotels. City and state government mismanagement have played a major role in destroying billions of dollars in assessable real estate values, but the role of these policies is easily overlooked.
San Francisco's plight was thrown into sharp relief on June 5, when the owner of two downtown hotels containing a combined 2,925 rooms announced that it would cease making payments on a $725 million mortgage backed by the properties. Commercial bond investors will now have to find a company willing to purchase the hotels at a small fraction of their estimated 2020 valuation of $1.561 billion.
In explaining the company's decision to walk away from the hotels, Thomas J. Baltimore, Jr., Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Park Hotels and Resorts stated:
After much thought and consideration, we believe it is in the best interest for Park's stockholders to materially reduce our current exposure to the San Francisco market. Now more than ever, we believe San Francisco's path to recovery remains clouded and elongated by major challenges – both old and new: record high office vacancy; concerns over street conditions; lower return to office than peer cities; and a weaker than expected citywide convention calendar through 2027 that will negatively impact business and leisure demand and will likely significantly reduce compression in the city for the foreseeable future.

Another nearby hotel is also experiencing a dramatic valuation decline. The 1,195-room Westin St. Francis Hotel has asked the local tax assessor to slash the combined assessment of its two parcels from $1.037 billion to $101 million.
The hotels are within walking distance of the Westfield San Francisco Centre mall that is losing its anchor retailer, Nordstrom, this summer. Before Nordstrom announced the closure, S&P had already estimated that the mall's value had declined by over 70% since it was appraised in 2016.
An even larger value decline was suffered by a 22‐​story office tower at 350 California Street. After being valued at around $300 million in 2019, the property recently changed hands for between $60 million and $67.5 million according to media reports.
When considering why San Francisco has suffered so much commercial real estate value destruction in the 2020s, it is tempting to conclude that the city's tech‐​heavy workforce was better equipped to work from home. This factor played a role but should not be overestimated. Indeed, one common software development methodology, known as agile, often involved daily in‐​person team meetings. So, it is not strictly true that software engineering is a solitary job.
Rather than blame the pandemic or the local business mix, San Francisco and California political leaders should look inward at their policy errors that exacerbated the city's distress. Among these unforced errors were their harsh lockdown policies and the failure to provide adequate security in the downtown core.
The Lockdown
San Francisco and neighboring counties were the first to impose sweeping stay‐​at‐​home orders at the beginning of the COVID pandemic in the US. More importantly, San Francisco and its neighbors were slower than most other population centers to relax COVID-19 restrictions.
Over a three‐​year period, San Francisco's public health officer issued a blizzard of rules that were often lengthy and challenging to implement. As late as January 27, 2021 (over ten months into the pandemic), he issued an order that required "all residents in the County to reduce the risk of COVID-19 transmission by staying in their residences to the extent possible and minimizing trips and activities outside the home." At the time, California had more cases per capita than the less restrictive states of Texas and Florida, begging the question of how effective lockdown measures were.
By continuing shelter‐​at‐​home restrictions for so long, San Francisco normalized remote work, thereby encouraging employers and employees to adopt to a new normal. Many employees moved beyond easy commuting distance from the city on the assumption that they could retain hybrid or fully remote work arrangements permanently.
Although San Francisco's political leaders trumpet the city's low per capita death rate from COVID-19, some of that is attributable to individuals temporarily or permanently leaving the area, thereby deflating the true denominator of any death rate calculation. Economist Stephen Hanke has concluded that lockdowns had "a negligible effect" in COVID deaths.
Lack of Security
As the accompanying map shows, San Francisco has a very high concentration of high value properties in a small geographic area. Many of these $100 million plus properties (based on assessed value) are within walking distance of the Tenderloin neighborhood which has struggled over several decades. But in recent years, the social problems of the Tenderloin have increasingly spilled over into the adjacent, high‐​value areas, deterring tourists, shoppers, and office workers from visiting.











Measuring crime trends is challenging. According to Police Department statistics, reported crimes in the first five months of 2023 are below pre‐​pandemic levels. But some proportion of crime goes unreported and it is possible that this proportion has increased given the low likelihood that San Francisco police will identify a suspect. In 2022, only 2.9% of larceny thefts were cleared within one year.
Also, residents clearly perceive an increase in crime. The most recent City Controller survey found that San Franciscans rated the city's safety a C+, the lowest grade since 1996. Safety ratings were especially low in the Tenderloin and two adjoining neighborhoods with high‐​value commercial real estate: South of Market and Financial District/​South Beach.
Critics have highlighted various public safety policy concerns including the defund the police movement, lax prosecution, reclassification of shoplifting goods worth less than $950 as a misdemeanor, disincarceration, and lack of enforcement against open air drug markets. Since these issues have been covered elsewhere and libertarians have varying opinions about them, I'll address a couple of other aspects that have received less attention.
First, the city has encouraged many individuals who may be more prone to criminal activity to concentrate in and around the Tenderloin. It has done this by establishing a cluster of thousands of supportive housing units, mostly in converted hotels in the area. Although residents of supportive housing are no longer defined as "homeless", many if not most are still dealing with issues such as drug addiction that contributed to their loss of shelter.
During the pandemic, the city converted hundreds of additional hotel rooms in the area to temporary residences for unhoused homeless individuals in hopes of preventing them from getting and spreading COVID-19. But the unintended effect of this program, known as Project Roomkey, seems to have been to increase drug abuse and disorder at the periphery of the Tenderloin.
One Project Roomkey property, Hotel Whitcomb, housed about four hundred homeless individuals, many of whom were continuing to use drugs. Shortly thereafter, a new open air drug market became established in an alley just south of Market Street. Both the hotel and the drug market were near a new Whole Foods store which was forced to close due to high rates of theft and violent criminal activity.
Aside from concentrating potential offenders in the area, the city and activists appear to have neutered two quasi‐​private mechanisms that allow business districts to enhance security levels beyond that which the city government would normally provide.
Since 1847, San Francisco has had a category of law enforcement officers known as a Patrol Special Police. These trained officers can be directly hired by groups of merchants and/​or homeowners to patrol and provide other security services within a designated area. In 1994, there were 72 patrol special police serving 65 areas. But their ranks decreased in recent decades and, as of 2022, only one officer remained.
Although clients expressed a high level of satisfaction with their services, city policies have decimated the program. San Francisco's charter requires the city's Police Commission to approve new patrol special officers, but in recent years it has rarely done so. At the same time, the San Francisco Police Department offered a competing program under which city‐​employed police officers could provide security services to local business when they would otherwise be off duty.
Since clients must cover officer pay at overtime rates, this alternative is more expensive. Further, given the shortage of police officers in San Francisco today, there may not be enough staff to regularly serve clients who might be interested in purchasing their services.
California has also given property owners the ability to form their own Business Improvement Districts (BIDs) since the 1990s. BIDs, also known locally as Community Benefit Districts (CBDs), are formed when owners representing a majority of the assessed valuation in a given area vote to tax themselves to finance district operations.
San Francisco's Union Square area, the hotel and retail center that borders the Tenderloin, has had a BID in place since 1999. By 2018, the district was employing a large staff of cleaning ambassadors and safety ambassadors to deal with trash and quality of life issues respectively. The BID also installed a network of security cameras.
But the district's efforts to force homeless individuals out of the area faced criticism from UC Berkeley's Public Policy Clinic and local activists. Since the pandemic, the BID, now known as the Union Square Alliance, may have become less effective at maintaining cleanliness and safety in its neighborhood. It is not clear whether this is due to the criticism it has received, the retirement of its long‐​time executive director, or some other factor.
Conclusion
An overly energetic lockdown and actions that concentrated violent and unstable individuals in the downtown area have contributed to the collapse of real estate values in San Francisco's prime hotel, office, and retail districts. Quasi‐​governmental institutions that might have stepped in to provide improved security and street conditions have been enfeebled in part by city policy.
At this point, it does not appear that any set of feasible policies can restore downtown San Francisco to the heights it reached in 2019. A more realistic possibility is that it will stabilize at much lower levels of occupancy, activity, and value forming a new base from which to grow. New and remaining property owners should be given the tools and the space to restore a sense of security among those visiting, shopping, and staying in the neighborhood. Finally, city and state leaders should avoid overreacting to pandemics.

Part four of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: What marriage customs are like in Saudi Arabia. How he feels about life in the U.S. His feelings about politics. ; 1 ALI: And after, they come in to the club. Remember, I told you about it before, the club. And they step there, there's the food, the mother, the boy, mother and father. Not the girl, mother and father – the boy, mother and father. The food in the house, they bring the food, see, into the club. Everybody eat. And after, when they finish to eat, son would wear-wear white towel and everybody start give, give money. SPEAKER 1: Give money. ALI: Money. No. SPEAKER 1: But you can't. ALI: No gift. Up to you – 50 cents, $10, $100, $3, how much you can afford it. And you give to this man and this man with big voice, "Thank you, girl. Thank you, Mo. Thank you, Mike. Thank you, J.R." And each one, how much he say, he-he say. SPEAKER 1: Thank you for the 50 cents? ALI: Fifty cents. Thank you for the $10. Thank you for $3. Thank you for-for 10 cents, because sometime kid, 10 years old, come in. He [unintelligible - 00:00:54]. "Thank you Mr. so and so," and make even more big name, little one, see. And, uh, the money belong to the boy. And after 9 o'clock at night, they go pick up the girls from her mother and father home. They bring her to the close friend to her husband, or the father. the, her father-in-law. They stay there and they bring the girl same thing. They give her present. All the women give the girl present, see. And after the special limit and the girls go out and the boy walk into the girl, his wife. And that night, they stay together. Everyone talk about it. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: And after, next morning, you see the girl, everything, virgin or not. If she's a virgin, she stay. If not virgin, send her back to her mother and father. SPEAKER 1: They can send her back? 2 ALI: That's right. She gets killed. SPEAKER 1: She gets killed? ALI: That's right. She has to tell who is the man. SPEAKER 1: If she tells who the man is. ALI: She had to. She had to. SPEAKER 1: Otherwise, she gets killed? Or she gets killed anyway? ALI: She gets killed and her boyfriend gets killed. They both. SPEAKER 1: Still? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: That's legal? ALI: Legal. That's why you go down there, any girl if she live even 50 years, she is miss. Here, 14 years old, no. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: You know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I know what you mean. ALI: We can't talk about it. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I know what you mean. ALI: See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And if everything okay. because even the boy mother and the girl mother, they have to go together. The girl sister and the boy sister, the girl aunt and the boy aunt get to be both side female. Sometime, the boy don't have no mother. He have aunt. The girl aunt, she have to bring her aunt. The boy do not have sister. They bring sister, the girl sister. They both have to be same, you know. SPEAKER 1: Rank, type thing. ALI: Yeah, and bring the girl, examine the girl. If everything okay, they stay the next morning. Next morning, after, the mother and father, both give you present again. Your mother and father and the boy mother and father give the girl present. And you go for the honeymoon. 3 SPEAKER 1: Otherwise you get killed. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Still, huh? That's strange. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Wow, that's. any other customs, things that you miss? The weddings are not like that now that you go to, not in this country at least. It's not, definitely not legal. ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: You know, you can't. ALI: See, the first wedding I saw in my life. because I don't like to go to the wedding because you have to drink, see. I'll never forget it, to change the subject. I once go with a girl, Lebanese girl, in Boston. She work in a radio. She could sing, have beautiful voice, and I like good time. I love good time. I can walk a hundred miles just to enjoy myself, like I told you when I go have dinner. I like to go to opera and listen. I love a good time. And I was go with her over three years, that girl. And she's Catholic, too. One day, her birthday coming. She say, "Mo, now, today my birthday. I want you to come to my birthday." [Unintelligible - 00:04:18] see. I want to give her present. "No, you have to come give me present in front of everybody because you're my boyfriend." Jesus Christ! What am I going to do? I have to take my brother and my cousin with me, the three of us together because I feel ashamed to go alone. We went together with a lot of people. And everybody drink. And the Lebanese drink arak. I don't know if you understand that. SPEAKER 1: Adac? ALI: Arak. This white whiskey like vodka. It's strong, 100 proof. Everybody drink arak because Lebanese they love that even for dinner. You have to drink a glass of arak before you eat, see. "Mo, drink. I'm your girlfriend." "Honey, I can't drink." "Drink 4 beer." "I can't drink." "Wine." "I can't drink nothing." "Smoke." "I can't smoke." "Dance." "I can't dance." SPEAKER 1: Dance is against your religion, too? ALI: No, I love dance but. SPEAKER 1: You don't know how? ALI: I feel ashamed. I don't know how to dance. I went to school here when I came to Fitchburg. SPEAKER 1: A dance school? ALI: Dance school. SPEAKER 1: Rice, Marion Rice? ALI: No. One there. I forgot their name. She live behind State Teacher College. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I don't remember. ALI: She move from here now. And her husband don't like it. Her husband, he don't like me to dance with her because she take me to her home, private lesson. SPEAKER 1: Oh, private lessons. Yeah. ALI: See? And her husband don't like it. I say, "Honey, what." She say, "Mo, I'm sorry. I come sometime." She come and start teach me. And after. I love to dance. If I find somebody teach me now, honest to god, I will go. But not somebody I know. Somebody I know, my feet start to go like this, like rubber. I feel ashamed, see. And she give me. I say, "Give me a glass of water," to my girlfriend. She's [unintelligible - 00:06:10]. Her father big lawyer in Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah. I say, "Give me glass of water, white water." SPEAKER 1: So it looks like. ALI: It look like arak. She carries the food. She give me glass. There was beer in it and it is not washed. When I put in my mouth, I get sick. 5 SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes. And I would drink the beer but. it smelled like beer but was not washed, not clean, see. You see, dishes I wash myself here because I know what I do, see. And I get sick three weeks. SPEAKER 1: Because of that? ALI: That's right. Everything I eat, come out. That's right. Since that time, I don't like to go to some party. SPEAKER 1: And you didn't see that girlfriend again? ALI: No, we break up. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. I was going to say. I know you have a newspaper and stuff like that, so you at least keep in touch that way with the Arabic newspaper. You can read the news in your own language and things like that. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Do you have any books? Do you read any books that are still Arabic? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You can get hold of.? ALI: Yes. I show my library. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You buy books and things like that? ALI: No, no, American library. I'm going to open American library in old country. SPEAKER 1: Oh, you are? ALI: Yes. When you stop it, I'll show you. SPEAKER 1: So you have books at least. ALI: Yes. I love library. I love books. I love to meet somebody, talk different subject because I like to learn something. SPEAKER 1: Did you ever think of going back to school maybe? Or going to school? ALI: I like to do it if I find somebody to teach me slowly, then I learn. I love to go. I went two years to night school here in Leominster 6 High School. But after I met a lot of people, I quit. They say, "Jesus Christ, Mo, shame on you. Big man like you go to school?" I say, "I want to learn." SPEAKER 1: Yeah, you should keep going anyway. ALI: I feel ashamed. SPEAKER 1: You shouldn't. You should go. I mean, that's really good that you want it, at least. Do you miss a lot of the people back home or.? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: But now, after 39 years. SPEAKER 1: You have new friends. ALI: Yeah. And I tell you now, when I went to this trip, honest I do not know not much people. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Just family or.? ALI: Just family and old boys and girls. I don't know them. They have to introduce themselves, "You know my father, Mr. so and so. You know my mother, Mrs." "Oh, yes." [Unintelligible - 00:08:38] I get lost. I don't know them. Even my real cousin, I don't know until they introduce themselves to me, see. You know, 39 years I'm here. When I go there, I stay one month, 20 days, 45 days, see. I come back. I don't have no time to learn. And down there like you see here, everybody invites you. Everybody invites you. And they fight. "You have to come to my house. You have to come to my house." If you say no, you insult them. Like Arabian custom, they have bad habit. If you come to my house, you have to eat. You have to drink. If you can't eat, at least have a cup of coffee. Have a cup of tea. Have a glass of milk. Have ginger ale. If you don't have, you insult me, see. You have to. 7 Now, my nephew, you see, he want to take me tomorrow and take me Saturday. "No, I don't want it two days." SPEAKER 1: But you are insulting him then? ALI: But no, I said once. I say, "I go with you once." SPEAKER 1: Oh, you go with him once? ALI: I say, "I told you I'll go tomorrow." SPEAKER 1: Oh, okay. That makes it better, I suppose. ALI: You have to go, see. SPEAKER 1: What were some of the things that you enjoyed most about your life here, the new things? Like maybe you had more freedom or things like that? ALI: Here, like I say. freedom, yes. Not over there. Down there, you never see men put their leg on top of each other. SPEAKER 1: Cross his legs? No? ALI: No, because now, I sit down here, see and you sit down here. I put my feet like that, right? All right, you sit down here. Me, I insult you. You're just nothing, only like my sole. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I see. ALI: See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: When it happen to me in Vermont, Montpelier, Vermont. I told you when I was [unintelligible - 00:10:32]. I went to some store, I sold them oriental rugs, 9 x 12, and I got my license, $50 they charge me. The state. I thought that state meant state, every place. But by the law, no. The state, only in the highway. The city different, the town different. I don't know that. When I get the license, Montpelier, the capital, I went to Main Street. Even I bought three suit because you see I don't have no money, the first customer. I say, "I buy clothes from you. Make it three." I took three suit, three shoes, three shirts, unique tie from them. I say, "Make it three." I sold the rugs. I took all the stuff. I make a 8 profit of $20 besides, see. When I walk out, two policemen coming. One hold my arm, one hold my arm and carry my suitcase, took me to the jail. Down there, the court always the judge wear black. Down there in Montpelier, Vermont, when they took me to the court, old men fight, spit coming in his lips here, and he put his feet in front of my face like this. SPEAKER 1: Really? On the table? ALI: On the table. I was down there and he's down here and he put his feet close to my face. I grab his feet and throw them down. Old man, he fall down and break his hip. They took him to the hospital. The policeman right away pick me up, put me in jail with the. SPEAKER 1: Handcuffs? ALI: No. Steel in the window. SPEAKER 1: Oh, bars. ALI: Bars. He say, "That man is crazy. He hit the judge." See, I'm a man. You don't have to put. his feet is not familiar to me. My brother look for me for dinner. No, 6 o'clock. I mean, 3 o'clock, 4 o'clock, 5 o'clock, 6 o'clock. No more. He had to call the policeman. He say, "Maybe this man is a crazy man." "What do you mean crazy man? How he look?" He told him. He say, "That's him." He came. He say, "What are you doing?" I said, "You know, look, they put me here." And I can't speak much English that time either. SPEAKER 1: Right. Yeah. ALI: He say, "What you done?" I told him. "One old buck son of a gun." I was swearing like a devil. "He foot almost close to my nose. I'm not a mat. He should put his feet in the floor, get to be, you know." SPEAKER 1: Right on the floor. 9 ALI: "Right flat in the floor like a gentleman." He say, "No, this not your country. This is American country." Now, I don't care. I go to lawyer sometime. Him and I, we talk together. He put his feet like this. "Blah, blah, blah, blah." SPEAKER 1: It's hard to get used to these things. ALI: You get used to it. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah, I could see. It gets you in a lot of trouble, especially like getting thrown in jail. ALI: And this country, we are most [unintelligible - 00:13:34] you know, and my brother [unintelligible - 00:13:39], see. And the judge was [unintelligible - 00:13:43] and mother was [unintelligible - 00:13:45]. They are brothers. "You see, well this, you know, this man is a young fellow. He's a crazy man. [Unintelligible - 00:13:54] He say, "No, you are dismissed. Just pay $28 fine." SPEAKER 1: Oh, geez. ALI: I pay through my brother the $28 fine and he take me out. I never throw no man no more then. SPEAKER 1: What were some other things that you liked? Things like TV and stuff like that, that must have been something different, right? ALI: Well, honey, the TV just now. But in my time, they have no TV, even not radio. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. Now, we have TV just exactly like here. Only naturally, the people, the act is different. They speak a different language, see. Just like here. Sometimes, you see Spanish, see. SPEAKER 1: But you think you have more privileges as being an American citizen or. like you said, you probably have more freedom, things like. well, voting, you must have had. ALI: Here? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. 10 ALI: Yes, here. there is more freedom here. You can say what you like to say. When I run for mayor, I sit down in the city hall, Fitchburg City Hall, I call the mayor anything I want in two radio station, WFGL and WEIM. I was in the middle and Mayor George Burton, our representative, he was in front of me and John [unintelligible - 00:15:07] was next to me. I talk anything I want against him, see. And nobody can say nothing to me. SPEAKER 1: Because you're their equal. ALI: That's right. I'm American citizen. I'm a taxpayer, see. Any way they look at me, I'm there – American citizen, taxpayer, city man. I live in here 22 years now, see. SPEAKER 1: How long have you lived in this place now? Three years, right here? ALI: I think more than three years. Yeah. I built it. SPEAKER 1: You built this house? ALI: Yes. It was two houses here. I throw them out. I bring this truck, push them, throw them in the. they have brook here, see. And I build this house. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yeah, because I like to be alone. I don't want nobody bother me because, you know, when you work for the government, you get a lot of trouble. I told you a while ago about what happened in Boston, see. When I came here, I say, "I don't want nobody, just guest." Like now, you and I, we're talking. I don't have to be worried. We don't have to insult nobody. We don't have to go under order. "You have to do this. You have to do that." See? A lot of trouble! This way, I say, "I'm here. Shut the door. Leave my dog loose and nobody come. If somebody use the phone, I'm not here." If you're not here, you won't see no light here. I say, "I'll watch TV until I fall asleep." And I go to bed. I open the radio – when you're not here. When you're here, we're talking. I 11 like company, somebody talking. At least, when your mouth busy, your mind relax. You know that. SPEAKER 1: That's true. ALI: When your mouth close, your mind working, see. I like to have company but I won't invite any person either, because when you mix with low, you don't have nothing to learn. You have to mix with somebody smart more than you to learn something. SPEAKER 1: Does that mean I'm smarter than you are? [Laughs] ALI: You're smart. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] Oh, I don't know. I don't agree with you but, yeah, I can see your point. You can learn something from just about everybody. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: So you had your own like newspapers and magazines. Did you have a radio station or anything like that? ALI: Yes, just Sunday. SPEAKER 1: Just on Sunday? In Arabic? ALI: Yes, in Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? Does it still exist now? ALI: Yes. Nine o'clock in the morning. SPEAKER 1: And those are on your native language. Did you have any trouble reading English or do you. can you read English that well now? ALI: I read English but some words I don't understand. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, bigger words, yeah. But you do. you know, pretty well, right? ALI: If you read all the sentence sometime, you get the idea. SPEAKER 1: Right, yeah. But you're self-taught really, too. ALI: Oh, I teach myself. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, that's something. Do you have any political. so you've talked about how involved you are in politics – do you have any political preference? Do you belong to a certain party? 12 ALI: Before, I was in Democrat Party, until Mr. Kennedy [unintelligible - 00:18:19] politics. One Arabian girl in Boston, she call him up by phone. She say, "Why, you [unintelligible - 00:18:28] against the Arabs?" He wrote her a letter. He say, "[Unintelligible - 00:18:35] to Washington to clean all the Arab, to kill all the Arabs." SPEAKER 1: President Kennedy? ALI: That's right. No, not president. SPEAKER 1: Oh, senator. ALI: Senator, yeah, which we have now. And the girl, actually she's Arabian. He thought she's a Jewish. And she in touch with me. And I get the letter and his signature. I took to Fitchburg Sentinel and he refuse to print for me. I say, "How much you want? I'll pay." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. He wouldn't publish it. ALI: He wouldn't publish it. I went to [unintelligible - 00:19:14] telegram. [Dave] Martin, do you know him? SPEAKER 1: No, but I. ALI: He's the manager. SPEAKER 1: Manager? ALI: I say, "Cousin, I'll pay all you want, just take the letter, put in a paper." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: "You can't deny that is his signature." He say, "Jesus Christ, I know." I say, "I'm not [unintelligible - 00:19:33]. I'm not Democrat, I'm Republican." SPEAKER 1: Oh, you changed about that. You didn't get it published in any paper? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: This is a Kennedy statement. ALI: That's right. 13 SPEAKER 1: So that really changed your. are you active now or.? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Are you still Republican? ALI: No. I'm changed now to independent. I have. SPEAKER 1: Political situation up to. so you're not really an active member anymore? ALI: No. See, I have a mail sent. I have from government. SPEAKER 1: Sergeant? ALI: No. Sergeant once work for me. SPEAKER 1: Sergeant worked for you? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Where was this? ALI: In the hotel. SPEAKER 1: Oh, really? ALI: As a waiter. SPEAKER 1: He was a waiter? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? That's nice. [Laughs] ALI: I have a letter from Governor. in Texas. What's his name? Reagan. SPEAKER 1: Reagan? ALI: Yeah, he writes to me. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Geez. So you're just independent and you're not that active anymore? You try to keep out of politics? ALI: No, I only try to keep out. SPEAKER 1: Yes, that's probably the same thing. So after you lived here for a while, you went back a couple times or did you write back to the people back home? Did you ever encourage people to come here to live? Did you.?14 ALI: No, [unintelligible - 00:20:57] no because. SPEAKER 1: They were happier there. ALI: If we work over there, much work in here. We make money more for them, more in here, see. If we sacrifice our time, like what we do is sacrifice here. we are down there, we happy more we are here. At least down there, nobody call you damn foreigner. I don't care what you do in here. They call me damn foreigner, see. When I ask even the chief of police here, when he call me that word, I say, "Why your face black, mister?" He say, "I'm not black." I say, "Look to your face, black." He say, "I'm Irishman." I say, "Thank god, you're Irishman." He say, "Why?" I say, "At least, the Arabs, we have a language. The Irish don't have no language." The judge kick me out, see. Then he's a foreigner, too. When he say, "I'm Irish," I say, "Thank god, you're Irishman. At least, I have a language. You have no language and you are damn foreigner, too, mister." The judge kick me out. Here, I don't care what you do, honey, still when they get mad on you. SPEAKER 1: You're still a foreigner. ALI: They call you foreigner. But by the United States Constitution, we're all foreigner. But we don't like this word, call you damn foreigner. I know I'm foreigner but I don't like somebody call me damn foreigner. I'm just like. SPEAKER 1: You've got the rights of the rest of us. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. So you never encouraged any of your relatives or friends to come over here? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No. Would you ever consider going back there to live? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? You think you will? ALI: Yes, yes. If I stay there, I have more property, I have 34 stores. 15 SPEAKER 1: In.? ALI: In Palestine. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. I have two factories, blacksmith factories, and I have tiles to the floor. And tile factory, not like what we have tile here. Down there, cement tile, one inch think, the cement and they have a design. When you put it in the floor. I wish I got a picture to show you. When you put it in the floor, you could just swear to god, they are oriental rugs. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes. And you could wash it, you wash it, you wash it, never fade because mixed with the cement. It's a cement tile. It's 1 inch thick, 9 inches square. I have a factory down there. I have [unintelligible - 00:23:32] stores, four apartment. I have two houses besides that – one house, five apartment, one house, four apartment. If I collect the rent, I'm happy down there. SPEAKER 1: So you've got really everything going for you back there? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: And you think you will probably go back? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Now, I hope. this week, I sold one building here, $300,000, in Fitchburg. Yeah, this week it can be sold. In [unintelligible - 00:24:02] I'll take it to market myself. No interest. I don't want no interest. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. Yeah, I can see that. ALI: I think I told you before. No interest and you pay me like the bank monthly. You pay me $500 a month, 15 years, see. I could live in $500 a month alone. I'm not. I'm not expensive man, do drinking and go to party. I don't do that, see. I could live just in one building alone. Forget the hotel. Forget the restaurant and 16 different property. I have house. I sold two houses, one in Franklin Street, one Westminster Street, see. I have house in Summer Street. I have house in Pleasant Street, see. I sell them and I take the mortgage. No bank. You pay me by monthly fee and send me check. You don't have to see me. I don't have to see you. Send me check every month. You have a book and I have a book, you know, record, see. SPEAKER 1: Do you think that your life has worked out better for you here than it would have in your native land or.? ALI: No, I can't do it if I stayed there. Politics is dirty, see. I can't help it. I'm a man. I like to be freedom. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You like to say what you feel. ALI: I like to say. if I say, "I like you," I say, "I like you." If I don't like you, I say, "I don't like you," face to face. But this is against me. If I tell you in face, "I like you," as soon you turn your back, I start to talk about you. That's against me. I can't say that. I believe my opinion and what I believe in my heart. If I don't like you, I say in your face, I don't like you. SPEAKER 1: Not behind my back. ALI: In your back, if somebody ask me, "How's the girl?" I say, "She's a good girl. She is wonderful." I never say nothing bad, because human being is funny. Never repeat the same word. I don't know if I told you that story, one man he had four children. His wife, she cook him two eggs every single day – hard boiled eggs. The human being, I don't know if you know that, two kind. Some of us, if you work hard, you eat more. Some of us, if you work hard, more appetite. This man, his kind if he work hard, no appetite. She give him everyday two eggs. One day, that day, some day, you know, one day, he hit the trees. He's a woodcutter. That time, no coal, no gas. You have to cook hot water, everything by wood. When he cut the trees that day, he come in hardwood. He can't cut 17 it fast. He's wear out his arm tight. He went home, he eat one egg, he left one egg. Now, as soon as he went home, he throw himself in the floor. That time, no mattress, no bed, a long time ago. One egg roll from his pocket. At 2 o'clock in the morning, his wife she [unintelligible - 00:27:25] put that wood, tell the donkey to go to the city, sell [unintelligible - 00:27:30]. Then she went back to bed, wake up in the morning, she took the blanket, throw the blanket, she find the egg. She say, "Aha! He have a girlfriend, my husband." Yesterday, he didn't meet his girlfriend. That's why he left the eggs in his pocket." See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Every day, when he come back from work, sell the wood then come back, see, until the next morning. Now, he got up. He didn't want to go to cut wood again. She comes say, "Honey, don't feel bad. Someday we have four children and someday they're going to be big boys, help you and help me. We don't have to work our life." You know. That day, he come in and say, "Have I anything to eat, honey?" "Don't honey me. You know what you get in your house. Go ahead and eat." "Geez, what happened to you? You changed." "Don't talk to me anymore. Don't bother me." "Honey, I'm not god. Just tell me what's your trouble." She say, "I'll tell you what's your trouble. I'm not enough for you? So why?" She say, "Yesterday, you don't meet your girlfriend. You don't give her the eggs. Huh? You have girlfriend beside me. Why don't you divorce me?" He laugh. The man was smart enough. He laugh. She say, "Why are you laughing?" He say, "Did you hear the rooster, he lay one egg a year?" Maybe you hear that story. The rooster always. like impossible. He say the rooster he lay one egg a year. She say, "Yes, I hear that." "Is the rooster male or female?" She say, "Male." He say, "Man, male or female?" She say, "Male." He say, "What's the difference? 18 Every male, he lay egg a year." She say, "Why didn't you lay before?" He say, "Before, I come lay wood. This time, I come lay egg. I can't help it. That's all." [Unintelligible - 00:29:25] Poor lady, she believe it. She smile to him and she cook for him and make dinner, but she can't wait. She went to tell her mother. "Mommy, my husband lay big egg like this." "This here eggs? They're chicken eggs, not." The mother say, "Crazy." "No, mommy. I pick it up with my hand, mommy." Her mother told her daughter. "You know, your brother-in-law can lay two eggs, eggs like this." The girls natural when they go in the old country, they have no city water. You have to go four or five miles to bring water, on the top of the head. You maybe see that picture. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: No, I don't have any here. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: See? They carry the water. They tell each other. They went to the judge, to the court. "The man lay 99 eggs a day." In that time, he collect the tax, [unintelligible - 00:30:27] every ninth, the government take one tenth, see. The judge he get 99. He can't take 10. You have to make hundred until he get 10 eggs. He sent the policeman after this man. He say, "Mister, you steal the government." He say, "What?" He say, "You lay eggs, a hundred eggs a day. You didn't give the government tax." The man laughed. He say, "Judge, you crazy? You drunk?" "Why?" "I can't lay eggs." He say, "Yes, you lay eggs, hundred eggs a day." [Unintelligible - 00:31:09] and he tell me the story, "I have four kids and [unintelligible - 00:31:11]." "Listen, I know you're poor. You have big family to support." He say, "We forget what past. But tomorrow morning, don't knock my door. Leave 10 eggs behind my door. I have breakfast, me and my children." Ten eggs because tenth of the hundred. The man smiled. He say, 19 "Judge, please listen to me, and say what you want after." He say, "What?" He say such and such story, "I lie to my wife because I can't take care of her four children. I lie to her to please her. If she break my house, she's going to leave me and I can't cook for the kids, I can't give bath to kids. I lie to her just to keep her happy. I say one egg a year like a rooster." The judge start thinking, "Could be because no man lay./AT/mb/ee

Today, there is a need to introduce medical devices into everyday medical practice with the goal to self-administer injectional drugs. The speed and safety of auto-injectors / pre-filled syringe pens use (AI/PFS) is the introduction of an injectional form drug in a special medical device, which allows patients to enter a pre-designated therapeutic dose due to the characteristics of the structure of the product, automatic dosing, data of the interactive display on some devices, comfortable design, etc. Considering that AI/PFS were developed to improve the quality of life of patients with various pathological conditions, therefore the creation of affordable medical devices for low-income groups of the population is relevant today. Also an actual issue is the provision of high-quality first-aid kits for soldiers, which is a vital component for medical care in the context of active combat conditions and the lack of the required number of field hospitals.The speed of administration, the onset of effect and ease of use provides significant advantages for AI / PFS. Therefore, the issue of affordability for the low-income groups of the population and the army with the necessary drugs should be sufficiently supported by state regulation.Purpose of study – study of the international experience in the implementation and use of drugs (drugs) in the form of affordable, safe and effective modern dosage forms in the form of autoinjectors.Materials and methods – foreign and domestic literature on the use of AI/PFS in complex and monotherapy treatment of various diseases. State registries of medicines of Ukraine, the USA and some EU countries. The study used systematic, statistical and comparative analyzes, as well as the generalization of information. The data used is freely available among various medical scientific and metric bases, the Internet and international scientific conferences.The analysis of the use of AI/PFS indicates that today the world market of medicines and medical devices contains a large number of drugs under different trade names. However, many patients in the world refrain from using these dosage forms due to the significant cost of medical devices, which makes impossible the required regular use of such drugs for the low-income population groups. This is a significant disadvantage, since AI / PFS is implemented to correct not only chronic diseases such as rheumatoid arthritis, multiple sclerosis, but also to provide emergency careinurgent conditions (anaphylactic reactions, intense pain, etc.).In the global market for drugs and medical devices, injectable medicines in the form of AI/PFS are widely represented. The effectiveness of the use of such devices indicates the advantages and prospects for the use of existing AI/PFS on the global market for patients and medical personnel. Today, the most commonly used drugs in AI/PFSare for the treatment of diabetes, emergency conditions in civil and military medicine, chronic diseases of various etiologies, pediatric practice. The use of AI /PFS significantly improves patient compliance for the treatment of chronic diseases due to ease of use and reduction of adverse reactions at the site of administration. Most of the analyzed sources indicate a low level of economic affordability of drugs in the form of AI/PFS for the population and the government sector of drug supply due to the high cost of the medical devices, compared to traditional syringes. But the results of the study indicate a high level of advantages and prospects in the use of drugs in AI/PFS in medical practice for both medical personnel and patients. ; Сьогодні існує потреба у впровадженні в повсякденну лікарську практику медичних виробів для самостійного введення ін'єкційних лікарських засобів (ЛЗ). Швидкість та безпечність застосування автоінжекторів/попередньо заповнених шприц-ручок (АІ/ПЗШР) – це ін'єкційна форма ЛЗ, у спеціальному медичному виробі, що дозволяє вводити пацієнтам попередньо зазначену терапевтичну дозу за рахунок особливостей будови виробу, за рахунок автоматичного дозування, даних інтерактивного дисплею на деяких приладах, зручного дизайну та ін. Враховуючи, що АІ/ПЗШР були розроблені для поліпшення якості життя пацієнтів з різними патологічними станами, тому створення доступних медичних виробів для малозабезпечених категорій населення є на сьогодні актуальним. Також актуальним питанням є забезпечення солдатів якісними аптечками, що є життєво необхідним компонентом для медичної допомоги за умов активних бойових дій та відсутності необхідної кількості польових госпіталів. Швидкість введення, настання ефекту та зручність у використанні надає значні переваги АІ/ПЗШР. Тому питання економічної доступності для малозабезпечених верств населення та армії необхідними лікарськими засобами має бути достатньо підтримано з боку державного регулювання. Мета дослідження -- вивчення міжнародного досвіду впровадження та використання лікарських засобів (ЛЗ) у вигляді доступних, безпечних та ефективних сучасних лікарських форм у вигляді автоінжекторів (автоінєкторів). Матеріали і методи -- зарубіжні та вітчизняні літературні джерела щодо застосування АІ/ПЗШР у комплексній та монотерапії лікування різних захворювань. Державні реєстри лікарських засобів України, США, та деяких країн ЄС. У ході дослідження використовувались системний, статистичний та порівняльний аналізи, а також узагальнення інформації. Використані дані, розміщені у вільному доступі серед різних медичних науково-метричних баз, мережі Інтернет та міжнародних наукових конференцій. Проведений аналіз застосування АІ/ПЗШР вказує, що на сьогодні світовий ринок лікарських засобів та медичних виробів містить велику кількість найменувань ЛЗ під різними торговими назвами. Однак багато пацієнтів у світі утримуються від застосування цих лікарських форм внаслідок значної вартості медичних виробів, що унеможливлює потребу регулярного використання таких ЛЗ для малозабезпеченого населення. Це є значним недоліком, оскільки АІ/ПЗШР впроваджені для корекції не лише хронічних захворювань, таких як ревматоїдний артрит, розсіяний склероз, але й для забезпечення швидкої допомоги при невідкладних станах (анафілактичні реакції, інтенсивний біль тощо). На світовому ринку лікарських засобів та медичних виробів широко представлені ін'єкційні лікарські засоби у формі АІ/ПЗШР. Ефективність використання таких пристроїв вказує на переваги та перспективи застосування наявних на світовому ринку АІ/ПЗШР для пацієнтів та медичного персоналу. На сьогодні найчастіше застосовуються ЛЗ в АІ/ПЗШР для лікування цукрового діабету, невідкладних станів у цивільній та військовій медицині, хронічних захворювань різної етіології, дитячій практиці. Застосування АІ/ПЗШР значно підвищує комплаєнс пацієнтів для лікування хронічних захворювань за рахунок зручності застосування та зменшення проявів побічних реакцій в місці введення. Більшість проаналізованих джерел вказують на низький рівень економічної доступності ЛЗ у АІ/ПЗШР для населення та державного сектору забезпечення ЛЗ у зв'язку з високою вартістю медичного виробу і порівнянні з традиційними шприцями. Але результати дослідження вказують на високий рівень переваг та перспектив у застосуванні ЛЗ у АІ/ПЗШР у медичній практиці як для персоналу так і для пацієнтів.

KaZantip is an electronic music festival held in Crimea before having to move to Georgia after the annexation of Crimea by Russia. It is defined by its Russian creators like a giant beach rave party, which lasts 24 hours a day for a month. From 1991 to 2013, KaZantip festival has attracted a growing audience: in 2010, up to 30,000 people "lived" together on the site and, in a month, more than 150,000 people stayed in. This resulted in a frenzy of real estate not or little controlled, but also significant drugs problems before a drastic regulation over the last years. The festival had become, over the seasons, a lever for tourism development in the Crimea.According to its designers, KaZantip is not a simple festival but a 'Republic' that works with his Government, his president (OrganiZator), its constitution, its Department of Foreign Affairs for communication with the outside world deemed "imperfect", his ministers of happiness, music, dance and rave, etc., and its own laws. The most important law is "SCHASTIE" (be happy and have fun)! This raises lot of questions: 1- Would this territory, self-proclaimed symbolically "independent Republic of KaZantip" be then a "cultural" innovation? A cultural state? An "urban" space devoted to a global party, for a global world, the whole being justified in relation to new values or supposed to be? The traditional link between local authorities and the festival, or even between power and music, is to be reconsidered in the context of this type of original event.2- The concept of festival would not allow apprehending the novelty of the phenomenon since the diplomatic and geopolitical dimensions are to be taken into account, not more than its amplitude, nor the importance of the values that he conveyed. The many contradictions in the statements of the various actors (organizers, public actors .) raise the question of the complexity of the links and negotiations surrounding this kind of events.3- The difficulty of surviving for powerful events since the link to the specific land that hosted those breaks, also raises the question of the territorialisation of festivals and other events.4- Finally, the utopian dimension of the event brings back to sets of values that had been at the origin of many festivals that became mythical (Monterey, Woodstock, Goa, for example) but also massive events of other kinds than they are religious (Taizé) or political (Larzac): what this massive character, the music and the youth of the population which frequents these places raise this type of reaction which not found in other events yet also massive ( matches, political events)?This utopia, in fact mainly a big business, was responsible for its success but also its problems because of its insertion in the geopolitical issues related to progressive tensions between Ukraine and Russia.The determination to break (more than a real utopia) that mark the name of the independent Republic of KaZantip was a humorous political claim, a try to thumb its nose at the history. In fact, history caught but without destroying it before the relocation and the power of the market economy strike a bigger blow. ; UMR 5281 Art-Dev Grandeur et déclin de la République indépendante de KaZantip (Ukraine) Rise and fall of the Independent Republic of KaZantip (Ukraine) Résumé KaZantip est un festival de musique électronique organisé en Crimée avant de devoir déménager en Géorgie après l'annexion de la Crimée par la Russie. Il est défini par ses créateurs russes comme une beach rave party géante, qui dure 24 heures sur 24 pendant un mois. De 1991 à 2013, le festival de KaZantip a attiré un public croissant : en 2010, jusqu'à 30 000 personnes « vivaient » ensemble sur le site ; plus de 150 000 personnes sont passées en un mois. Cela avait entraîné une frénésie immobilière pas ou peu maîtrisée, mais aussi des problèmes de drogue importants avant une régulation drastique durant les dernières années. Le festival était devenu au fil des saisons un levier du développement touristique de la Crimée. Selon ses concepteurs, KaZantip n'est pas un simple festival mais une "République" qui fonctionne avec son gouvernement, son président (OrganiZateur), sa constitution, son ministère des affaires étrangères pour la communication avec le monde extérieur réputé "imparfait", ses ministres du bonheur, de la musique, de la danse et de la rave, etc., et ses propres lois. La plus importante est : "SCHASTIE" (sois heureux et amuse-toi) ! Cela pose un certain nombre de questions : 1-Ce territoire autoproclamé symboliquement "République indépendante de KaZantip" serait-il alors une innovation "culturelle" ? Un état culturel ? Un espace "urbain" consacré à une fête globale, pour un monde global, l'ensemble se justifiant par rapport à des valeurs nouvelles ou supposées l'être ? Le lien traditionnel entre collectivités locales et festival, voire entre pouvoir et musique, est à reconsidérer dans le cadre de ce type d'événement original. 2-Le concept de festival ne permettrait pas d'appréhender la nouveauté du phénomène puisque les dimensions diplomatiques et géopolitiques sont à prendre en compte, pas plus que son ampleur, ni l'importance des valeurs qu'il véhiculait. Les nombreuses contradictions relevées dans les déclarations des différents acteurs (organisateurs, acteurs publics…) poussent à s'interroger sur la complexité des liens et des négociations qui entouraient cette manifestation. 3-La difficulté à survivre d'une manifestation pourtant puissante dès lors que le lien au territoire qui l'accueillait se rompt, pose aussi la question de la territorialisation des festivals et autres événements. 4-Enfin, la dimension utopique de la manifestation ramène à des jeux de valeurs qui avaient été à l'origine de beaucoup de festivals devenus mythiques (Monterey, Woodstock, Goa, par exemple) mais également des événements massifs d'autres natures qu'ils soient religieux (Taizé) ou politiques (Larzac) : en quoi ce caractère massif, la musique et la jeunesse de la population qui fréquente ces lieux suscitent ce type de réaction qu'on ne retrouve pas dans d'autres événements pourtant également massifs (matchs, manifestations politiques) ? Cette utopie, au fond très commerçante, fut à l'origine de son succès puis de ses problèmes à cause de son insertion dans les enjeux géopolitiques liés aux tensions progressive entre Ukraine et Russie. La volonté de rupture affichée comme utopie que marque la dénomination de République indépendante de KaZantip se voulait une revendication politique humoristique, un pied de nez à l'histoire. De fait, l'histoire l'a rattrapée mais sans la détruire avant que la délocalisation et la puissance de l'économie de marché lui porte un coup plus grave encore.

Статья посвящена рассмотрению сущности глобализационных процессов, их влияния на образование и реализацию права. Выявлены закономерности развития правовой системы Украины, а также положительные и негативные последствия глобализации для государства вцелом ; Problem statement. Globalization is universal in nature and the nature of the phenomenon. It covers not only the global economy, finance, the media, where it manifests itself in the most developed form, and other areas of public life, including the right. This right is not just a means of securing formal processes of globalization and manages, but also feel the same on their part to significant influence. In this regard, the study of any issues related to the transformation of legal phenomena and processes in the context of globalization, today is important. The topical value of the research. A characteristic feature of the modern world is the interpenetration of cultures and principles of law that can be described by such concepts as convergence, integration, assimilation, creative interaction. Covered by the notions of dynamic processes on the one hand, contribute to the formation of a unified world community on the other, accompanied by contradictory processes aimed at identifying cultural identity, legal autonomy and generate a number of important theoretical and practical issues affecting the different sides of law. It comes to the requirements that apply modern legal systems globalization. These requirements cannot be underestimated, since all legal systems regardless of their own free will involve in the changes that are taking place and the conditions of their existence. The aim of the article. The relevance of the proposed research problems caused by the realities of today. In the context of globalization there is a need for theoretical and methodological understanding the nature and trends of the national legal system. The new research paradigms based legal system in the science of state and law, which is important for the formation of legal awareness and implementation of the rule of law in Ukraine. Historical experience shows that proclaimed as universal determinants «universal values» are not always relevant to national legal systems. Templates mechanically transferred often are not zhyttyediyalnymy because it does not take into account the features of the mentality and legal culture, formed in a particular society in the historical and cultural development. The effectiveness and viability of the legal system reflected in the extent to which the modern state links its development with the formation of legal awareness; develop legal culture, the achievement of stability in the legal intrastate and international relations. The article is a review of the main approaches to understanding the processes of globalization, the analysis of the forms and directions of separating from related processes and phenomena that determine the trends of the legal system of Ukraine in the context of globalization. An example of the impact of globalization on the legal system of the state is to take 4 November 1950 in Rome ten member states of the Council of Europe (Belgium, UK, Germany, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, France) Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the establishment to ensure obligations under the Convention 21 January 1959 the European court of human rights to consider complaints of violations of the Convention. Ratification of the European Convention enables all persons under its jurisdiction; apply to the European Court if they believe their rights have been violated. This also applies to citizens of Ukraine, which is confirmed by Article 55 of the Constitution of Ukraine. The main systemic risk factor in the formation of a single global world economy that emerged in the context of globalization is that the global economy with its inherent system of international economic relations is increasingly spreading properties market economy as a system of self-organizing, with very weak, uncertain and unstable, crisis management processes. In modern conditions of statehood in Ukraine has intensified the process of reform and renewal of national legislation. These processes caused the transformation period of society and the complexity of social relations that requires not only the most improvement of regulations, but also enhance research problems of formation of law, rulemaking and institute the right. Rule-making in the context of globalization transformed primarily towards the expansion of its social base, that an increasing number of takes not passive, but active and direct participation in the process. This process is transformed and influenced by the fact that in the legal field, new problems whose solution requires mandatory legal regulations at national and supranational levels. Environmental issues, security of information. Demographics require a new approach and new thinking, in which the need to combine all aspects of legal regulation. It would be fair comment is that globalization requires a different view of the rulemaking process, in accordance with other principles of regulation of modern social processes. He has held ethical turn in international relations, which are based need to put ethical principles of human existence in the world: justice, freedom, equality, consensus pluralism. It is impossible to ignore the legal framework traditions and mentality of peoples and impose uniform legal norms. One of the fundamental problems is the right exercise control globalization, harmonization of processes and neutralization of negative consequences. The right should act as a tool of globalization while managing its processes means. The process of globalization in the legal field is developing in two directions, which represent only the transformation of law. On the one hand, it is clear the impact globalization processes on the right, resulting in convergence and convergence of our legal systems. This formed the general trends of development, which include a tendency implementation of national legal systems universally recognized norms and principles; the emergence of new areas of law, such as space, information, change of legislation in connection with the integration processes and more. On the other hand, through the law attempts to steer globalization in a certain way, for example, the introduction of domestic law standards of other countries, thus adapted to the mentality of national legal and other historical and cultural features. Conclusions of the research. So whatever aspects of life of law did not affect the process of globalization should not be destroying national legal cultures. Identity national legal cultures preserved, including the identity of law. States can borrow one of the same law, institutions, law, but the legal system as a whole. Also integrated into the legal system of foreign law acquire national identity in the process of their application. This suggests that the relative autonomy law

Der Ökotourismus hat sich in den letzten Jahren zu einer Tourismussparte entwickelt, die nicht nur immer mehr Interessenten unter den Nutzern findet, sondern auch vielfältige Forschungsmöglichkeiten eröffnet.\r\nAus interdisziplinärer Betrachtungsweise kann man sowohl in den Gebieten der Biologie, der Wirtschaft, der Geographie, aber auch der Politik forschend tätig werden. \r\nDa der Tourismus in den letzten Jahren eine immer größere Bedeutung gerade für Länder mit weitestgehend intakten Naturressourcen erlangt hat, stellt sich die Frage inwieweit die Wirtschaft eines Landes auf diese Einnahmequelle angewiesen ist und ob nicht die ökologischen Belange immer weiter in den Hintergrund treten.\r\nAus diesem Ansatz heraus erfolgte zunächst eine qualitative und quantitative Bestandsaufnahme, die ein klares Bild vom derzeitigen Zustand in der Region ermöglicht. Darüber hinaus werden im Rahmen der Untersuchungen Zukunftsperspektiven aufgezeigt. Diese sollen verdeutlichen, inwieweit man steuernd in solche dynamischen Entwicklungsprozesse eingreifen kann oder soll.\r\nDie Schwerpunkte dieser Arbeit liegen in dem Bereich der Befragung von Touristen und in der Ausarbeitung eines digitalen Geländemodells zur späteren Nutzung in einem aufzubauenden Nationalpark-Infozentrum. Auf der Grundlage dieser Untersuchungen wurde ein touristisches Nutzungskonzept entwickelt und auf seine ökologischen Umsetzungschancen hin untersucht. Der Aspekt des Ökotourismus wird einleitend erörtert und definiert. Anschließend werden die Potenziale der norwegischen Tourismuswirtschaft untersucht. Die Befragungsergebnisse sowohl der norwegischen Besucher als auch der ausländischen Touristen werden in verschiedenen Korrelationen näher untersucht.\r\nEin gesonderter Bereich der Untersuchungen gilt dem Problemfeld des Wildcampings in Norwegen. Die dramatischen Entwicklungen der letzten Jahre rufen immer mehr Aktivisten auf den Plan. Da die Deutschen die größte Besuchergruppe darstellen, wurden innerhalb der Jahre 2003 bis 2006 Einzelinterviews geführt, um einen Überblick über das Übernachtungsverhalten der Deutschen in Norwegen gewinnen zu können. In den vergangenen 10 Jahren sind die deutschen Besucherzahlen in Norwegen leicht rückläufig, während die der Niederländer kontinuierlich steigen.\r\nAuf diesen Ergebnissen basierend wurden problemzentrierte Interviews mit Wohnmobilreisenden, der größten Gruppe der Individualreisenden, durchgeführt. \r\nMehr als 600.000 Nächte pro Jahr verbrachten die deutschen Wohnmobilreisenden außerhalb der Campingplätze, was ökologische und ökonomische Auswirkungen hat und nicht mehr mit dem in Norwegen geltenden "Allemansrett", dem Jedermannsrecht, vereinbar ist. \r\nGerade die Touristen, die mit dem Wohnmobil reisen, können nur schwer mit anderen Reisenden verglichen werden, da sie mit einer völlig anderen Reiseauffassung mehr oder weniger autark unterwegs sind. Dabei legen sie besonders große Distanzen zurück und haben sich zum Ziel gesetzt, möglichst viel in kurzer Zeit zu sehen und zu erleben. Für alle Touristengruppen wurde untersucht, auf welchem Weg die Informationen für die geplante Reise beschafft wurden. Der Reiseführer ist der hauptsächliche Informationslieferant und ist teilweise für das Verhalten der Urlauber mitverantwortlich. Es konnte festgestellt werden, dass das Image des Landes und die Reisemotive das Reiseverhalten und die Wahrnehmung determinieren. Eine Untersuchung der so genannten Pull- und Push-Faktoren ergab, dass die nahezu noch unberührte Natur, die raue Landschaft sowie Ruhe und Erholung die entscheidenden Pull-Faktoren für Norwegenreisende sind. Dabei überprägt das Image Norwegens als "wildes Naturland" die Wahrnehmung für verschiedene Problembereiche, die in Norwegen, wie auch in vielen anderen Ländern Europas, durchaus vorhanden sind. \r\nProblemfelder, wie Landschaftsausbeutung, Wildcamping, reduziertes Konsumverhalten und damit einhergehende rückläufige Besucherzahlen, können aber durch innovative Tourismuskonzepte und neue Reiseformen abgebaut werden. Hierbei sind Medien, wie Reiseführer, Internet und Reisemagazine, in die Pflicht zu nehmen. ; In the last years the ecotourism has developed into a section of tourism, which not only has more and more prospective customers, but also opened various possibilities for research.\r\nFrom an interdisciplinary point of view research can be done in the fields of biology, economics, geography as well as in the field of politics.\r\nSince tourism gained a growing importance in the last years, especially for the countries with nearly intact nature resources, questions arise to what extent the economy of a country is dependent on this source of income and if not the ecological interests have to step back deeper and deeper in to the background. Out of this attempt a qualitative and quantitative appraisal, which allows a clear view of the present condition in the region, took place. Beyond this future perspectives will be identified.\r\nThese are to clarify, if or if not one can affect the conditions in such dynamic development processes and to what extent. This study has two main focuses:\r\n\r\nNumber one is the survey which was done with the tourists and number two is the elaboration of a digital land model for later use e.g. in the nationalpark center which has to be built up. Based on these researches a concept was developed for touristic use of the area and this concept was tested under an ecological aspect concerning the chances of its realisation.\r\nInitiatively the aspect of ecotourism is discussed and defined. Afterwards the potential of the Norwegian tourism economy is examined. The survey results of both, the Norwegian as well as the foreign tourists, are evaluated more closely under different correlations. A separate field of this assay solely refers to the big problem of "offsite camping" in Norway. \r\nMore and more activists appear for this target as this topic develops dramatic in the last years. \r\nSince the Germans represent the largest group of visitors, single interviews were made in the years 2003, 2004, 2005 and 2006. The intention was to gain an overview of the accommodation behaviour of the Germans in Norway.\r\nIn the past ten years the number of German visitors in Norway is declining, while those of the Dutchman are continuously rising.\ r\nBased on the results personal interviews with this issue as a main topic were accomplished. These were only made with the largest group of individual travellers, the tourists with mobile homes.\r\nThe Germans with mobile homes spent more than 600,000 nights per year outside of camping grounds. This has ecological and economical effects and is incompatible with the Norwegian "Allemansrett", which allows people who travel by foot or by bicycle to camp every where as long as they leave the place in the morning in the same way they found it the night before and as long as they stay away at least 200 meters from the next private ground.\r\n \r\nOf all tourists, the ones who travel with a mobile home can be compared badly with other travellers, since they are on their way with a completely different perception of travelling, more or less self-sufficient as all the other travellers.\r\nIn doing so they cover particularly large distances and their ambition is to see and experience as much as possible within a short time. It was analysed for all groups of tourists in which way information for the planned journey was gathered. Primarily the travel guide is the provider for information and is therefore partly responsible for the behaviour of the holidaymaker.\r\nIt could be stated that the Image of the country and the travel motives determine the perceptions and the behaviour during the journey.\r\nFrom an investigation of the so called "Pull"- and "Push"-factors it resulted that the almost unaffected nature, the rough landscape as well as recovery are the crucial "Pull"-factors for travellers who come to Norway.\r\nThe image of Norway as a country with wild and unaffected nature conceals the sense for the different areas with problems which are exist in Norway, likely to a lot of other countries in Europe.\r\nProblem areas as landscape exploitation, camping outside of camping sites, reduced consumer behaviour, accompanied by declining numbers of visitors, can be diminished by innovative tourism- concepts and new forms of travel.\r\nHere media, such as travel guides, internet and travel magazines, has to be reminded of their duties.

An important principle enshrined in the Colombo Declaration of the Fifth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned nations (August 1976) was the reiteration of the need for economic cooperation among developing countries. The resolution on the Seven-Point Plan called for the creation of a confident spirit of collective self-reliance which included the willingness to pursue the possibilities of cooperation among themselves in financial, trade, industrial and other fields.1 Economic cooperation among developing countries has increased considerably during the last decade and it continues to be further strengthened and broadened in the various activities covered, especially, at the sub-regional level. In South-East Asia, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has made a remarkable break-through in the field of trade liberalisation, industrial collaboration, food security, energy and transport.2 The ASEAN experience can serve as a good example for the formation of other mutual sub-regional groups in the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and Pacific (ESCAP) countries. The increasing interest in the sub-regional economic cooperation is reflected in the initiation that emerged in South Asia in the early 1980's. The regional groups or sub-groups facilitate easy accessibility to each other's market and substantial diversification of the type of goods which they can exchange and hence increase the share of foreign trade in national income. According to a report published by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), it is observed that in the 1960's trade among developing countries grew at a slower rate than their trade with the developed nations, but between the 1970's and 1980's this trend was encouragingly reversed.3 Trade among the South Asian countries over the last decade has, however, not shown much buoyancy; in fact, for many years it has remained stagnant. Although South Asia (India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal) claim 20 per cent of the world population (about 927.6 millions in mid-1982), its share in the world Gross National Product (GNP) is less than 2 per cent. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the region was around US $ 193 billion in 1982.4 The region's share in world trade is also meagre; it had been exporting goods worth US $ 14 billion in 1983, which constituted only 0.8 per cent of the world exports, whereas its imports were about US $ 23 billion which represented 1.3 per cent of the world's imports.5 This indicates that the value of imports was nearly double the value of its exports and hence showed an adverse balance of trade of the order of about US $ 10 billion in 1983. This trade deficit accounted for about 5.2 per cent of its GDP. In spite of the geographical contiguity and proximity of the South Asian region and enormous potential for trade and development, the region remains most backward and has the largest concentration of poverty and low income. The contiguous geographical facilities had never been exploited for the total development of the region. The income level of all countries of South Asia is very low: the per capita GNP varied between $ 140 to $ 380 in 1982 and the per capita growth rate during 1960 to 1982 was also deplorably low.6 The highest per capita growth rate was shown by Pakistan (2.8%), followed by Sri Lanka (2.6%) and India (1.3%). The per capita growth rate was negative for Nepal (-0.1%) and 0.3% for Bangladesh. The Gross Domestic Investment (GDI) as a percentage of GDP of the countries of the region varied between 14 per cent to 31 per cent, whereas savings as a percentage of GDP varied between −3 per cent to 22 per cent in 1982.7 India topped the list of savings level −22. per cent—and Bangladesh stood at the bottom with −3 per cent of the GDP. The South Asian countries are predominantly agriculture-based with more than 50 per cent of their labour force engaged in agriculture. While India employs 71 per cent of its labour force in the agricultural sector, the percentages in Bangladesh and Nepal are 73 per cent and 93 per cent respectively. In the case of India and Pakistan about 30 per cent of GDP flows from agriculture whereas its share is the order of 47 per cent and 27 per cent respectively in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The gowth of exports exceeds that of imports in India and Pakistan whereas the growth of imports exceeds growth of exports in Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. In the case of India and Pakistan the average annual growth rate of imports was 2.6 per cent and 3.9 per cent respectively in the 1970's, while the average annual growth rate of exports was 4.7 per cent each in the same period. Bangladesh had shown a negative growth rate of 0.8 per cent in exports whereas Sri Lanka had shown a positive growth rate of 0.1 per cent in exports in the 1970's. The high propensity to import, coupled with the obstacles to expand exports, creates a typical situation whereby the exports of most underdeveloped countries lag behind their imports.8 What has been the relationship between the value of imports and exports to the national income of various countries can be seen below. In 1982, Sri Lanka topped the list of exports (27% of GDP) followed by Nepal (11%), Pakistan (10%), Bangladesh (8%) and India (6%). The structure of exports of these countries indicated that over 32 per cent of exports of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh consist of primary commodities whereas in the case of Sri Lanka and Nepal the share of primary commodities to total exports represents 65 per cent.9 On the other hand capital and manufactured goods shared 50 per cent of their total imports for all countries except India in which case its share was only 38 per cent in 1981.10 India exports about 20 per cent of its total exports to developing countries, the rest 80 per cent goes to developed countries. This proportion in the case of Pakistan and Sri Lanka is 37 per cent and 46 per cent respectively. Bangaladesh and Nepal are exceptions since the major portion of their exports—over 50 per cent—is directed to developing countries. Thus it is observed that the South Asian countries' exports to developing countries are at the lowest ebb. This calls for new strategies and policies to boost trade among them. In this context, it will be revealing to analyse in greater detail the trade flows amongst them.

De ser una realidad relevante durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, aunque de corte episódico y mirada doméstica, la diplomacia subnacional en Estados Unidos ha transitado con el nuevo milenio hacia nuevos esquemas multiactor, más complejos, sofisticados y con mayor capacidad de impacto. Esquemas en los que algunas organizaciones filantrópicas, el sector privado, think tanks altamente influyentes y la academia tienen un peso muy significativo. Hoy, la embajadora Nina Hachigian, representante especial de Estados Unidos para la diplomacia de ciudades y estados, lidera una estrategia que busca ganar influencia en el Departamento de Estado con el objetivo de situar a los gobiernos subnacionales como piezas de peso en el engranaje de la diplomacia estadounidense. Está por ver su evolución, más aún con Donald Trump en el horizonte.En una coyuntura fuertemente marcada por la reformulación del orden global y por la intensa competición entre Estados Unidos y China, la diplomacia subnacional está adquiriendo un papel cada vez más significativo. En un mundo que se urbaniza de manera acelerada, especialmente en el Sur global, las ciudades desempeñan un papel clave en el abordaje de algunas de las principales transformaciones económicas y sociales que se están produciendo. No es posible entender los procesos de transición ecológica y digital, la reformulación del modelo productivo o las nuevas desigualdades sin situarlas en el centro de la ecuación.Hoy en día, metrópolis como Nueva York, París, Londres, Tokio o Shanghái se encuentran entre las principales economías del planeta; y no es posible entender América Latina sin São Paulo, Ciudad de México o Buenos Aires; tampoco África sin Johannesburgo, El Cairo o Lagos; ni la región Asia Pacífico sin Seúl, Sídney o Singapur; o América del Norte sin Los Ángeles, Chicago o Toronto; y Europa sin Berlín, Ámsterdam, Viena o Barcelona. Las ciudades aglomeran poder político, económico, creatividad y talento; sus gobiernos cuentan con una capacidad normativa cada vez mayor, promueven derechos e impulsan soluciones en ámbitos críticos como la movilidad, la vivienda o frente a las múltiples formas de desigualdad o fragmentación.Todo ello las ha posicionado como actores reconocidos y cada vez más visibles del sistema de las relaciones internacionales. Actores dinámicos e innovadores que, aun operando en un escenario todavía monopolizado por los estados-nación, impulsan alianzas y suman fuerzas para incidir en las agendas internacionales, se proyectan en búsqueda de oportunidades económicas, generan espacios para intercambiar conocimiento o tejen redes de solidaridad en contextos complejos. En una coyuntura de retos compartidos, los alcaldes y alcaldesas y sus equipos interactúan trabajando en red para abordar los desafíos que tienen ante sí.El potencial transformador de las ciudades y su capacidad para articularse a nivel global no ha pasado desapercibido por las grandes potencias mundiales. En Europa, cuna del municipalismo internacional, la Unión Europea (UE) ha forjado durante décadas una alianza con los gobiernos locales que ha servido para abrir espacios de colaboración e intercambio en prácticamente todas las regiones del mundo. Desde los años noventa del siglo pasado, Bruselas ha impulsado diferentes programas financieros para acompañar a las ciudades en algunos de los principales desafíos que enfrentan, reforzando sus capacidades y reconociéndolas como actores clave para el desarrollo sostenible. Sin embargo, y aunque en los últimos meses se está hablando de la necesidad de localizar el Global Gateway 1, el apoyo europeo a las diversas expresiones de la diplomacia subnacional parece haber perdido el vigor que tenía (Fernández de Losada y Galceran-Vercher, 2023).Diversos analistas han puesto también el foco en el creciente peso que las ciudades y los procesos de urbanización tienen en la proyección exterior de China (Curtis y Klaus, 2023). Efectivamente, la Iniciativa de la Franja y la Ruta (BRI, por sus siglas en inglés) –la piedra angular del expansionismo del gigante asiático– se expresa de manera evidente en muchas ciudades alrededor del mundo. Las inversiones millonarias que China ha facilitado para desarrollar infraestructuras críticas en entornos urbanos de Asia, África y América Latina, pero también en Europa, son buena prueba de ello. En paralelo, la diplomacia subnacional china es cada vez más dinámica y teje vínculos en todas las regiones del planeta, mientras asegura una presencia de peso en algunas de las principales redes que operan a escala global.En este contexto, Estados Unidos lleva ya algunos años tratando de posicionarse en el ecosistema urbano global. A pesar de que, como se analiza en este artículo, esto no siempre ha sido así, las grandes ciudades y algunos estados del país gozan hoy de una fuerte presencia internacional. Una presencia marcada por la globalización, por agendas de gran impacto como la climática o la migratoria y por la irrupción de algunas organizaciones filantrópicas con fuerte capacidad de incidencia. La diplomacia subnacional estadounidense opera sustentada en una narrativa bien construida, en instrumentos dirigidos a reforzar sus capacidades y en un vínculo que se quiere cada vez más fuerte con la política exterior del país.La diplomacia comercial y la municipal foreing policyDurante muchos años, el peso de la diplomacia subnacional de Estados Unidos no ha ido en consonancia con el peso que ha tenido y tiene el país en el orden global. En la segunda mitad del siglo XX, en el periodo que va desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta el fin de la Guerra Fría, los marcos de referencia que guían la acción de los gobiernos territoriales del país son fundamentalmente domésticos. Los asuntos locales y nacionales predominan sobre la mirada exterior, en una lógica que se podría calificar de insular. Sin embargo, el análisis de la acción exterior de los gobiernos subnacionales del país durante estos años ofrece algunos indicios que hay que tomar en consideración. Se observa una actividad que se podría definir como episódica y que, aunque en algunos periodos es significativa, queda relativamente al margen de las dinámicas que ocupan al municipalismo internacional de la época. Ciudades y estados construyen vínculos exteriores, pero ponen el foco en asuntos de trascendencia local, como puede ser el comercio y la captación de inversiones exteriores o la promoción de valores relevantes para la comunidad, como la paz, la protección de los derechos humanos y la solidaridad.A pesar de que el municipalismo estadounidense tiene presencia en las primeras expresiones del municipalismo internacional de la década de 1920, el primer hito de la diplomacia subnacional del país se debe situar en el lanzamiento en 1956 de la plataforma Sister Cities International (SCI). Impulsada por el presidente Eisenhower, esta iniciativa promueve desde entonces el establecimiento de miles de relaciones bilaterales de cooperación entre ciudades y condados estadounidenses con sus pares en terceros países en todo el globo. SCI facilita misiones de cooperación técnica e intercambio, impulsa proyectos de promoción de los derechos humanos y la paz, así como vínculos de carácter comunitario y programas de voluntariado. La organización opera, sin embargo, en un marco de relevancia doméstica y poca conexión con organizaciones similares en otras regiones del mundo.En la década de 1980, un buen número de estados y ciudades del país ya cuentan con representaciones comerciales y para la captación de inversiones en el exterior. Ciudades como Tokio –con 19 delegaciones en 1982–, Londres, Bruselas o Frankfurt acogen las más de 60 oficinas permanentes que 33 estados y alguna ciudad, como Nueva York, tienen en más de 70 países alrededor del mundo (Duchacek, 1984). Según datos de la Asociación Nacional de Gobernadores2, en 1981 los estados del país invirtieron más en acciones promocionales que el propio Departamento de Comercio de la administración federal. También las asociaciones municipalistas se suman al empeño impulsando campañas y eventos promocionales como los organizados por la US Conference of Mayors en Zúrich y Hong Kong, en 1982 y 1983, respectivamente, bajo el lema «Invest in America's Cities» (ibídem).Aunque, seguramente, lo más destacado de la diplomacia subnacional en las postrimerías del siglo pasado lo constituye lo que el Center for Innovative Diplomacy (CID) con base en Irvine (California) bautiza como «municipal foreign policy». Efectivamente, desde finales de los años setenta, la década de los ochenta y principios de los noventa varios estados y ciudades de Estados Unidos desafían las políticas de la administración federal en América Central o Sudáfrica o se alinean con los movimientos globales contrarios a la proliferación nuclear. Urbes como Burlington (Nueva Jersey), Pittsburgh (Pensilvania) o Rochester (Nueva York) se movilizan en contra del apoyo de la administración Reagan a las fuerzas anticomunistas y contrarrevolucionarias que operan en América Central. Y lo hacen alineándose con sectores importantes de sus propias comunidades, levantando fondos para ayudar a las ciudades con las que mantienen hermanamientos y ofreciendo a los miles de refugiados centroamericanos que pueblan las ciudades de Estados Unidos, un lugar seguro (Leffel, 2018); un movimiento que constituye el origen de las ciudades santuario.En paralelo, y ante la tibieza de la administración federal, un número importante de ciudades estadounidenses se posicionan en contra del Apartheid que practica el Gobierno de Sudáfrica. Hasta 59 ciudades, y algunos estados y condados, cuentan con legislación que prohíbe las inversiones en el país sudafricano, lo que tiene un impacto calculado en más de 450.000 millones de dólares (Spiro, 1986). Asimismo, se movilizan en contra de la administración federal las más de 160 ciudades que se declaran «Nuclear Free Zones» (NFZ), que legislan para prohibir la fabricación de componentes para armas nucleares en sus territorios. Lo hacen por convicción, pero también como reacción a la decisión de la administración Reagan de desviar fondos federales, inicialmente previstos para apoyar las políticas locales, hacia el presupuesto de defensa con el objetivo de acelerar la competición nuclear con la Unión Soviética (Leffel, 2018).No obstante, y a pesar del notable, aunque episódico, dinamismo que exhibe la diplomacia subnacional estadounidense, resulta muy significativa la ausencia de las grandes ciudades de algunos de los principales debates y procesos que se dan en el seno del municipalismo internacional. Su presencia es menor en eventos considerados clave como la Cumbre de la Tierra, que tiene lugar en Rio de Janeiro en 1992, o la conferencia Hábitat II, celebrada en Estambul en 1996, donde además se convoca la primera Asamblea Mundial de Ciudades y Autoridades Locales (WACLA, por sus siglas en inglés). Más aún, no tienen peso en las organizaciones que componen el denominado G4+3 creado en su momento para asegurar la interlocución con las Naciones Unidas en el proceso de implementación de los acuerdos alcanzados en la capital de Turquía. Dicha irrelevancia puede explicar, en parte, la incapacidad de frenar el veto que Estados Unidos impone, junto a China y otros países, a la Carta Mundial de la Autonomía Local4.En la misma línea, también mantienen un perfil bajo en las organizaciones clave en ese momento. A pesar de que la National League of Cities y la US Conference of Mayorsson parte de la Unión Internacional de Autoridades Locales (IULA, por sus siglas en inglés), las grandes ciudades del país no están con sus homólogas de todo el mundo en las principales plataformas que las reúnen: la Federación Mundial de Ciudades Unidas (FMCU)5, Summit6 o Metropolis. Por otro lado, aunque sí se integran en el Consejo Internacional para las Iniciativas Ambientales Locales (ICLEI, por sus siglas en inglés) a los seis años de su fundación en 1990, tampoco están en el proceso que deriva en 2004 en la fundación de Ciudades y Gobiernos Locales Unidos (CGLU)7, la principal organización municipalista a escala global, presidida entonces por el alcalde de París y en cuya primera junta directiva aparece el alcalde de South Bay, un municipio de 4.700 habitantes de Florida. La globalización, el activismo climático y la filantropía como catalizadores de una diplomacia subnacional para el siglo XXIComo se han encargado de describir numerosos autores (Sassen, 2005; Curtis, 2018), el proceso de globalización neoliberal que se da con la caída del muro de Berlín sitúa a las ciudades globales como nodos conectores de un nuevo orden global que tiene a Estados Unidos como potencia hegemónica. Ciudades como Nueva York, Los Ángeles o Chicago, junto con sus pares en todo el mundo, irrumpen en el escenario internacional como piezas clave en el engranaje de los flujos de capital, bienes, servicios y conocimiento, aunque también de algunos de los principales retos que la globalización pone sobre la mesa.En este contexto, la emergencia climática se sitúa como un desafío global con una fuerte trascendencia urbana y una gran capacidad de movilizar a la comunidad internacional. Un desafío que reconfigura en buena medida los esquemas a través de los cuales opera la diplomacia urbana orientándola hacia una lógica multiactor, más compleja y sofisticada, dotada de mayor capacidad de incidencia. Efectivamente, la lucha contra el cambio climático activa una alianza entre las grandes ciudades del mundo y algunas de las principales organizaciones filantrópicas y think tanks, fundamentalmente estadounidenses. Una alianza que explica, en parte, el auge de la diplomacia subnacional de Estados Unidos, y que ha acercado el municipalismo internacional a los marcos de referencia políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales que rigen en el país norteamericano.En 2005, el entonces alcalde de Londres, Ken Livingston, impulsa la creación de C40, una alianza entre las grandes urbes globales que deciden compartir estrategias para combatir el cambio climático. La organización, pieza clave para la diplomacia urbana estadounidense8, tiene una importante capacidad de incidir en la agenda climática global. Una de las características que la definen ha sido su habilidad para sumar visión, estrategia y acción no solo entre alcaldes y alcaldesas, sino también con las grandes organizaciones filantrópicas estadounidenses y con el sector privado. En 2006, la red se expande con el apoyo de la Clinton Climate Initiative (CCI) y, desde 2013, recibe el apoyo continuado de Bloomberg Philanthropies. Por otro lado, C40 apuesta fuertemente por incentivar la colaboración público-privada, poniendo en contacto las empresas y centros de investigación que desarrollan soluciones con los gobiernos de las ciudades que las requieren. Asimismo, ha contribuido a generar nuevos engranajes conectados con las múltiples expresiones que hoy tiene el multilateralismo. Buen ejemplo de ello es el U20, el espacio que C40 convoca junto con CGLU, a través del cual las principales ciudades del mundo, también las estadounidenses, tratan de situar sus prioridades en la agenda del G-20. En una lógica muy similar operan otras instancias como Resilient Cities Network o el Global Covenant of Mayors (GCoM). La primera, impulsada en 2013 desde la Fundación Rockefeller, pone el foco en apoyar a las ciudades en la definición de planes de resiliencia climática; un tema que preocupa a las ciudades de Estados Unidos, las cuales conforman la sección más importante de la red con 26 miembros. La segunda, el GCoM, se centra en reforzar el liderazgo de las ciudades para el impulso y desarrollo de planes locales de acción climática y transición energética, reuniendo a miles de ciudades de todo el mundo, 185 de las cuales estadounidenses; además, introduce un factor novedoso al combinar el liderazgo de una junta directiva integrada por alcaldes y alcaldesas, una dirección ejecutiva fruto de una alianza entre la Comisión Europea y el filántropo y exalcalde de Nueva York, Michael Bloomberg, con la representatividad de las principales agencias de la Naciones Unidas que trabajan en este ámbito y las principales redes de ciudades. Pero la lógica de colaboración multiactor va más allá de lo climático y se extiende, con el paso de los años, a otros ámbitos en los que las ciudades de Estados Unidos tienen una presencia muy activa. Buen ejemplo de ello lo tenemos en el Mayors Migration Council–la plataforma financiada entre otros por Open Society Foundations y que integra a más de 200 ciudades de todo el mundo, 40 de las cuales estadounidenses– cuyo objetivo es posicionarlas en los debates globales sobre las migraciones.En este contexto, algunas ciudades como Nueva York, Los Ángeles, Chicago, San Francisco, Huston o Boston se encuentran entre los operadores más dinámicos de la diplomacia urbana global; mantienen vínculos con ciudades de todo el mundo, están presentes en los grandes espacios del multilateralismo urbano y participan de las principales redes. Aunque, en relación con esto último, cabe destacar que el municipalismo estadounidense sigue teniendo una presencia muy limitada en las redes tradicionales de raíz europea, aquellas que tienen su origen en el movimiento municipalista del siglo XX, ya que apuesta casi en exclusiva por los espacios multiactor y de nuevo formato. Cabe apuntar, en este sentido, que la transición de la diplomacia urbana estadounidense y global hacia estos nuevos formatos ha venido acompañada por una cohorte de centros de investigación y think tanks, la mayoría con sede en Washington y en otras ciudades estadounidenses. La visión que han tenido la Brookings Institution, el Chicago Council on Global Affairs, el German Marshall Fund o, más recientemente, el Truman Centre for National Policy para construir un relato que justifica y acompaña a las ciudades del país en su acción internacional, ha sido más que notable. Hoy, Estados Unidos y su academia son referentes y lideran la producción de conocimiento, también aplicado, en el ámbito de la diplomacia subnacional. El apoyo del Departamento de Estado: ¿mucho ruido y pocas nueces?Buena parte de este relato formulado desde los escritorios de algunos de los principales think tanks del país ha servido para que la administración federal se posicione y acompañe a ciudades y estados en sus esfuerzos diplomáticos. Se busca no solo reforzar su capacidad de impacto, sino también sumar todos los activos y el potencial de que disponen para complementar la política exterior y de seguridad de Estados Unidos, que hoy es más inclusiva y diversa, aunque también más compleja. Sin embargo, no estamos ante una estrategia nueva. Ya a finales de 1978, durante la administración Carter, se crea por primera vez una oficina encargada de gestionar el vínculo con los gobiernos locales y estatales en el Departamento de Estado. Liderada por el embajador en misión especial W. Beberly Carter Jr., esta oficina tiene un recorrido corto y es suprimida en enero de 1981 tras la elección de Ronald Reagan como presidente. Sus funciones van pasando de un departamento a otro y durante más de treinta años quedan en un plano marginal hasta que, en 2010, en la primera administración Obama, el Departamento de Estado vuelve a apostar por un acercamiento a las ciudades y los estados a través de la denominada Oficina de la Representante Especial para los Asuntos Globales Intergubernamentales, encabezada por Reta Jo Lewis.Dicho acercamiento responde a una lógica clara. Una parte importante de los acuerdos que el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos asume en el seno de las Naciones Unidas y otras instancias del multilateralismo requieren para su implementación de otros actores como las organizaciones de la sociedad civil, el sector privado o las autoridades locales (Klaus y Singer, 2018). Las agendas ligadas al desarrollo sostenible que se impulsan entre 2012 y 2016 son buena muestra de ello y encuentran en el Departamento de Estado un actor comprometido. Destaca la participación del Gobierno estadounidense en foros clave para las ciudades como la COP21 en 2015, en la que se alcanza el Acuerdo de París sobre Cambio Climático, o la Conferencia Habitat III que tiene lugar en 2016 en Quito y en la que se aprueba la Nueva Agenda Urbana. Pero la elección de Donald Trump a finales de ese año pone fin a la apuesta de Estados Unidos por las Naciones Unidas, el multilateralismo, la agenda climática y las ciudades. De hecho, se inaugura una época marcada por el negacionismo climático, el aislacionismo internacional y la confrontación con el mundo urbano y las élites progresistas. En este contexto, resulta significativo que diversos operadores, desde think tanks a miembros del Congreso, sigan reclamando que se recupere el vínculo con la diplomacia subnacional y que ello se institucionalice a través de una acción legislativa que evite que se dependa de los sucesivos cambios políticos.Instituciones tan relevantes como el Council on Foreign Relations o el Truman Centre for National Policy están en esa línea. El primero publica un artículo en 2017 en el que recomienda a la administración del presidente Trump que vuelva a crear una oficina especializada y que despliegue todo el potencial que tiene la diplomacia subnacional del país. Por su parte, el segundo convoca un grupo de expertos de alto nivel que, en 2022, publica un informe en el que no solo se reclama el restablecimiento de una oficina, sino que apuesta por mapear activos, expandir la capacidad de incidencia de las ciudades y los estados en el exterior, así como reforzar las alianzas con think tanks y organizaciones filantrópicas que tan buenos resultados han dado. El presidente Biden y el secretario de estado Blinken se muestran receptivos y, ese mismo año, nombran a la embajadora Nina Hachigian como representante especial para la diplomacia de ciudades y estados. Su designación no es neutra, puesto que, aparte de embajadora de carrera, era la vicealcaldesa responsable de relaciones internacionales de la ciudad de Los Ángeles, uno de los emblemas de la diplomacia urbana norteamericana. Este nombramiento no ha pasado desapercibido en la comunidad internacional. La embajadora ha mantenido un perfil visible y reconocible: ha tenido presencia en foros de muy alto nivel, tanto en el ámbito del multilateralismo –como la COP28 celebrada en Dubái, el Foro Político de Alto Nivel de Nueva York o la Conferencia de Seguridad de Múnich, todos en 2023–, como del municipalismo internacional en sus múltiples expresiones; asimismo, ha reforzado el vínculo con las principales ciudades y estados del país, así como con el cuerpo diplomático, organismos multilaterales, organizaciones filantrópicas, think tanks, centros de investigación especializados y, también, con el sector privado.Sin embargo, y a pesar de que se han lanzado iniciativas tan relevantes como la Cumbre de las Ciudades de Denver que, en 2022, reunió a alcaldes de todo el hemisferio en un excelente ejercicio de diálogo político, o el Programa Cities Forward, un incipiente, aunque prometedor instrumento de apoyo a la cooperación técnica entre ciudades, la realidad es que la representante especial Hachigian opera con recursos presupuestarios y profesionales muy limitados y con una posición en el seno de la Secretaria de Estado todavía periférica. Su equipo se sitúa en la Oficina de Partenariados Globales y todavía no ha logrado reconocimiento orgánico. De hecho, la iniciativa legislativa sobre diplomacia subnacional presentada en 20199 y en 202110 en el Congreso no ha prosperado, pese a los múltiples e importantes apoyos recibidos. Apunte finalNo cabe duda de que la diplomacia subnacional estadounidense ha adquirido en los últimos años una dimensión notoria. Del recorrido intermitente, de corte episódico y mirada doméstica que la caracteriza durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX, ha pasado a una experiencia que se consolida gradualmente y apuesta por nuevos formatos y una agenda de peso. Una agenda que la vincula con algunos de los principales desafíos de la globalización y que la conecta con actores emergentes con una importante capacidad de influencia en el contexto global. Además, el relato que la sustenta es sólido, lo que la posiciona en los grandes debates que cosen lo urbano con lo global.Sin embargo, pese a los esfuerzos y el liderazgo de la representante especial, el apoyo efectivo que el Departamento de Estado presta a las ciudades y a los estados en su acción exterior parece ser todavía más simbólico que efectivo. Los recursos que destina la administración federal son limitados y la apuesta por la diplomacia subnacional depende en muy buena medida de los grandes filántropos. Así, en un contexto de competición por el liderazgo del orden global en el que lo urbano sigue teniendo una fuerte trascendencia, avanzar y profundizar en el compromiso inicial expresado por el presidente Biden y el secretario Blinken tiene todo el sentido y puede traer muchos beneficios. China está en ello. Europa lo estaba, aunque hoy parece mirar hacia otro lugar. Habrá que ver hacia dónde va Estados Unidos, más aún con Donald Trump en el horizonte. Referencias bibliográficasCurtis, Simon. «Global Cities and the Ends of Globalism». New Global Studies, n.º 12 (2018), p. 75-90.Duchacek, Ivo D. «The International Dimension of Subnational Self-Government». Publius, vol. 14, n.º 4 (1984), p. 5-31. Federated States and International Relations, Oxford University Press.Fernández de Losada, Agustí y Galceran-Vercher, Marta. «¿Una Europa a contracorriente? La invisibilidad de las ciudades en las relaciones UE – CELAC». Revista TIP, año 12, n.º 2 (2023), p. 26-38.Klaus, Ian y Singer, Russell. The United Nations. Local Authorities in Four Frameworks. Penn Institute for Urban Research, 2018.Leffel, Benjamin. «Animus of the Underling: Theorizing City Diplomacy in a World Society». The Hague Journal of Diplomacy, n.º 13 (2018), p. 502-522.Sassen, Saskia. «The Global City: Introducing a Concept». Brown Journal of World Affairs, n.º 11 (2005), p. 27-43.Spiro, P.J. «State and Local Anti-South Africa Action as an Intrusion upon the Federal Power in Foreign Affairs». Virginia Law Review, vol. 72, n.º 4 (1986), p. 824. Notes:1- El Global Gateway es la principal estrategia de inversión exterior de la UE.2- «Committee on International Trade and Foreign Relations, Export Development and Foreign Investment: The Role of the States and its Linkage to Federal Action». Washington D.C.: National Governors' Association (1981), p. 1.3- Integrado por la Unión Internacional de Autoridades Locales (IULA, por sus siglas en ingles), la Federación Mundial de Ciudades Unidas, Metropolis, la Cumbre de las Grandes Ciudades del Mundo (Summit) y otras organizaciones regionales.4- «Follow-up to The United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II): Local Implementation of the Habitat Agenda, including The Role Of Local Authorities». HS/C/18/3/Add.1 23 (noviembre de 2000).5- Fundada en 1957 en Aix-les-Bains (Francia) e integrada por ciudades hermanadas de todo el mundo.6- Summit Conference of Major Cities of the World (Summit). Nueva York es la única ciudad de los Estados Unidos que está presente en esta red fundada en 1985 y desaparecida en 2005.7- La CGLU es el resultado del proceso de fusión de la IULA y la FMCU.8- Estados Unidos cuenta con 14 ciudades de las 96 que integran el C40. Además, esta plataforma ha estado presidida en dos ocasiones por alcaldes estadounidenses: Michael Bloomberg, alcalde de Nueva York (2010-2013) y Erica Garcetti, alcalde de Los Angeles (2019-2021).9- S.4426 - City and State Diplomacy Act. 116th Congress (2019-2020). Sponsor: Sen. Cristopher Murphy.10- H.R.4526 - City and State Diplomacy Act. 17th Congress (2021-2022). Sponsor: Rep. Ted LieuTodas las publicaciones expresan las opiniones de sus autores/as y no reflejan necesariamente los puntos de vista de CIDOB como institución.DOI: https://doi.org/10.24241/NotesInt.2024/302/es

The Lebanon Economic Monitor provides an update on key economic developments and policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank work on Lebanon. The political standoff combined with an escalating Syrian conflict hampered growth in 2012, and is projected to continue doing so through the first half of 2013. Economic growth in 2012 is estimated to have decelerated to 1.4 percent due to a weak second half of 2012 following a downturn in the security situation. The major fiscal expansion that took place in 2012 is creating fiscal challenges for 2013, particularly in the context of a promised increase in public salaries. The fiscal expansion, measured by the change in the central government s primary fiscal balance, reached a staggering 4.6 percentage points of GDP in 2012. The overall fiscal deficit reached 9.4 percent of GDP in 2012. Inflationary pressures rose despite tepid economic activity. Headline inflation accelerated notably in the second half of 2012. Core inflation has also been on an upward trend, reaching 5.3 percent by end-2012. Domestically, inflationary pressures can primarily be attributed to (i) increases in disposable income in early 2012 due to the increase in the minimum wage and public sector salaries cost of living adjustment; and (ii) a cumulative output gap that remains positive following above-potential growth in 2007-2010. The conflict in Syria, a country that is closely linked, both through historical, social and economic ties to Lebanon has created a humanitarian crisis of enormous scale. While Lebanon is to be commended for its openness to Syrian refugees, the conflict is severely and negatively impacting the Lebanese economy. The largest impact arises through the insecurity and uncertainty spillovers and touches at the heart of Lebanon s societal fabric.

The economic rebound in recent quarters has been stronger than expected and the economy is showing signs of overheating. These signs are show up in rising inflation, especially of those goods and services which are in strong demand, but cannot easily be imported or whose local supply cannot readily be increased to meet the growing demand. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth reached 20.8 percent year-on-year (yoy) in Q3, following an outturn of 17.3 percent in Q2. Growth for the year as a whole will likely hit 15 percent, if not more, up from 6.4 percent in 2010, and is being pushed by infrastructure spending as Mongolia develops its vast mineral wealth. Inflation continues its upward trend. The trade deficit is close to record levels (US$ 1.4 bn in September using 12-month rolling sums) driven by a surge in mining-related equipment and fuel imports. Exports are growing strongly too, driven by large coal shipments to China. The 2012 budget continues this fiscal expansion and targets a 74 percent increase in expenditures (mostly on wages and social transfers).

The debate over work requirements for social programs is hot and heavy. I'll chime in there as I don't think even the Wall Street Journal Editorial pages have stated the issue clearly from an economic point of view.  As usual, it's getting obfuscated in a moral cloud by both sides: How could you be so heartless as to force unfortunate people to work, vs. how immoral it is to subsidize indolence, and value of the "culture" of self-sufficiency. Economics, as usual, offers a straightforward value-free way to think about the issue: Incentives. When you put all our social programs together, low income Americans face roughly 100% marginal tax rates. Earn an extra dollar, lose a dollar of benefits. It's not that simple, of course, with multiple cliffs of infinite tax rates (earn an extra cent, lose a program entirely), and depends on how many and which programs people sign up for. But the order of magnitude is right. The incentive effect is clear: don't work (legally). As Phil Gramm and Mike Solon report, Since 1967, average inflation-adjusted transfer payments to low-income households—the bottom 20%—have grown from $9,677 to $45,389. During that same period, the percentage of prime working-age adults in the bottom 20% of income earners who actually worked collapsed from 68% to 36%.36%. The latter number is my main point, we'll get to cost later. Similarly, the WSJ points to  a report by Jonathan Bain and Jonathan Ingram at the Foundation for Government Accountability thatthere are four million able-bodied adults without dependents on food stamps, and three in four don't work at all. Less than 3% work full-time.3%. Incentives are a budget constraint to government policy, hard and immutable. Your feelings about people one way or another do not move the incentives at all. A gift of money with an income phase-out leads people to work less, and to require more gifts of money.  That's just a fact. What to do? One answer is, remove the income phaseouts. Give food stamps, medicaid, housing subsidies,  earned income tax credits, and so forth, to everyone, and don't reduce them with income. Then the disincentive to work is much reduced. (There is still the "income effect," but in my judgement that's a lot smaller for most people in this category.) Rather obviously, that's impractical. Even the US, even if r<g or MMT are true, would run out of money quickly. That's the problem with Universal Basic Income. Even $20,000 x 331 million = $6.6 trillion, essentially the entire federal budget right there, and $20,000 of total support is a lot less than people with $0 income get right now. (Gramm, Ekelund and Early, and Casey Mulligan estimate about $60,000 is the right number here.)  Put another way, to eliminate the work disincentive in the social programs, we would have to jack up marginal tax rates on everyone to such stratospheric levels that nobody works. You can't escape disincentives. So, support for the unfortunate must be limited somehow. That's why we limit it to people below a certain income level. But even if each individual program maintains a reasonable marginal phaseout, they add up across programs, and next thing you know we're back to 100% phase out. Posit that work is still desirable,  to earn some money, to contribute to your fellow citizens, to reduce the need for income assistance, and to build human capital.  (Plus the more ephemeral goals all sides of the debate ascribe to work -- self reliance, life meaning, self-respect, participation in society, and so forth. I promised no moral or sociological arguments, but these values being shared by both sides of the debate, I can make a little exception. Nobody thinks that an entire lifetime of living on a government check, doing nothing but drink take drugs and play video games all day, makes for a desirable society, no matter who they vote for.)  If so, if the social safety net creates a 100% marginal tax rate on work, and if abandoning income phaseouts will bankrupt the state, then we have a problem. Work requirements are an imperfect method to try to replace the incentive to work that social programs eliminate. Our government does this sort of thing all over to transfer income but contain the disincentives: Subsidize gas, and then regulate against its use for example. It is inefficient, as you can tell from the brouhaha. It's much more efficient to get people to work by saying "if you earn a dollar, you can keep it," rather than "if you earn a dollar we'll take it away from you but we're going to force you to work." As the WSJ details here and often, the rules are complex, and people and governments game them. Just who should work? Progressives will quickly find a sick single mother taking care of elderly parents and commuting to some horrible fast food job who falls through the cracks, and they are right. Rules and bureaucracies are very rough substitutes for market incentives. More importantly, if you're working for money, you find the best job you can, you work hard, you look for better opportunities. If you're working to satisfy a bureaucratic work requirement in the face of a 100% tax rate, you find the easiest job you can, you don't care about the money and thereby the social productivity of the work, and you do as little as possible. So I'm not defending work requirements as a perfect offset to a 100% marginal tax rate. But they are there for a reason, as a very rough offset to some of the huge disincentives that means-tested programs pose. The point today is that we should start to understand and debate work requirements in this framework. If you're going to remove market incentives, you need some replacement. By the way, supposedly socialist Europe, after its experience with "the dole" in the early 1990s, is much more heard-hearted about these sorts of incentives than we are. Progressives who think we should both emulate nordic countries and also expand our safety net should go look at nordic countries. Is there a better way? I've long played with the idea of limiting help by time rather than by income. That's how unemployment insurance works. We understand that replacing people's paycheck forever if they lose their job has bad incentive effects. Unemployment is understood as a temporary misfortune, and understanding the incentives, you get unemployment checks for a limited amount of time. Could not many other programs aimed at misfortune also be limited by time -- but then allow you to keep each extra dollar of earnings? Perhaps even unemployment should be a fixed amount of time, and you can keep receiving it for the full (normally) 26 weeks even if you get a job. The trouble with that, of course, is that some people will not get their acts together in the required time, and then you have to be heartless. But is it not just as heartless to say to a person who had been on food stamps, earned income tax credit, social security disability and housing voucher, "well, congrats on getting  a job, and a good one, that pays $60,000 per year. Now we're taking away all your benefits. Enjoy the $1?" Also, the safety net does include a detailed bureaucracy to determine who is needy. Disability, unemployment, and so forth look hard at these issues. Replicating that with a different set of rules for each program seems mighty wasteful. Another wild idea: Good economists all understand that consumption, not income, is the right measure of well being. That's why consumption taxes are a good idea, and we should measure consumption diversity not income diversity. (I don't use the word "inequality" anymore as it prejudices the right answer.) One advantage of a consumption tax is that it would be easier to condition benefits on consumption rather than income. If you work and save the results, you can keep your benefits. One last point, which maybe should be the first point. It is a bit scandalous that income phase outs in social programs take away benefits based on market income, but not social program income. If you have food stamps and earn an extra $10,000 of income, you can lose your foods stamps. If you get housing worth $10,000, you don't lose anything. Ditto in the entire social program system. This is an immense distortion towards putting effort into obtaining more social programs rather than working. Phasing out based on consumption, including cash and non cash benefits, would make a lot more sense. But one could phase out benefits based on which other benefits you receive too. Disincentives come from the social program and tax system overall, and any hope of continuing disincentives and saving money must take a similar integrated system approach. The argument also is over how much money the programs cost. That leads to "how could you be so heartless" vs. "but the country will go broke," also going nowhere. A focus on incentives offers the way out. Fix the incentives, and we end up helping people who need it a lot better, we end up with a lot fewer people who need help, and spend a lot less money. Win win win. There is no clean answer. A main lesson of economics is that there is always a tradeoff between help and disincentives, between insurance and moral hazard. We can make this tradeoff a lot more efficient than it is, but we can't totally eliminate the tradeoff. The bottom line remains, this discussion would be a lot more productive discussion if we talked about the constraint posed by incentives, rather than the usual moral mudslinging.    Update:So work requirements are a little tightened, but not if you have Medicaid. WTF? Medicaid is limited by income. The incentive spaghetti here would be fun to unravel. Of course, we have an  additional reason to stay below the income cap for Medicaid. We have an additional incentive to sign up for Medicaid, which may be the idea here. "Get a job, lose your food stamps, or sign up for this free government program." Hmm. Feel free to riff on this one in the comments...   

Die Arbeit enthält in Kapitel 1 die Einleitung und die Ableitung der Fragestellung. Es wird zunächst das Umfeld des Sektors in den Jahren 1994 bis 2006 dargestellt. Der Ökolandbau hat sich einerseits am Markt für Lebensmittel gut etabliert und wächst dynamisch. Auch die Umstellungsraten sind positiv, bleiben aber hinter dem Marktwachstum zurück. Durch die verschiedenen Reformschritte der EU Agrarpolitik wird der Ökolandbau immer wieder vor umfassende Herausforderungen gestellt. Auf diese Herausforderungen kann der Ökolandbau mit Hilfe einer erhöhten Effizienz regieren. Es hat in den letzten Jahren eine Reihe von Studien zur Effizienz im Ökolandbau gegeben. Die Studien geben erste Einblicke in die einzelbetriebliche Effizienz von Ökobetrieben, häufig sind sie jedoch nicht auf die speziellen Fragestellungen des Ökolandbaus abgestimmt. So sind nur wenige Studien in der Lage die Effizienz in der Umstellungsphase zu modellieren und auch mögliche regionale Einflussfaktoren werden nicht berücksichtigt. Die vorliegende Arbeit modelliert die technische Effizienz auf ökologischen Futterbau-Betrieben und passt die Modelle den speziellen Erfordernissen der ökologischen Landwirtschaft an.In Kapitel 2 folgen vier zum Teil bereits publizierte Effizienzanalysen von ökologi-schen Futterbau- und Milchviehbetrieben. Das Modell wurde mit Hilfe einer stochastischen Frontieranalyse (SFA) geschätzt, in das SFA-Modell sind das "Heteroskedastizitäts-Modell" und das "technical effects Modell" das die Einflussfaktoren auf die technische Effizienz schätzt, integriert. Der gewählte Modellrahmen erweist sich als passend für die Analyse, was durch statistische Tests belegt werden kann. Es werden die Elastizitäten der einzelnen Input-Faktoren im Hinblick auf den Output diskutiert. Es zeigt sich, dass neben den "klassischen" Bestimmungsgründen der technischen Effizienz regionale Faktoren einen wichtigen Einfluss auf die technische Effizienz ausüben: Die technische Effizienz ist in den Regionen unterschiedlich ausgeprägt und Agglomerationseffekte beeinflussen die technische Effizienz. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass technologische Spill-Over-Effekte existieren. Die Entwick! lung der technischen Effizienz in der Umstellungsphase zeigt, dass sich die technische Effizienz nach etwa 5 Jahren verbessert, und sich dem Durchschnitt aller Betriebe annähert. Die Futterbau- und Milchvieh-Betriebe haben technologischen Rückschritt zu verkraften. Dies könnte mit geringen Ausgaben des Staates für auf den Ökolandbau zugeschnittene Forschung zusammenhängen.In Kapitel 3 folgt Analyse der verschiedenen Formen von Marktversagen, die einen Eingriff des Staates zu Gunsten der ökologischen Landwirtschaft eventuell volkswirschaftlich rechtfertigen. Die Formen des Marktversagens sind a.) externe Effekte, b.) Informations-Asymmetrien, c.) Marktversagen am Kapitalmarkt (Infant Industry-Argument) und d.) nicht-rationales Verhalten (meritorische Güter). Um die verschiedenen Formen des Marktversagens einordnen zu können, wird skizziert, welche Ergebnisse ein funktionierender Markt hervorbringen kann und welche Modell-Annahmen dem Funktionieren zu Grunde liegen. Eine sogenannte "first-best" Lösung wird dargestellt, deren Umsetzbarkeit im Umfeld der EU Agrarpolitik allerdings unwahrscheinlich erscheint. Daher erscheint die Diskussion einer pragmatischen "second-best"-Lösung gerechtfertigt.Die Theorien des Marktversagens werden anschließend erläutert, eine Anwendung der Theorien auf den ökologischen Landbau wird geprüft. Marktversagen aufgrund von externen Effekten ist der wichtigste Grund für einen Eingriff in den Markt für landwirtschaftliche Güter zu Gunsten der ökologischen Landwirtschaft. Dieses Argument wird auch in der politischen Praxis häufig angewandt. Die Gefahr einer adversen Selektion auf Grund von asymmetrisch verteilter Information ist im landwirtschaftlichen Kontext bisher kaum diskutiert worden. Es gibt zahlreiche gute Argumente, die für einen Eingriff des Staates sprechen. Die Gegenargumente sind grundsätzlicher Natur, allerdings kann man je nach politischem Leitbild auch zu einer Bejahung dieser Theorie als Eingriffsgrund kommen. Das Infant Industry-Argument ist für eine Förderung des Ökolandbaus abzulehnen, da die Kriterien einer Infant Industry überwiegend nicht auf den Ökolandbau zutreffen. Die Theorie der meritorischen Güter ist zwar eine der Komplexität der modernen Gesellschaft angemessene Problem-Analyse. Die Voraussetzung eines Eingriffs in den Markt und auch deren Implikationen sind bisher nicht konsistent ausgearbeitet. Daher wird auch die Theorie der meritorischen Güter als Grundlage der Förderung des Ökolandbaus abgelehnt.Das Kapitel 4 enthält eine Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse sowie eine Schlussbetrachtung. Es wird eine kritische Würdigung der Ergebnisse der Stochastischen Frontier-Analyse vorgenommen. Die vorliegenden Ergebnisse unterliegen - wie viele andere Untersuchungen - einigen Restriktionen, einige mögliche Schwächen und Einwände im Datensatz werden kritisch diskutiert.Die Auswahl der Daten sowie deren Aufbereitung wird dargestellt. Es handelt sich um Buchführungsdaten, so dass der Auswahlprozess nicht zufällig sondern funktional ist. Die zeitliche und räumliche Verteilung der Daten ist von dieser Auswahl betroffen. Hierbei zeigt sich, dass der Datensatz die Grundgesamtheit gut abbildet, allerdings enthält der Datensatz keine Beobachtungen aus Schleswig-Holstein und Hessen. Daneben sind besonders kleine und sehr große Betriebe zu wenig repräsentiert, was ebenfalls mit der funktionalen Auswahl zu begründen ist.Es wird danach gezeigt, dass das Modellergebnis nicht von extremen Beobachtungen ("Outlier") verzerrt wird. Im Weiteren werden das Thema des technologischen Rückschritts, die Annahme der monotonen Produktionsfunktion und die Entwicklung der technischen Effizienz über die Zeit diskutiert. Technologischer Rückschritt könnte neben den erwähnten geringen Ausgaben des Staates für Ökolandbau-spezifische Forschung auch mit Größeneffekten und mit Preiseffekten erklärt werden. Die Annahme einer monotonen Produktionsfunktion wird überwiegend eingehalten. Die technische Effizienz scheint vor allem in den letzten Beobachtungsjahren angestiegen zu sein, allerdings lässt sich kein klarer Trend über den gesamten Zeitraum identifizieren.Am Ende werden politische Schlussfolgerungen aus den Ergebnissen gezogen. Es wird ein kurzer Blick auf die aktuellen Modelle in der stochastischen Effizienzanalyse geworfen. Schließlich wird zukünftiger Forschungsbedarf in der Effizienzanalyse im Ökolandbau skizziert, der vor allem im Hinblick auf Umwelteffizienz besteht. ; The following dissertation has the topic "Efficiency analysis in organic farming - status, empirical analysis and political conclusions".The dissertation begins in chapter 1 with an introduction to the topic and a deduction of the main research questions. The environment of the sector in the years 1994 to 2006 has been ambiguous: Organic market has gone through a dynamic and substantial growth. Also the share of converting farms is significant but below the growth rate on the market side. The different reforms steps in the EU s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) were challenging for many organic farms in many respects. Organic farms can react on these developments by means of an increased efficiency. During the last decade there have been some studies on the efficiency in organic farming. These studies give a first introduction of the efficiency of organic farms, but often they are not addressing the special problems of organic farming systems. Only a few studies can address the development of efficiency in the conversion period of organic farms. Also regional determinants of technical efficiency are not included in most of the models. This paper models the technical efficiency of organic grassland farms and adapts the models that address some of the specific problems of organic farming systems.The chapter 2 follows with four empirical applications of the efficiency analysis of organic grassland and milk farms. The models are estimated using a stochastic frontier analysis (SFA). The "heteroscedastic model" and the "technical effects models" are added into the model-framework in order to take account the size effects and to estimate the influence of potential determinants of technical efficiency. The selected model framework proves to be suitable for the analysis, which is shown by different statistical tests. The elasticities of the inputs with respect to output are discussed. Besides the "traditional" determinants, the regional factors exert an important influence on of technical efficiency: Technical efficiency is different depending on the respective region and agglomeration affects the efficiency of the single farms. This suggests that there are technological spillover effects. The development of technical efficiency in the conversion period shows that efficiency is improving after 5 years and finally reaching the average performance of all farms after 6-11 years. The grassland and dairy farms have to cope with technological regress. This might be explained by low expenditure of the government for research and development specially addressed to organic farming.The chapter 3 is concentrated on an analysis of the various forms of market failure, which might justify government intervention in favor of organic farming from an economic point of view. The forms of market failure are a.) Externalities, b.) Information asymmetries, c.) Market failure on the capital market (the "infant industry argument") and d.) Non rational behavior ("merit goods"). In order to classify the various forms of market failure, the results of a functioning market and the model assumption underlying the neoclassical model are described. The so called "first best" solution is presented, their feasibility in the context of EU"s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), however, seems to be unlikely. Therefore, a "second best"-solution seems to be more realistic.The different theories and forms of market failure with respect to organic farming are explained. Market failure due to externalities still seems to be the most important argument for state intervention in agricultural markets in favor of organic farming. This argument is also often applied in political practice. The risk of adverse selection processes due to asymmetric information has been rarely discussed in the agricultural context. There seems to be some good arguments in favor of a state intervention. However, the arguments against state intervention are of more general nature. Therefore a state intervention can be justified by this theory depending from the individual political point of view. The infant industry argument is rejected for supporting organic farming in specific, since the criteria of an "infant industry" do not completely apply on organic farming. The theory of merit goods takes into account the complexity of modern societies providing a solution for non rational behavior. Nevertheless, the preconditions for a state intervention are not consistently defined; therefore the "merit goods" argument does not seem to justify a state intervention in favor of organic farming.Chapter 4 contains a summary of the main results of the dissertation and summary and conclusions. A critical assessment of the results of the stochastic frontier analysis is conducted. The results are - like in many other studies - subject to some restrictions. Problems and potential weaknesses mainly in the dataset are discussed. The selection and treatment of the data are presented in detail. The dataset consists of accounting data therefore the selection process is not strictly random but also due to function (tax-declaration). The temporal and spatial distribution of the data-set is affected by the functional selection. The overall population of organic farms in Germany is represented by the data-set; nevertheless, organic farms in Schleswig-Holstein and Hessen are underrepresented. In addition very small and very large farms are underrepresented, which can be explained by the function of the data-set.It can be shown that the model results are hardly distorted by extreme values ("out-lier"). The issues of technological regress, the adaption of the monotonistic production function and the development of technical efficiency over time are discussed in detail. Some of the technological regress can be explained by the low expenditure of the government for research and development addressed to organic farming. Also some size and price effects might play a role. The assumption of a monotonistic production function is only violated in a few cases. The technical efficiency seems to be increasing during the last three years in the data set, but no clear trend over the whole period could be identified. At the end in of the dissertation policy conclusions are drawn from the results. Some of the recent developments in stochastic frontier analysis are shortly described. Finally, future research questions and topics with respect to organic farming are outlined. One of the main research questions, however, seems to deal with the topic of environmental efficiency.