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What economic and policy framework would foster a transition in the European transport sector from fossil fuels to hydrogen in the long term (2030-50)? This research combines empirical and theoretical approaches and aims to answers the following questions:1.How to design appropriate policy instruments to solve inefficiencies in hydrogen mobility deployment?2.How to define abatement cost and an optimal launching date in the presence of learning-by-doing (LBD)?3.How to define an optimal deployment trajectory in presence of LBD and convexity in investment costs?The paper 'Transition Towards a Hydrogen-Based Passenger Car Transport: Comparative Policy Analysis' draws a cross-country comparison between policy instruments that support the deployment of Fuel Cell Electric Vehicle (FCEV). The existing policy framework in favour of FCEV and hydrogen infrastructure deployment is analysed. A set of complementary ex-post policy efficiency indicators is developed and calculated to rank the most active countries, supporters of FCEV. Denmark and Japan emerge as the best providers of favourable conditions for the hydrogen mobility deployment: local authorities put in place price-based incentives (such as subsidies and tax exemptions) making FCEV more financially attractive than its gasoline substitute, and coordinate ramping-up of their hydrogen infrastructure nationally.The paper 'Defining the Abatement Cost in Presence of Learning-by-doing: Application to the Fuel Cell Electric Vehicle' models the transition of the transport sector from a pollutant state to a clean one. A partial equilibrium model is developed for a car sector of a constant size. In this model the objective of the social planner is to minimize the cost of phasing out a stock of polluting cars from the market over time. The cost includes the private cost of green cars production, which are subject to LBD, and the social cost of carbon, which has an exogenous upward trend. During the transition, the equalization of marginal costs takes into account the fact that the current action has an impact on future costs through LBD. This paper also describes a suboptimal plan: if the deployment trajectory is exogenously given, what is the optimal starting date for the transition? The paper provides a quantitative assessment of the FCEV case for the substitution of the mature Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicles. The analysis concludes that the CO2 price should reach 53€/t for the program to start and for FCEV to be a socially beneficial alternative for decarbonizing part of the projected German car park in the 2050 time frame.The impact of LBD on the timing and costs of emission abatement is, however, ambiguous. On the one hand, LBD supposes delaying abatement activities because of cost reduction of future abatement due to LBD. On the other hand, LBD supposes starting the transition earlier because of cost reduction due to added value to cumulative experience. The paper 'The Role of Learning-by-Doing in the Adoption of a Green Technology: the Case of Linear LBD' studies the optimal characteristics of a transition towards green vehicles in the transport sector when both LBD and convexity are present in the cost function. The partial equilibrium model of (Creti et al., 2015) is used as a starting point. For the case of linear LBD the deployment trajectory can be analytically obtained. This allows to conclude that a high learning induces an earlier switch towards green cars in the case of low convexity, and a later switch in the case of high convexity. This insight is used to revisit the hydrogen mobility project in Germany. A high learning lowers the corresponding deployment cost and reduces deepness and duration of the, investment 'death valley' (period of negative project's cash flow). An acceleration of exogenously defined scenario for FCEV deployment, based on the industry forecast, would be beneficial to reduce the associated transition cost. ; Quel cadre économique et réglementaire à long terme (2030-50) pour soutenir la transition énergétique des carburants fossiles vers l'hydrogène dans le secteur européen des transports ? Cette recherche combine les approches théoriques et empiriques pour répondre aux trois questions suivantes :1.Comment concevoir des politiques de soutien adaptées pour pallier les imperfections de marché lors du déploiement de technologies de mobilité hydrogène ?2.Comment modéliser les coûts d'abattement en tenant compte des effets d'apprentissage (LBD) ?3.Comment définir la trajectoire optimale de déploiement quand le LBD et la convexité des coûts d'investissement sont présents ?L'article 'Transition vers un Système de Transport de Passagers à Hydrogène : Analyse Politique Comparée' passe au crible des politique de soutien destinées à résoudre les imperfections de marché dans le déploiement de la mobilité hydrogène. L'article effectue une comparaison internationale entre les instruments en faveur du déploiement des véhicules. Les indicateurs ex post d'efficacité des politiques sont développés et calculés pour classifier les pays selon leur volontarisme dans la promotion des véhicules à piles à combustible (FCEV). Aujourd'hui le Japon et le Danemark apparaissent comme les meilleurs fournisseurs d'un environnement favorable au déploiement de la mobilité hydrogène. Les autorités locales introduisent de solides instruments prix (tels que des subventions et des exemptions fiscales) pour rendre le FCEV plus attractif par rapport à son analogue à essence et coordonnent le déploiement de l'infrastructure hydrogène sur le territoire.L'article 'Modélisation des Coûts d'Abattement en Présence d'Effets d'Apprentissage : le Cas du Véhicule à Hydrogène' présente un modèle de transition du secteur des transports d'un état polluant à un état propre. Un modèle d'équilibre partiel est développé pour un secteur automobile de taille constante. L'optimum social est atteint en minimisant le coût de la transition du parc automobile au cours du temps. Ce coût comprend les coûts privés de production des véhicules décarbonés (sujets aux effets d'apprentissage) ainsi que le coût social des émissions de CO2 qui suit une tendance haussière exogène. L'article caractérise la trajectoire optimale qui est un remplacement progressif des véhicules polluants par les décarbonés. Au cours de la transition, l'égalisation des coûts marginaux tient compte de l'impact des actions présentes sur les coûts futurs via l'effet d'apprentissage. L'article décrit aussi une trajectoire sous-optimale où la trajectoire de déploiement serait une donnée exogène : quelle serait alors la date optimale de début de la transition ? L'article présente une évaluation quantitative de la substitution des FCEV aux véhicules à combustion interne (ICE). L'analyse conclut que le FCEV deviendra une option économiquement viable pour décarboner une partie du parc automobile allemand à l'horizon 2050 dès que le prix du carbone atteindra 50-60€/t.L'article 'Le rôle des Effets d'Apprentissage dans l'Adoption d'une Technologie Verte : le Cas LBD Linéaire' étudie les caractéristiques d'une trajectoire optimale de déploiement des véhicules décarbonés dans le cas où les effets d'apprentissage et la convexité sont présents dans la fonction de coût. Le modèle d'équilibre partiel de Creti et. al (2015) est utilisé comme point de départ. Dans le cas LBD linéaire la trajectoire de déploiement optimale est obtenue analytiquement. Un apprentissage fort induit une transition antérieure vers les véhicules verts dans le cas d'une convexité faible et une transition ultérieure dans le cas d'une convexité forte. Ce résultat permet de revisiter le projet H2 Mobility en Allemagne. Un effet d'apprentissage plus fort et une accélération du déploiement aboutissent à une transition moins coûteuse et une période de cash flow négatif plus courte.

No es una novedad que el debate sobre la expansión de la economía sumergida resurja en tiempos de crisis. Es un tópico reiterado la afirmación de que las prácticas irregulares en la economía son un colchón para los efectos sociales de la depresión. Sin embargo, la amplia literatura existente sobre el fenómeno, desde hace ya casi medio siglo, no resulta concluyente acerca del posible carácter anticíclico de las actividades no registradas. Este trabajo revisa el argumentario teórico y empírico de las relaciones entre la vertiente sumergida y la regular de un sistema económico, con el fin de conocer si evolucionan en la misma dirección o, por el contrario, se puede observar un comportamiento anticíclico en el lado oculto de la economía. Se pretende, por tanto, analizar esta relación, en primer lugar revisando la literatura académica sobre tal materia. En segundo, se establecen un conjunto de conjeturas racionales sobre la dinámica de ambas vertientes del sistema económico, registrada y oculta, de forma autónoma e interactuando entre ellas, desde la perspectiva de los países desarrollados. Para ello se desarrolla una línea de investigación que se apoya en la definición de una función de coste-beneficio, poco utilizada en la literatura académica, tratando de extraer alguna conclusión sobre la dinámica convergente o divergente de ambas, con carácter generalizado. Y para identificar la dinámica de ambos sectores en diferentes fases del ciclo, se construye, una función que contiene los diferentes beneficios que, cabría esperar, obtienen los sujetos que sumergen todo o parte de su actividad económica, así como los costes que de ello se derivan (económicos, penales o de otro orden). El resultado, difícil de evaluar cuantitativamente, define en cada momento del tiempo y según la coyuntura, el incentivo económico para traspasar la barrera de la formalidad o regularidad. En dicha función intervienen determinados hechos evaluables en forma monetaria y otros de difícil estimación, pero que, sin duda, contribuyen a definir el perfil de la transgresión hacia la informalidad, tales como la presión moral del entorno social y económico en el que vive el transgresor o la intensidad de la fiscalización para el cumplimiento de la normativa que realizan las autoridades fiscales, laborales, etc. Y, por último se acude a una estimación empírica que permite contrastar, a través de un modelo estimativo de ecuaciones estructurales similar al desarrollado por el profesor austriaco Schneider, la dinámica del sector oculto de la economía en los principales países de la Unión Europea, en la última década, lo que permite observar el disímil comportamiento en tiempos de expansión y en momentos de recesión de la economía mundial. Tras el análisis realizado, se observa un comportamiento anticíclico de la economía sumergida. Tanto la dirección de la relación de la economía sumergida con el crecimiento, en principio inversa -lo que avalaría su carácter anticíclico-, como la intensidad de dicha relación son variables en el análisis comparativo entre países, dependiendo el resultado en cada uno de ellos de sus características económicas, institucionales y culturales. Tal conclusión actualiza algunos de los trabajos más relevantes que se han llevado a cabo en materia de estimación de la economía sumergida, en el ámbito internacional. Y a pesar de ello, se constata la escasa contribución de la economía sumergida a la dinámica de crecimiento del conjunto del sistema económico. ; There is nothing new about the resurface on the debate of the expansion of the underground economy in times of crisis. It is a reiterated topic claiming that irregular practices in the economy are cushioning the social effects in times of economic depression. However, the extensive literature related to the issue, for almost half a century, is not conclusive about the possible countercyclical effect of unregistered activities. This paper reviews relationships between the submerged and the regular sides of economic system, in order to know if they evolve in the same direction or, on the contrary, you can see a counter-cyclical behaviour on the hidden side of the economy. It aims, therefore, to analyse this relationship, first reviewing the academic literature on this subject. Second, establish a set of rational conjectures about the dynamics of both sides of the economic system, registered and hidden, in an autonomous way and interacting between them, from the perspective of developed countries. This develops a line of research that relies on the definition of a function of cost-benefit, little used in academic literature, trying to draw any conclusion on the convergent or divergent dynamics of both, on a widespread basis. And here a function containing the different benefits that, might be expected, dipping subjects obtain from all or part of its business activity, as well as costs arising from this (economic, criminal or other nature) is built to identify the dynamics of both sectors at different stages of the cycle. The outcome is very difficult to evaluate quantitatively and it defines the economic incentive for breaching the barrier of the formality or regularity at each point in time and according to the situation. This function involves certain facts assessable in monetary form, and other difficult to estimate, but that, no doubt, contributes to define the profile of the transgression to the informal economy, such as the moral pressure of the social and economic environment in which the offender lives or the intensity of auditing for compliance with the rules made by the tax, labour and other authorities, etc. And, finally it comes to an empirical estimate that allows us to compare, through an estimated model of structural equations similar to the one developed by the Austrian Professor Schneider, the dynamics of the hidden sector of the economy in major European Union countries in the last decade, and it also allow us to observe the dissimilar behaviour in times of expansion and in moments of recession of the world economy. After that analysis, it can be observed a counter-cyclical behaviour of the underground economy. The direction of the relationship of the hidden economy with the economic growth, in principle reverse - which confirm its counter-cyclical nature - and the intensity of such a relationship are variables in the comparative analysis among countries, depending the outcome in each country on their economic, institutional and cultural characteristics. Such a conclusion updates some of the most relevant work carried out in the field of estimation of the underground economy, at the international level. And in spite of this, it is noted the low contribution of the economy submerged to the dynamics of growth of the whole economic system.

This article presents analysis and typological classification of legal regulation of lobbying in other countries and looks for the reasons of failure to legitimize lobbying activities in Lithuania which would serve as important preventive measure against corruption. It discusses the reasons why lobbying regulation is usually ineffective. The reasons why regulation is often ineffective (dependant variable) are determined by examining the gaps in or breaches of legal regulation, the peculiarities of the political procedures within the governmental system and the degree of acceptance within the socio-cultural context to the practice of lobbying (independent variables). The research is based on three assumptions: First: further development of legal regulation of lobbying is meagerly correlated to the realities of political processes and therefore inconsistent, the decisions taken often lack genuine broad-based political will. Second: specific political processes derived from the Lithuanian political system do not offer equal conditions for the activities of interest groups, and that is an unfavorable factor for the institutionalization of lobbying. Third: features of socio-cultural context may create a favorable environment for corrupt methods of influencing political decisions.An analysis of foreign practice shows that the effectiveness of legal regulation is determined by a number of factors. Concrete lawmaking decisions determine the variety of models (regimes) of legal regulation in different countries, but their classification is quite complex. Certain countries of Anglo-Saxon tradition (e.g. the USA and Canada) have mature traditions of lobbying activities. Regulation there is comparatively comprehensive. Continental Europe can be divided into "old Europe" and Central-Eastern (post-Soviet) Europe. In the latter, traditions of lobbying activities are practically non-existent and every attempt at legitimization of lobbyism is met with negative reaction by the society and interest groups. The passed legal acts often lack genuine legitimacy.In Lithuania, institutionalization of legitimate lobbying faces problems of effectiveness of legal regulation, of integrity and of the legitimacy of legal regulations. Legal norms about regulations are in a way "frozen" – not well correlated to the relevance and understanding of political processes nor their effects and implementation challenges having been revealed in the process of implementation of the Law on Lobbyism of the Republic of Lithuania. For example, the legal regulation does not cover the local government level. The functions of interest groups – not only representation but influencing political decisions – are not taken into account, the problems of indirect lobbyism (financing of political parties and electoral campaigns) are not properly emphasized. Regulation should cover not only the lawmaking process but other decisions of public administration as well, perhaps most importantly, at the local government level.The principles of Lithuanian political system (the model of interaction of governmental institutions, the rules of election of representative government, the features of party system etc.) have determined certain specifics of political process which are fragmented in Lithuania. There are many different political and institutional players. The structural complexity of political processes complicates the activities of interest groups and the strategies they might choose to employ to influence the actions of governments at all levels. Because of the lack of resources and appreciation by society, their goals are difficult to attain. Thus incentives are created for interest groups to act "in camera" (not publicly), to influence political processes by employing illegitimate methods. This can turn any public policy into a private one. The "political nets" of interest groups are often characterized by the traditions of reticence, privileged status and special interests. This all suggests that the environment for the regulation of lobbying is not currently favorable.The interrelationships of the interest groups acting in policy making and the state are difficult to define. Undoubtedly some structural and functional segments of corporatism and cultural relics of clientelism, e.g. nepotism etc., still play a significant role in the political culture of Lithuania that shape the contents and the direction of political process and the behavior of the "players". Some authors assert that such highly indefinable relations between the state and interest groups and the powers of objects acting in political process may be called a "sort of hybrid" – between chaotic pluralism, sectoral corporatism and strains of mutant clientelism. The challenge of regulating lobbying under such conditions is a difficult task.Civic society is weak in Lithuania, and many citizens know little about the importance of legal means aimed at influencing governmental institutions. These factors encourage tolerance of corrupt behavior and the use of illicit methods to influence political decisions. The socio-cultural standards inherited from the Soviet system have conditioned the corrupt societal mentality that in political process is manifested in a variety of corporate corruption (guidance by narrow interests, clientelism, illicit lobbyism etc.).Lithuanian indices of societal associativeness and civic power do not ensure the control of political power. They are too weakly acted upon to make the authorities act as the democratic system requires – publicly, transparently, and responsibly. Research data show the rate of corruption is high. Society is largely indifferent to illicit methods of influence because of the lack of faith in the government that is perceived to serve narrow interest groups instead of the interests of the larger society. Such socio-cultural context, often characterized by the conflict between democratic values and soviet relics, is also not favorable to effective regulation of lobbying. The currently available means of legal regulation are not commensurate with the current expectations of political culture. The potential legal norms are denied and become a mere declaration.In summary, the current institutional, socio-cultural and legal regulative factors are not favorable to regulation of lobbying in Lithuania. That, however, should not mean that there should be no effort to implement effective, fair and democratic regulations on the process. A necessary precursor to such implementation may well require further cultural indoctrination. It may require the establishment of democratic institutions first. With those in place, then respective valued can be formed. This will then engender the creation of adequate values, a changed political culture that will understand and support the operation of these institutions and the future democratic behavior of civic society and interest groups. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas lobizmo teisinis reguliavimas ir institucionalizacija užsienio šalyse ir Lietuvoje. Teisėtas lobizmas vertinamas kaip skaidraus politinio proceso sąlyga ir reikšminga korupcijos prevencijos priemonė1. Remiantis užsienio šalių lobizmo teisinio reguliavimo patirtimi, bandoma atsakyti į klausimą, kodėl teisėto lobizmo institutas yra neefektyvus arba neveikia Lietuvoje. Pagrindinės tiriamos problemos – teisinio reguliavimo netobulumas, politinės sistemos ir sprendimų priėmimo proceso specifika, sociokultūrinio konteksto bruožai, – kaip veiksniai, apsunkinantys teisėto lobizmo institucionalizaciją. Apibendrinti tyrimo rezultatai leidžia teigti, kad lobizmo institucionalizacija chaotiško pliuralizmo, sektorinio korporatyvizmo ir mutuojančio klientelizmo sąlygomis yra sudėtingas uždavinys, o sociokultūrinių veiksnių visuma teisės normas paprasčiausiai "atmeta".

The discussion of the role of self-government in Poland's political structure has been closely linked to the Polish people's aspirations and desire for freedom, democracy and a state in which sovereignty is indeed in the hands of its people. These aspirations, so strongly expressed during the general election of June 1989, have since the very beginning included demands for self-government. What it meant for the state and its political system, was the implementation of the idea embodied in the name Solidarity which, as a trade union, was also to be independent and self-governing. It was also the realisation of the demand for a 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (a Self-governing Republic), one of the fundamental principles of the Solidarity movement put forward at its First National Congress, which I had the honour of chairing in 1981.In March 1990, only a few months after its election on 4 June 1989, the Polish parliament adopted a law that restored the institution of local self-government at the level of communes and municipalities (gmina). Thus, 25 years ago, the road to political transformation in Poland was opened, allowing the building of a Polish state understood as the political community of all its citizens – a real Res Publica.The predominating belief which accompanied us in this process was that the indispensable prerequisite to shaping democracy was to give back the state to its citizens, thus releasing dormant social energy and the entrepreneurial spirit of the people. After all democracy means not only the possibility of the democratically electing the political representatives (the authorities) but equally the chance for citizens to feel involved and take the responsibility for public affairs.Therefore the first democratic government, headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, began the process of restoring the state to its citizens from the most important starting point. It started with the rebuilding of communal and municipal self-governing structures and the recreating of the intellectual foundations for the formation of the new constitution of a citizens-centred state.This was possible mainly because a vision of reform had already been conceived and had been long developing in the minds of a number of distinguished persons. This project of self-government reform constituted an original example of engagement of Polish intellectuals in state affairs and their taking responsibility for the common good.The reform also turned out to be one of the most effective methods of de-communisation of Polish public life. This could be best seen in the results of the first election to self-governing structures in 1990, and the role which the Solidarity citizens' committees played in it. It was indeed the same people, the co-founders and members of the Solidarity movement, who have successfully carried out the restoration of self-government in Poland.'We marched for power to return it to the people' was the motto of the Polish government in 1997, a government which I had the honour of heading for the subsequent four years, and which articulated the goals and the sense of political and social transformation of those times. We called it a Four Reform Programme, and its objective was a fundamental transformation of public life in Poland. On the one hand we intended to create favourable conditions for the development of the public civic space, while on the other we strove to activate and make more dynamic the processes of economic, political and cultural development in the country.We believed that acceleration of this development and modernisation was contingent upon active participation of self-government structures. Hence the creation of strong self-government had gradually become our conscious choice and an urgent 'civilising task.' This task was grounded equally in the need to manage properly our recently regained independence, and in the need to make efficient use of the pre-accession period preceding Poland's membership of the European Union, which was then imminent.Thus the administrative reform undertaken by my government in 1999 introduced districts (powiat) as self-governing level of administration, allowing it, in conjunction with communes and municipalities (gmina), to take effective control of matters directly affecting local communities and their citizens. The self-governing structures formed at the level of strong voivodships, or regions, allowed at the same time to decentralise responsibility for regional economic development, competitiveness and modernisation strategies.Today, after over 10 years of EU membership, it is worth reflecting on the impact the political reforms which we carried through then have had on Poland's functioning in the system of European integration. We were proven right in our conviction that decentralisation and differentiation of various state functions would allow for a better and more effective use and management of EU funds.The three-tier self-government structure created solid foundations helping to satisfy better the aspirations of citizens, local communities and regions with regard to their modernisation and development. Today it is those local self-governing units, those closest to citizens, those most familiar with and with the best understanding of their needs, which are responsible for the drafting of regional development projects and the management of funds available for those projects. Self-government structures have become the real centres for formulating and implementing development strategies.This is the context in which the key challenge facing self-government is set, namely the fostering of entrepreneurship, ensuring proper conditions for innovation and mobilising citizens to engage in economic and social initiatives. The role of self-government in shaping of the state's development policy is not limited to dividing available means and resources. Much more important is its ability to effectively multiply the available means, to support partnership ventures, including public-private projects, to form strong business to business relationships as well as partner relations between research centres and local administrative bodies, or promote and support innovations and civic initiatives serving the common good. After all, all these are key factors for the long-term stability and development of our communities and our country, which is today the key measure of the responsibility for public matters, so deeply rooted in the idea of self-government.The self-government reform originated from the ideas developed in the 1980s of the twentieth century as part of the Solidarity movement, but was implemented in an already independent Poland, when laying the foundations for a transformation of the state and the democratisation of the citizen-state relationship. It also had, however, and maybe predominantly, a deep idealistic dimension, so easy to forget when we focus on the current and most urgent challenges of the present.In my opinion, it is in self-governance, as well as in the political and administrative culture, that opportunities for building our freedom lie: freedom, the sense of which we feel best if given a chance to share in the responsibility for it. In times of independence this means the possibility of personal engagement public issues based on the pro publico bono principle: issues pertaining to our family life, our local community, or the whole country.Today, in the context of our shared responsibility for the European Union, such an understanding of self-governance should also inspire us to seek new directions of development, and to participate in the shaping of Europe-wide standards of public life. In the same way as 25 years ago in Poland we founded a political community on the basis of self-governance, we should today look at self-governance as a chance to create a true political community of all European citizens.

Since the fall of the Duvalier regime in 1986, Haiti has intended to be a democratic State in which the practices of territorial development put the emphasis on the involvement of the local actors. The principles of decentralization are therefore proclaimed, thus implying a will from the Haitian government to devolve powers and means to local authorities as part of community public services. Two phenomena have characterized the Haitian society from that date onward. The first phenomenon is the opening of the country to commercial trade – at international level – and the second one refers to the proliferation of NGOs and small local projects defined as development projects. These two phenomena reflect, by and large, the project-planning mentality at work on the Haitian territory on the basis of what is called "the international aid-project system." This thesis aims at two main objectives leading to two different yet interconnected models. The first objective is to investigate on the foundations of Haiti's political and economic dependence – and, to a larger extent, that of all the LDCs – in the context of the Official Development Assistance. It means taking into account the internal dynamics of its production system – based on the aid-project – on the ground of implemented choices made in terms of public policies for development. The second objective focuses on both geographic and socio-economic disparities which characterize the aid-project system itself. In order to study them, the approach is to investigate on the externalities generated by the system while highlighting the (geographic and organized) ties between projects and local actors. The geographic questions come from the assumption that actors or territories are affected by what goes on in their environment and even more so in their neighborhood. In this case, their proximity requires behaviors which are proportional to the variability of the factors. In other words, each (communal) territory that hosts a number of local projects reduces the opportunities for another territory to host them if the principle of assigning in the aid-project system is kept. It implies that projects have a tendency to concentrate in a small number of communal territories whereas their volume of activity is low elsewhere. Hence, local populations tend to migrate toward privileged territories or places, which aggravates territorial disparities and causes slums to grow. In a similar way, local actors specialize and become more efficient for attracting projects – or NGOs – by offering a pitiful image: misery replaces poverty. Though NGOs' proliferation has steadily increased in a country like Haiti since 1986, economic "take-off" has not really ensued. The geographic approach to the aid-project system brings about new thinking and new assumptions on the effects of aid distribution with respect to the reinforcement of – geographic and organized – ties between actors and their territories. It indicates that NGOs are mobile on the national territory and local projects will come together whenever a communal territory displays its condition of misery and provides the NGOs with good publicity in terms of image. In other cases, projects will be scattered. This constitutes a considerable contribution to the analysis of – direct or indirect – effects of the distribution of local projects regarding the issue of underdevelopment in Haiti. It is, then, possible to reason in terms of performance of the aid-project system in relation to this issue of territorialized development. ; Depuis la chute du régime des Duvalier en 1986, Haïti se veut un État démocratique dans lequel les pratiques du développement territorial insistent sur l'implication et la participation des acteurs locaux. Les principes de la décentralisation sont alors proclamés impliquant une volonté de l'État haïtien de transférer des compétences et des moyens aux collectivités territoriales, dans le cadre de services publics de proximité. Deux phénomènes allaient marquer la société haïtienne à partir de cette date. Le premier est l'ouverture du pays aux échanges commerciaux (à l'échelle internationale) et le second revoie à la prolifération des ONG et de petits projets locaux dits de développement. Ces deux phénomènes traduisent, dans un sens large, la mise en projet du territoire haïtien à partir de ce que l'on appelle « le système aide-projet international ». Cette thèse poursuit deux grands objectifs conduisant à deux modèles différents, mais interreliés. Le premier objectif est de s'interroger sur les fondements de la dépendance politico-économique d'Haïti (dans une large mesure tous les PMA) dans le contexte d'aide publique au développement. Il s'agit de prendre en compte les dynamiques internes de son système de production (basé sur l'aide-projet) à partir des choix de politiques publiques de développement appliqués. Le second objectif s'intéresse aux disparités, à la fois spatiales et socioéconomiques, qui caractérisent le système aide-projet lui-même. Pour les étudier, la démarche s'interroge sur les externalités générées par le système tout en mettant l'accent sur les liens de proximités (géographique et organisée) des projets par rapport aux acteurs territoriaux. Les questions spatiales partent du postulat que les acteurs ou les territoires sont affectés par ce qui se passe dans son environnement et davantage dans son voisinage. Dans ce cas, leur proximité impose des comportements qui sont proportionnels avec la variabilité des facteurs. Autrement dit, chaque territoire (communal), accueillant un nombre de projets locaux, diminue les chances d'un autre territoire de les accueillir si l'on maintient le principe d'affectation dans le système aide-projet. Cela implique que les projets ont tendance à se concentrer en un petit nombre de territoires communaux alors que leur volume d'activité est très faible ailleurs. De ce fait, les populations locales ont tendance à immigrer vers les territoires ou lieux privilégiés, ce qui accentue les disparités territoriales et entraîne l'élargissement des bidonvilles. De la même manière, les acteurs locaux se spécialisent et deviennent plus efficaces pour attirer des projets (ou des ONG) en offrant une image pitoyable : la misère remplace la pauvreté. Si la prolifération des ONG, dans un pays comme Haïti, a progressé de manière régulière depuis 1986, le décollage économique n'a pas véritablement suivi. L'approche spatiale du système aide-projet apporte de nouvelles réflexions et de nouvelles hypothèses, sur les effets de distribution de l'aide par rapport au renforcement des liens de proximités (géographique et organisée) entre les acteurs locaux et leurs territoires. Elle montre que les ONG sont mobiles sur le territoire national et les projets locaux vont se regrouper lorsqu'un territoire communal expose son état de misère et offre aux ONG une bonne publicité sur le plan d'image. Dans les cas contraires, les projets seront dispersés. Il s'agit là d'un apport considérable dans l'analyse des effets (directs ou indirects) de distribution des projets locaux par rapport à la problématique du sous-développement en Haïti. Alors, on peut raisonner en matière de rendements du système aide-projet par rapport à cette problématique de développement territorialisé.

The debate on the building of political power during the Perón Era (Argentina, 1946-1955) provides a solid basis for an analysis of the phenomenon in the municipal sphere. In this context, the article analyzes the 'bottom up" politics employed in situations of conflict stemming from communal interventions enforced in 1954 across three regions of the province of Buenos Aires presided over by incumbent intendants (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre and Luján). Using media and government sources, the aim is to study the relationship between the provincial and municipal authorities with an emphasis placed on aspects of the political roles played by the local government. To do so, the article examines the motives and rationale provided for the interventions and focuses on the local governability, both in terms of representation and participation. To what extent did the local conflict and rupture in political alignments contribute to the dynamic the governability acquired in the communes, and ultimately, in the enforcement of the intervention? In light of such tension, how did militants and local leaders pool their allegiances to the Peronist Movement and channel their efforts toward local figures with social capital sustained by bonds woven into the very fabric of the municipality? ; El debate acerca de la construcción del poder político durante la etapa peronista (Argentina, 1946-1955) provee buenas razones para detenerse a analizar el fenómeno en la esfera municipal. En este marco, el artículo analiza la política 'desde abajo" en situaciones conflictivas, en torno a las intervenciones comunales (decretadas en 1954) de tres localidades de la provincia de Buenos Aires presididas por intendentes oficialistas (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre y Luján). Con fuentes periodísticas y gubernamentales, el fin es estudiar la relación entre el poder provincial y el poder municipal con la atención puesta en aspectos inherentes al funcionamiento político del gobierno local. Para ello se examinan los motivos y justificaciones de las intervenciones y se focaliza en la gobernabilidad local, tanto desde el punto de vista de la representación como de la participación. ¿En qué medida el conflicto local y la ruptura de alineamientos políticos incidieron en la dinámica que adquirió la gobernabilidad en las comunas y, en última instancia, en el decreto de intervención? ¿De qué modo en un contexto político tenso militantes y dirigentes locales conjugaron la lealtad hacia la conducción del movimiento peronista y hacia figuras locales con capital social sustentado en vínculos tejidos en el Municipio? ; Le débat autour de la construction du pouvoir politique à l'ère péroniste (Argentine, 1946-1955) offre d'excellentes raisons de se consacrer à l'analyse du phénomène au sein de la sphère municipale. Dans ce contexte, l'article analyse la politique « à partir du bas » dans des situations conflictuelles issues des interventions communales (décrétées en 1954), dans trois localités de la Province de Buenos Aires présidées par des intendants loyalistes (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre et Luján). Sur la base de sources médiatiques et gouvernementales, le but est ici d'étudier la relation entre le pouvoir provincial et le pouvoir municipal, en s'intéressant plus spécifiquement aux aspects inhérents au fonctionnement politique du gouvernement local. À cette fin seront examinés les motifs et autres justifications des interventions et analysée la gouvernabilité locale, tant du point de vue de la représentation que de celui de la participation. Dans quelle mesure le conflit local et la rupture des alignements politiques ont-ils eu une incidence sur les dynamiques de gouvernabilité dans les communes et, en dernière instance, sur le décret d'intervention luimême ? Dans ce contexte tendu, de quelle manière militants et dirigeants ont-ils conjugué la loyauté envers la direction du mouvement péroniste et celle envers des personnalités locales, dont le capital social se fonde sur les liens tissés au sein des communes en question ? ; El debate acerca de la construcción del poder político durante la etapa peronista (Argentina, 1946-1955) provee buenas razones para detenerse a analizar el fenómeno en la esfera municipal. En este marco, el artículo analiza la política 'desde abajo" en situaciones conflictivas, en torno a las intervenciones comunales (decretadas en 1954) de tres localidades de la provincia de Buenos Aires presididas por intendentes oficialistas (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre y Luján). Con fuentes periodísticas y gubernamentales, el fin es estudiar la relación entre el poder provincial y el poder municipal con la atención puesta en aspectos inherentes al funcionamiento político del gobierno local. Para ello se examinan los motivos y justificaciones de las intervenciones y se focaliza en la gobernabilidad local, tanto desde el punto de vista de la representación como de la participación. ¿En qué medida el conflicto local y la ruptura de alineamientos políticos incidieron en la dinámica que adquirió la gobernabilidad en las comunas y, en última instancia, en el decreto de intervención? ¿De qué modo en un contexto político tenso militantes y dirigentes locales conjugaron la lealtad hacia la conducción del movimiento peronista y hacia figuras locales con capital social sustentado en vínculos tejidos en el Municipio? ; å…³äºŽé˜¿æ ¹å»·åº‡éš†æ—¶ä»£(1946-1955) çš"æ"¿æƒå»ºè®¾çš"辩论，本文分æžäº†åœ¨å¸'一级æ"¿æƒé‡æž"过程中çš"一些现象ã€'作者分 æžäº†å¸ƒå®œè¯ºæ–¯è‰¾åˆ©æ–¯çœä¸‰ä¸ªåœ°åŒºï¼ˆ1954 å¹´é¢å¸ƒï¼‰åœ¨å†²çªæ€§æƒ…况下，'自下而上"çš"社区干é¢"，这ç§å¹²é¢"对这三个 区çš"æ²»ç†äº§ç"Ÿäº†å¾ˆå¤§å½±å"（å½"时执æ"¿å®˜åˆ†åˆ«æ˜¯ï¼šå¡æ´›æ–¯Â·å¡è¨é›·æ–¯ï¼Œå·´æ‰˜æ´›æ¢…·迈特å'Œå¢æ±‰ï¼‰ã€'通过分æžå½"æ—¶çš" 报刊å'Œæ"¿åºœæŠ¥å'Šï¼Œæœ¬æ–‡é‡ç'¹ç "究了城å¸'地方æ"¿åºœçš"æ²»ç†è¿ä½œç‰¹ç'¹åŠå…¶å'Œçœæ"¿åºœæƒåŠ›ä¹‹é—´çš"关系ã€'本文分æžäº†åœ¨ 地方治ç†è¿‡ç¨‹ä¸­å‡ºçŽ°ç¤¾åŒºå¹²é¢"çš"åŽŸå› ï¼Œä»£è¡¨æ€§å'Œæ°'ä¼—å'与çš"问题ã€'在多大程度上，å½"地çš"冲çªå'Œæ"¿æ²»è"盟çš"å´© 溃导致了社区干é¢"，并最终产ç"Ÿå¹²é¢"çš"法令？在冲çªå'Œç´§å¼ çš"背景下，庇隆主义è¿åŠ¨çš"积æžåˆ†å­å'Œåœ°æ–¹æœ‰å½±å" 力çš"领导人之间在地方æ"¿æƒé‡æž"过程中å¤"äºŽæ€Žæ ·çš"关系？本文试图回ç­"这些问题ã€'

The author studies the role and activities of Platon Zubov, the last favourite of Catherine II, drawing upon documents in the files of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Documents. In 1789 the guard captain became one of the empress's closest confidants. The long title of the last favourite of Catherine, the Great Platon Zubov demonstrates his multiple duties: 'His Serene Highness, General Feldzeugmeister, General Director of Fortifications, Captain-General of the Black Sea and Azov Sea Fleet, Black Sea Cossack Corps, Yekaterinoslav, Voznesensk, and Taurida Governor-General, Member of the Military Division, Honorable Benefactor of the Imperial Foundling Hospital and Honorable Amateur of the Academy of Fine Arts'. The tasks Zubov performed by special warrant of the empress and his correspondence with the officials were well in compliance with the work of the office of secretaries-of-state of the empress. His office's documents, established in 1792, are similar to those compiled by other secretaries-of-state of the time: A. A. Bezborodko, G. R. Derzhavin, D. P. Troshchinsky, and A. M. Gribovsky. More frequently than not, the work of a favourite consisted in providing contact between the empress and her commanders and diplomats. This he could do, according to A.A. Prozorovsky, because of his 'closeness to the highest throne'. Applying to the favourite helped to solve both major and minor issues that needed to be addressed promptly. Communication with the favourite made it possible to determine the empress's reaction to issues which could not be discussed with her personally. Many other noblemen (e. g., N. V. Repnin, A. H. Samoylov, I. S. Baryatinsky) hoped to improve their poor finances with the help of Zubov and receive some material aid from the empress or to be otherwise permitted to remit their debts later.The favourite's main task, similar to that of other secretaries-of-state, was the reception of petitions of all the subjects of state. He received hundreds of petitions for awards, pardons, titles, leaves of absence, vacancies, payments, pensions and enrollment of children in schools. P. A. Zubov's Registers of Civil Letters contain dozens of his letters where he asks for patronage for certain people or gives orders soliciting 'to provide villages', or a vacancy, or to aid the applicant.His powers should not otherwise be overestimated. The decentralization of the administrative system after the 1775 reform, and the increased role of the General Procurator and the emergence of the institution of secretaries-ofstate as a means of communication between the monarch and the authorities and petitioners diminished the importance of the favourite as a ruling position. This may be considered a general European tendency, as in the 18th century the first ministers came to the foreground while favourites (both men and women) made part of the court (though the latter and the former are quite often interconnected) and their status in the new system was different as compared to the favourites or ministers of the 17th century.The case of G. A. Potemkin is an exception rather than a rule, which was due to the personality and unparalleled trust granted to him by Catherine the Great. The empress meant for the new favourite to become a new Potemkin. However, Zubov failed to reach his status. He did not have the talent nor was he able to get the necessary experience because of his inability to leave the court. Obviously, he was not the person to instigate and implement serious actions. That is why Catherine the Great's legal initiatives (Charter for the State Peasants, Instructions for the Proper Treatment of Affairs, Nakaz to the Senate) failed as they never became more than drafts, to say nothing of the abdication in favour of her grandson Alexander even if this plan existed at all. Thus we see the decline of favouritism as an informal mechanism of superior rule. ; Рассматривается роль при дворе и деятельность последнего фаворита Екатерины II Платона Зубова на основании его бумаг, отложившихся в фондах Российского государственного архива древних актов. В 1789 г. гвардейский ротмистр, заняв уже ставшую к тому времени обычной придворную «должность», скоро стал одним из наиболее близких к императрице лиц. Пространный титул последнего фаворита Екатерины П. А. Зубова свидетельствует о его широких обязанностях: «Светлейший князь, генерал-фельдцейхмейстер, над фортификациями генерал-директор, главноначальствующий флотом Черноморским и Азовским и Черноморским казачьим войском, генерал-адъютант, шеф кавалергардского корпуса, Екатеринославский, Вознесенский и Таврический генерал-губернатор, член Военной коллегии, почетный благотворитель императорaского воспитательного дома и почетный любитель Академии художеств».Исполняемые Зубовым «дела по особой доверенности от императрицы» и переписка с должностными лицами вполне соответствовали такой же работе канцелярий статс-секретарей императрицы. Документы созданной в январе 1792 г. его канцелярии аналогичны сводкам, составлявшимся «по части» других статс-секретарей этого времени: А. А. Безбородко, Г. Р. Державина, Д. П. Трощинского, А. М. Грибовского.Роль фаворита заключалась в посреднической, если не сказать секретарской работе по обеспечению контактов императрицы с ее полководцами и дипломатами, обусловленной, по формулировке фельдмаршала А. А. Прозоровского, «доступом вашим к высочайшему престолу». Выход на фаворита позволял решать не только принципиальные, но и частные вопросы, требовавшие быстрого исполнения или способные «зависнуть» при переписке и согласованиях. Отношения с фаворитом позволяли узнавать о реакции государыни на вопросы, с которыми к ней лично обращаться было неловко. Через Зубова другие вельможи (например, Н. В. Репнин, А. Н. Самойлов, И. С. Барятинский) надеялись поправить свои «расстроенные обстоятельства» и получить материальную помощь от императрицы или хотя бы отсрочку в уплате долгов.Основным же занятием фаворита, как и других статс-секретарей, стало получение «всеподданнейших прошений». К нему поступали сотни челобитных о награждении, прощении, чинах, отпуске, «месте», жалованье, пенсии, определении детей в учебные заведения. «Журналы партикулярным письмам» П. А. Зубова излагают десятки его посланий с просьбами о протекции тому или иному лицу или конкретными указаниями «отвести деревни», предоставить «место», содействовать «в настоящем его искании».В других же сферах его возможности не стоит преувеличивать. Децентрализация системы управления по реформе 1775 г., возросшая роль генерал-прокурора и появление института статс-секретарей как аппарата коммуникации монарха с правительственными «местами» и просителями, скорее, ослабляли значение фаворита как управленческой должности. Это можно считать общеевропейской тенденцией: в XVIII в. в европейских державах на первый план выдвигаются «первые министры», а собственно фавориты или фаворитки остаются в придворном кругу (хотя нередко первые и вторые связаны друг с другом) и их статус в новой системе уже иной по сравнению с «министрами-фаворитами» XVII столетия.«Случай» Г. А. Потемкина представляется скорее не правилом, а исключением, обусловленным масштабом личности и абсолютным доверием Екатерины. Императрица стремилась «сделать» из последнего фаворита нового Потемкина. Однако до этого уровня Зубов не поднялся. Он не обладал теми же дарованиями, а нужного опыта приобрести не смог из-за невозможности отлучиться от двора. Очевидно, он не являлся фигурой, способной предложить или провести в жизнь ответственные решения, вследствие чего последние законодательные инициативы Екатерины («Жалованная грамота» государственным крестьянам, «Образ порядочного правления дел», «Наказ Сенату») остались на бумаге, не говоря уже о передаче престола внуку Александру, если даже подобный план и имел место. Перед нами не расцвет, а, скорее, закат фаворитизма как особого неформального механизма высшего управления.

Fernando Cadalso y Manzano (1859-1939) fue uno de los penitenciaristas españoles más importantes de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Tuvo una larga y prolífica carrera en el Ramo de Prisiones: dirigió varios presidios (entre otros, la Cárcel Modelo de Madrid); fue Inspector General de Prisiones durante veinticinco años (tercer cargo en importancia, debajo del Ministro de Gracia y Justicia y el Director General del ramo); representante de España en cuatro congresos penitenciarios internacionales; estableció el sistema progresivo en las prisiones, que perduró hasta la sanción de la Ley Orgánica General Penitenciaria en 1979; realizó viajes de estudio a varias naciones europeas y a los Estados Unidos, país del que importó el modelo de reformatorio para adultos que estableció en Ocaña (provincia de Toledo); colaboró en la elaboración del proyecto de ley de libertad condicional; fue director de la Escuela de Criminología y un largo etcétera. Poco antes de jubilarse, durante el Directorio Militar de Primo de Rivera, estuvo a cargo del Ministerio de Gracia y Justicia. A lo largo de su vida, Cadalso procuró concientizar a la sociedad y a los poderes públicos sobre la importancia de la reforma penitenciaria, el bienestar de la población reclusa (a partir del trabajo, la educación y la religión) y la mejora de los funcionarios del Cuerpo de Prisiones (estabilidad en el empleo, incremento salarial, acceso por oposición, ascenso por antigüedad). Esta labor la impulsó desde cuatro ámbitos: 1) El administrativo, a partir de su desempeño en el Ramo de Prisiones; 2) El intelectual, escribiendo en revistas científicas y diarios, creando su propia Revista de las Prisiones y publicando numerosas obras; 3) El social, a través del dictado de conferencias en centros obreros y culturales y la creación y participación en diversas entidades -Asociación de Estudios Penitenciarios y Rehabilitación del Delincuente; Instituto de Reformas Sociales; Comisión de Asistencia de Alienados, etc. Finalmente, 4) El ámbito político, a partir de los nexos establecidos con las elites gobernantes -en especial, con Eduardo Dato Iradier y Julián García San Miguel, Marqués de Teverga-. No obstante la enorme labor realizada durante medio siglo para la reforma del sistema penitenciario español, la figura de Cadalso no ha sido estudiada en profundidad por la historiografía jurídica y social. Por ello, este trabajo, de carácter biográfico, pretende -a partir de documentación de archivo nunca antes consultada y fuentes editas escasamente utilizadas- reconstruir su derrotero en la administración penitenciaria española atendiendo a: 1) Las transformaciones y contradicciones en su práctica y pensamiento; 2) La recepción de ideas del positivismo criminológico italiano; 3) Los viajes de estudio y la participación en reuniones científicas internacionales; 4) Sus propuestas en cuestiones como el problema del anarquismo, reformas policiales, identificación de los delincuentes; etc.; 5) Su adhesión, casi en solitario, al modelo de reformatorios norteamericano; 6) La creación de instituciones: reformatorio para adultos en Ocaña, Alicante y Segovia, el sistema progresivo, la libertad condicional; y finalmente 7) Su aporte genuino y su legado para el ordenamiento penitenciario español. Esperamos que este trabajo permita reconstruir la cultura jurídico-penitenciaria del período que abarca de la Restauración a la Segunda República (período fundamental, poco abordado desde la historiografía jurídica y social) y de-construya algunos relatos firmemente establecidos. En especial el que vincula la puesta en práctica de reformas penitenciarias con la instalación de gobiernos progresistas (Primera y Segunda República) y, por el contrario, el deterioro de la población reclusa con la llegada al poder de administraciones conservadoras (Reinado de Alfonso XIII y Directorio Militar de Primo de Rivera). ; Fernando Cadalso and Manzano (1859-1939) was one of the most important Spanish criminal lawyers of the first half of the 20th century. He had a long and prolific career in the prisons field: director of several prisons (The Model Prison of Madrid, amongst others); General Surveyor of Prisons during twenty five years (the third most important position, under the Minister of Grace and Justice and the General Director); representative of Spain in four international prison congresses; he established the progressive system in prisons, which lasted until the sanction of the Prison General Organic Law in 1979; he carried out field trips in several European nations and in the United States of America, from which he imported the model of the reformatory for adults established in Ocaña (province of Toledo); he collaborated in the bill of probation; he was the Head of the Criminology School; and his resume still goes on. Shortly before retirement, during Primo de Rivera's Military Directory, he was in charge of the Ministry of Grace and Justice. Throughout his life, Cadalso attempted to raise awareness both in society and public authorities on the importance of the prison reform, the welfare of prison populations (by means of work, education and religion), and the enhancement of corps of prisons officers (labor stability, wages increase, entry by competitive examination, seniority promotion). He promoted this task in four fields: 1) Administrative: through his performance in the prisons field; 2) Intellectual: writing in scientific magazines and newspapers, creating his own Prisons Magazine and publishing several papers; 3) Social: he dictated conferences in union and cultural centers and created and participated in several organizations – Association for Prison Studies and Rehabilitation of Offenders, Social Reform Institution, Assistance Commission to Alienates, etc. Finally, 4) Political: through the links established with the ruling elite –specially with Eduardo Dato Iradier and Julián García San Miguel, Marqués de Teverga-. Notwithstanding the huge work carried out during half a century to reform the Spanish prison system, Cadalso's figure has not been studied in depth by the law and social historiography. Therefore, this biographical work attempts to reconstruct his track in the Spanish prison administration, by means of file documentation never searched before and edited sources barely used, taking into account: 1) The transformations and contradictions in his practice and thinking; 2) The ideas taken from the Italian criminal positivism; 3) His field trips and his attendance to international scientific meetings; 4) His proposals in matters such as the anarchism problem, police reforms, identification of offenders, etc.; 5) His commitment almost solitarily to the U.S. prison model; 6) Creation of institutions: the reformatory for adults in Ocaña, Alicante and Segovia, the progressive system, probation; and finally 7) His genuine contribution and his legacy to the Spanish prison system. We hope this work may allow reconstructing the prison law culture during the period covering from the Restoration to the Second Republic (paramount period, barely approached by the law and social historiography) and de-constructing some tales firmly grounded, particularly that relating the practice of prison reforms with the installation of progressive governments (First and Second Republic) and, on the contrary, deterioration of the prison population with the arrival of conservative administrations to the power during the reign of Alfonso XIII and Primo de Rivera's Military Directory).

Die Dissertation widmet sich der Eisenbahninfrastruktur des Raumes Saarland-Lothringen-Luxemburg mit ihrer hohen Netzdichte sowie der Frage, wie diese Bahnstrecken besser genutzt werden können. Möglichkeiten, wie diese Strecken durch innovative, insbesondere aber durch grenzüberschreitende Angebote im Schienen-¬verkehr besser genutzt werden können, werden aufgezeigt. Ziel ist es zu zeigen, welche Potenziale der Schienenverkehr auf Basis der vorhandenen Bahninfrastruktur als Alternative zum dominierenden Straßenverkehr bieten könnte. Der Grenzraum SaarLorLux wird dazu porträtiert, einschließlich einer historischen Genese des Bahnsystems. Dieser historische Rückblick ist kartographisch aufbereitet. Die wechselhafte politische und wirtschaftliche Geschichte des Grenzraumes, insbesondere seine Montanindustrie haben den Untersuchungsraum und die Entwicklung seiner Eisenbahnen entscheidend geprägt. Neben den neuen und schnellen Korridor-Verbindungen nach Paris und Frankfurt wird auch eine gegenläufige Entwicklung aufgezeigt, die zu einem Einbruch der Fernverkehrsqualität für SaarLorLux geführt hat. Auch beim Güterverkehr ist ein Niedergang zu beobachten, gerade im Bereich der Güter in der Montanindustrie. Die Analyse des Bestandsnetzes der gesamten Verkehrsinfrastruktur einschließlich Luftfahrt, Schifffahrt und Straßenverkehr im SaarLorLux-Raum zeigt auf, welche Standards und Verbindungsqualitäten hier vorhanden sind. Ein Schwerpunkt der Betrachtung ist der Frage gewidmet, wie durch angebotsorientierte, aber auch durch organisatorische Maßnahmen die grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit im Schienenregionalverkehr optimiert werden kann. Am Beispiel eines Ringverkehrs Luxemburg-Metz-Saarbrücken-Trier-Luxemburg (Q_Intracity) zeigt der Autor, welche Chancen sich ergäben, wenn die grenzüberschreitende Kooperation ausgeweitet würde. Weitere Vorschläge betreffen die Reaktivierung von derzeit kaum genutzten oder stillgelegten Bahnstrecken sowie die Verlängerung des bestehenden Nahverkehrs über die Grenze hinweg. Für den Saar-Rossel-Raum im Eurodistrikt Saarbrücken-Forbach erläutert die Abhandlung beispielhaft, wie ein neues Stadtbahnangebot die grenzüberschreitende und umwelt-¬freundliche Mobilität stärken kann. Dabei spielt die Wiedernutzung stillgelegter Bahnstrecken der ehemaligen lothringischen Kohlebahn HBL und des Bahnnetzes links der Saar eine große Rolle. Die vorgelegte Arbeit skizziert auch Verbesserungen für den Fernverkehr: Die Abhandlung umreißt die technischen Möglichkeiten, um vorhandene Bahnstrecken zeitgemäß auszurüsten. Die Elektromobilität spielt hierbei eine besondere Rolle Das Schließen von Lücken bei der Elektrifizierung vermag die Kapazitäten der Bahnstrecken deutlich auszudehnen und gerade auch dem Güterverkehr neue und günstigere Wege zu erschließen. Die ermittelte Elektrifizierung von rund dreihundert Kilometern an bestehenden Strecken im Unter-¬suchungsraum ermöglichte beispielsweise, den regelmäßigen Dieselbetrieb auf einem Netz von fast 500 Kilometern durch elektrische Traktion zu ersetzen. Ausgehend von der Analyse der Organisationsstruktur im Schienenverkehr und mit Blick auf die heterogene Struktur der Aufgabenträger im Schienenpersonennahverkehr schlägt der Autor vor, eine grenzüberschreitend agierende Instanz mit Verantwortung für den regionalen Nahverkehr zu schaffen. Diese sollte sich an dem Rechtsrahmen eines Europäischen Verbundes für Territoriale Zusammenarbeit (EVTZ) ausrichten und dazu beitragen, dass Angebote im bestellten Schienen-¬personennahverkehr nicht mehr an den Grenzen der Zuständigkeitsbereiche von Aufgabenträgern enden. Ein weiterer Vorschlag umfasst die Schaffung einer Infrastruktur-Sicherungs- und Entwicklungs-¬gesellschaft für den Schienen-verkehr. Ihre Aufgabe sollte die akteursüber-¬greifende Initiative sein mit dem Ziel, vorhandene aber aus der Nutzung genommene Bahnstrecken vor dem Verfall zu retten und für eine spätere Nutzung aufzuwerten. Die Abhandlung beinhaltet eine erste Kostenschätzung und eine erste Priorisierung der vorgeschlagenen technischen, infrastrukturellen und administrativen Maßnahmen. Das Leitmotiv ist dabei Erhalt vor Neubau. Neubaustrecken sind nur in geringem Umfang von 32 Kilometern vorgesehen, wohingegen auf rund 165 Kilometern bestehender Trassen ein Personen-¬verkehrsangebot wieder aufgenommen werden sollte und mindestens 50 neue Bahnhöfe und Haltestellen zu errichten sind. Der Autor ermittelt einen Bedarf von rund 500 Kilometern, um Strecken mit moderner Leit- und Sicherungstechnik, Funkbetrieb und Gleiswechselbetrieb zu modernisieren. Die Dissertation versteht sich als ersten Beitrag, um für den SaarLorLux-Raum einen Masterplan Schiene zu verwirklichen. Die Abhandlung beinhaltet 147 überwiegend kartographische Abbildungen und 23 Tabellen. Im Anhang greift ein Kartendossier im Format DIN A 3 15 Karten aus der Abhandlung großformatig auf. ; The principal focus of this thesis is the railway infrastructure of the Saarland-Lorraine-Luxemburg region (SaarLorLux), with its remarkably high network density, and also the consideration of how better to use this infrastructure. The author demonstrates the need to safeguard these assets while also describing how to maximise the use of this infrastructure by means of innovative and cross-border structured train offers. The thesis begins with a theoretical approach highlighting the need for a multifunctional urban agglomeration for good railway infrastructure and attractive train offers. The author then verifies the degree of realisation of this theoretical conception within the chosen study region of the SaarLorLux area, comparing it with other metropolitan regions in Europe structured by equal properties. A historical review of the study area describes the genesis of its railway system. The changing political history of the border area and its coal, iron and steel industries play a decisive role in this historical abstract. The introduction of electric powered railway vehicles, from the 1950s, offered new opportunities for railway services but could not halt the decline and marginalization of the railway, in contrast to rising individual motor traffic. Since 2007, high speed services linked to the new TGV Est railway line, brought a new dimension of long distance train services to the study region and changed its positioning in Europe. The thesis also demonstrates how the quality of train offer in long distance services has deteriorated in spite of new and fast corridors to Paris and Frankfurt. Freight haulage also deteriorated following the decline of the coal, iron and steel industry and especially the transport of coal and iron ore called Minette. A further analysis of the transport network, including air traffic, inland water transportation and road traffic, demonstrates the standard and quality of transport services in the SaarLorLux area. It is the basis for the study of the potential for better use of the existing railway infrastructure. The study considers the question of how cross-border cooperation and new train offers would optimise the quality of regional cross-border railway services. The author highlights the example of the circular Luxemburg-Metz-Saarbrucken-Trier-Luxemburg line (Q_Intracity), whose benefits are realised by improved cross-border collaboration. Other proposals contain the reactivation of railway lines which have been abandoned or are now less used, the extension of regional train services beyond existing borders and into neighbouring countries. Consequently, this thesis proposes another circular rail service for the Saar-Rossel area inside the Eurodistrict of Saarbrucken-Forbach in order to sustain cross-border and eco-friendly mobility. For this project, it is important to reuse abandoned lines from the former coal mining rail network and a number of lines along the Saar River. This thesis also considers long distance traffic. The reorganisation of train services could help improve connections between the study region and other metropolitan areas in Europe. The thesis therefore outlines the technical capabilities of upgrading the existing railway lines to modern standards. Electrification plays an important role. Closing the remaining gaps in electrification would considerably strengthen the capacity of the railway network and make new routes accessible, especially for freight transport. The electrification of about three hundred kilometres of existing railway would allow, for example, the replacement of diesel powered traction on approximately five hundred kilometres of the network. With regard to the organisational structure of rail transport, and especially the heterogenous authorities in charge of regional train transport, the author proposes establishing a cross-border institution with responsibility for regional public transport. This agency would be based on the judicial framework of a European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) with the objective to ensure that public railway services do not stop at regional boundaries. Another proposal concerns the creation of a railway infrastructure safeguarding and development company. Its aim should be the involvement of all stakeholders in halting the deterioration of less used or abandoned railway lines, with the aim of developing and preparing these lines for future use. The study includes an initial estimate of costs and a prioritization of the proposed technical, infrastructural and administrative measures. The objective is "preservation before reconstruction". The author proposes the construction of just 32 kilometres of new track, whereas the reopening of train services could be realised on about 165 kilometres of track ,with the construction of 50 new stations. The upgrading of railway lines is necessary along approximately 500 kilometres of track, including the installation of modern train control and signalling technology, new radio standards and tracks that can be used in both directions without restrictions. This study aims to contribute some first basic principles dedicated to the SaarLorLux area for a railway master plan for the Greater Region (Grande Région/Großregion). How this master plan could be organised is shown at the end of the thesis by making ten cases concerning the future development of the railway in the study area as core space of the wider region. The thesis includes 147 mostly cartographic figures and 23 tables. 15 maps are also reproduced in a higher resolution in the appendix.

The vast literature on European political parties is dominated by works focused on analyzing activities of the highest branches of state governments. Yet, it is difficult to be surprised by this state of affairs — in Europe, central authorities remain as the main political decision-makers, both in terms of internal affairs and foreign policies. However, it does not change the fact that political parties active in and submitting electoral candidates throughout any given country are not the only entities influencing the quality of political decisions made. It is particularly the case in federation countries and the so-called regional states, where regional parties, as well as their particular variety — ethno-regional parties — gain increasing political significance. The intensification of research on the position of regional parties in political systems of individual European states, especially on the subject of their presence in representative organs on four levels — European, state, regional, and local — is definitely justified. The first argument in favor of such research is the fact that in contemporary Europe, these groupings play a major role in establishing regional imagined communities. As a consequence, scientists must attempt to redefine the existing relations between the core and the periphery. The second argument is the fact that in Western European countries, the relevance level of regional parties is rather high, which indicates that the field of operations for such parties is still widening. Thirdly, regional parties are indeed a political occurrence characteristic for "old Europe" states, but they can also be found in Central and Eastern European countries. It means that conducting research on Western European regional parties conducted in Poland can be particularly significant. Poland is a rather unitary state and a change in the constitutional order, adopted in 1997, which establishes such a form of regime, is rather unlikely. It does not mean however, that the influence of Western European standards will not have an impact on political events in Poland and the shaping of the local political scene. An indepth analysis of solutions adopted in individual Western European states in terms of the capacity for representational participation of regional collectives in electoral representative organs on European, national, regional, and local levels can allow for drawing appropriate conclusions and a substantive evaluation of chances of and threats to democracy, which result from including political representatives of regional collective into lawmaking and — in a wider context — the workings of the political system. Fourthly, an analysis of the functioning of regional parties in the framework of European political systems can significantly contribute to the understanding of some factors conditioning the so-called "unfreezing process" of political systems. Finally, it should be noted that despite the existence of several classifications of political parties, the authors researching the matter today usually propose the adoption of a division into party "families", since the main "rivalry poles" are similar in most European states. The assumption of divisions based on doctrinal stereotypes is the reason many authors question the purposefulness of including regional and ethnic parties in classifications, which indicate the existence of ideological "families". It does not, however, change the fact that they comment on the matter of the existence of such groupings in their works, which is why we can assume that this is a consequential research issue. Contemporary Spain is undoubtedly one of the most interesting examples of a European state, where the political rivalry between the core and the periphery indicates the existence of a substantial sociopolitical division in this aspect. It is clear that any attempt to describe the functioning of its party system based solely on a classification formed using traditional doctrinal stereotypes must lead to an incomplete, heavily distorted image. The political processes in this country during the last 150 years show that the socio-political division between the core and the periphery is not any less vital in Spain than the divisions based on the attitudes towards economic and ideological issues. It is clear there that at the turn of the second decade of the 21st century, in the midst of a serious economic crisis, the disappointment in elite politics on the political core level resulted in the rise of popularity of regional parties. It should be noted here that the research on Spanish parties from this party "family" must be coupled with devoting particular attention to a subtype of groupings, which advocate ethnic values. This is due to the specificity of periphery regions, differing from other state areas in language, customs or tradition of political institutions, but also in using these differences in political play by ethno-regional parties. From the perspective of a highly centralized state such as Poland, it definitely merits to examine the case of Spain. The first argument in favor of researching this field is the fact that despite granting autonomic rights to all regions of Spain, the state still retains the form of a unitary state. This work is therefore an analysis of occurrences within the context of a similar form of state, as opposed to those happening in a federation — a form foreign to Polish tradition. Secondly, adding to Polish literature and therefore widening the knowledge of regional parties in Spain may be useful in future in the context of gradual maturing of Polish democracy on local and regional levels. The state decentralization, which occurred in Poland after 1989 was probably one of the most difficult political processes carried out in the country. It is suffice to note that in 1990, at the dawn of the Polish Third Republic, only one level of self-government — the municipal government — was established. Further solutions in the local government reform area were not implemented until 1998, when the government of Jerzy Buzek decided to create county and province levels. However, those solutions are becoming a frequent subject of political and scientific discussion. These discussions often include the notion that the local government reform is a process, which has not been finalized in Poland yet. It is worth noting here that the requests related to directions of changes in the field of Polish decentralization often come from local and regional entities. It can be therefore presumed that the process of development of sub-state political elites will result in subsequent requests in the future. This can further exacerbate the sociopolitical core-periphery division. Consequently, the main goal of this work is to verify the research hypothesis, which assumes that the significant sociopolitical core-periphery divisions in Spain must have prompted the political elites of the central level - which were active after the demise of general Franco and guided the democratic transformation process, setting the state's territorial integrity as a main goal — to employ solutions for the creation, activity and financing of political parties, as well as for electoral laws, which would allow for communities from individual historical regions to maintain a representation in representative organs on four levels — European, state, regional, and local — therefore ensuring their significant position in the political system of contemporary Spain.

It is widely acknowledged that scientific research and science, technology and innovation (STI) policies within the US and the EU have gone through deep changes for about 30 years. Many scholars from science and technology studies and innovation studies have investigated these policy changes, and the publication of "The New Production of Knowledge" (Gibbons et al., 1994) paved the way for vigorous debates on regimes of knowledge production (Hessels & Van Lente, 2008). While different general models were proposed to describe a transition (see, e.g. "mode 2 production of knowledge", "post normal science", "strategic science", "academic capitalism"), these models often posit a dichotomous history, stating that a new regime simply succeeded the previous one (Rip, 2000). In a nutshell, the old regime characterized by strong public intervention and a linear conception of innovation is replaced by a new regime where research and innovation are conceived in systemic terms, regarding their strategic interest for the economy and their societal relevance. This dichotomous conception of STI policy change has been criticized regarding its historical accuracy, e.g. with Pestre (2003), showing that the autonomy of research that characterizes the old regime, or "mode 1" is While the diagnosis of these various science and technology policy studies is not to be dispraised concerning the different effects they emphasize, These macro-perspectives are of little use when it comes to study a local situation they lack acuteness to properly describe and compare empirical observation of such policy changes. This issue is even more salient for empirical work to be conducted in states where multi-level policies are crafted on different, sometimes overlapping national and regional polities. In Belgium, the case in point in my PhD researches, the above-mentioned studies are of little use to characterize the actual state and interplay of Walloon and Flemish STI systems. Hence, there is a need to develop theoretical approaches paying greater attention to local specificities and nuances. My proposal builds on an analysis of STI policies based on coexisting, and sometimes competing "narratives". In the vein of Stone (1989) and Radaelli (2000), this paper aims at comparing the different policy narratives that circulates as rationale for STI policies in Wallonia, to identify their variants and to study their interplay. Policy narratives give meaning to complex realities, they help making sense of things, but they also contain a plot; they are articulating elements in a logical sequence (with, e.g., causalities, cf. Stone, 1989). As such, they are resources for action: they are descriptive and prescriptive. The broad literature of innovation studies, and its diffusion through the EU or the OECD already provides the Walloon STI stakeholders with different master-narratives (Sum & Jessop, 2013). So far, I could distinguish four different master-narratives in the literature as well as in Walloon stakeholders 'discourses: • "The Knowledge-based economy" (KBE). KBE seems to be the "dominant" master-narrative today. In a nutshell, this narrative runs as follow (see OECD, 1996): knowledge is the source of economic growth. Since innovation and market success are better encountered through network management and the intertwinement of industry and university, STI institutions must be organized accordingly, in order to achieve a sustained growth and a "better competitiveness" o Variants of this narrative are, e.g. the triple-helix model (Etzkowitz & Leydesdorff, 2000), or National innovation system (Freeman, 1987, Lundvall, 1988). • Grand societal challenges: This recent master-narrative is being promoted by the OECD and the EU (see, e.g., Lund Declaration, 2009). It states that scientific research should benefit of high (public) funding in certain areas, or regarding certain issues. High means for strategic research should help to solve major problems such as climate change, ageing population, energy supply and consumption, cancer, etc. This narrative calls for mission oriented STI policy, so the concern here is not (solely/primarily) economic (Kallerud et al 2013). • "Science, the endless frontier" - continued: famously reported by V. Bush (1945), this master-narrative is still of common use among STI stakeholders. With this narrative, science is considered a public good, the state has to fund it because the linear conception of innovation and serendipity assure technological and economic progress in the end – the rationale is based on economic aspects (the state must fund research because it is a special kind of good and the market efficiency will not work, and basic research is the source of marketable innovation). • "Science for the sake of science": in this narrative, science is considered as common good regardless of the potential economic impacts (and usefulness to address other societal issues) – we can make a parallel with the idea that artistic creation is worth it: for the beauty, for the critique, science here is considered as a superior activity that brings rationality and knowledge to the society as long as it is independent from "external influences" (Bonneuil & Joly, 2013) – cf. "mertonian Ethos" of Communalism, Universalism, Disinterestedness, Originality and Skepticism. Other examples / variants of this narrative include the idea that science contributes to the greatness of Nation, that science fights obscurantism, and so on and so forth. (examples : peer review, excellence, Copernican revolution are compatible storylines with science for the sake of science : a self-supporting system) While these master-narratives are present in international, academic literature, this paper focuses on their local manifestations. This study compares three critical moments: in different situations, various STI stakeholders (government, researchers, administrative staff, journalists, academic authorities, etc.) publicly expressed their views on the organization and funding of scientific research and innovation activities, and the role of STI within the region. I analyzed the discourses in press articles, policy documents, public statements, allocutions and opinion paper, blogs, etc. I intentionally sampled for heterogeneity since I'm looking for variations and multiple use of narratives. The analysis of the Walloon case permits to overcome the double dichotomy of dominant vs. counter narrative and old vs. new regime. The different narratives, in context, are concurrent but they are not mutually exclusive: while the narratives purport different ideologies, different visions of the role of science and of the state intervention, one is not being erased by the advent of another. Rather, I could find out that narratives "overlap", and one narrative does not constitute the only resource of a (group of) actors. In situation, the actors use one or multiple narratives, regarding the context, the public, the goal of a policy, etc., in a dynamic of conflict or compromise. This description of the transition is more accurate than the one provided with a sequence of two regimes, since the flexible use of multiple narratives accounts for the continuity of certain institutions (justified by, e.g., a version of "science for the sake of science") as well as for certain reforms in STI policy (that are inspired by the KBE narrative, for example). ; Peer reviewed

Los olores provocados por diversas actividades como la cría y el cuidado de animales en granjas avícolas y porcícolas, plantas depuradoras, vertederos, industrias químicas, Plantas de tratamiento de aguas residuales, entre otros, constituyen una forma de contaminación ambiental, que pueden generar molestias respiratorias y alteraciones psicológicas, que afectan la calidad de vida de las personas. A nivel internacional ha sido posible cuantificar el olor por diferentes tipos de estudios, para ello es necesario recurrir a una evaluación del olor que proporcione datos sobre las propiedades del mismo y la sensación que produce sobre la población afectada. Para el caso del subsector de avicultura considerado como una fuente generadora de olores, se hace necesario identificar y fomentar unas prácticas de trabajo que se realicen evitando los impactos sobre el medio ambiente (consumo de recursos, vertimientos de aguas residuales, generación de residuos, olores, contaminación y erosión de suelos, entre otros), no sólo preservan el entorno, sino que además pueden implicar un ahorro de costos. Para lo cual se han revisado publicaciones nacionales e internacionales, sobre Buenas Prácticas Ambientales (BPA) y Mejores Técnicas Disponibles (MTD) con impacto favorable, tanto sobre los diferentes aspectos medio ambientales que afectan al sector y disponibles desde el punto de vista técnico y económico para proteger de olores ofensivos a la población expuesta. El estudio pretende constituirse como herramienta de ayuda y consulta técnica para las autoridades ambientales y las empresas avícolas. Las BPA y MTD definidas en este estudio para su aplicación en las actividades de avicultura pueden ser consideradas como una opción viable desde el punto de vista técnico y económico para reducir la contaminación ambiental y dar cumplimiento a las normas relacionadas con el control de olores, evitando costos asociados al monitoreo y medición de los mismos y reduciendo significativamente los conflictos y quejas de las comunidades cercanas a las explotaciones. Constituyen el inicio de una nueva herramienta de carácter ambiental hasta ahora inexistente en el país, que será de gran utilidad como referente técnico para los actores generadores de olores, que deben dar cumplimiento a las disposiciones normativas en la materia. En ese sentido, el presente estudio tiene por objeto, establecer las medidas ambientales entendidas como las BPA y/o MTD a implementar en las diferentes fases de las actividades de avicultura, para la prevención, control y seguimiento de la generación de olores ofensivos. La metodología utilizada consistió en revisar el estado de arte e nivel nacional e internacional, en materia de aplicación de Guías de buenas prácticas ambientales, buenas prácticas avícolas, las mejores técnicas disponibles analizadas por la Unión Europea, normatividad aplicable, estadística de quejas por malos olores asociadas a la avicultura. Desde el punto de vista técnico, se realizó una revisión de las actividades intrínsecas de la avicultura, así como la identificación de impactos ambientales, el manejo y la disposición de residuos líquidos, sólidos y gaseosos; procesos químicos, biológicos y físicos asociados a la generación de olores de estas actividades; sistemas de registro y atención de quejas por impactos ambientales. Cada una de las MTD y BPA se encuentra desarrolladas en fichas dentro de las cuales se describen sus características generales, aplicabilidad, eficacia ambiental y posibles efectos secundarios; el conjunto de fichas propuestas a nivel integral define un Plan de buenas prácticas ambientales para la prevención, control y seguimiento de la generación de olores ofensivos en el subsector avícola; adicional a lo anterior se realizó la formulación de una serie de indicadores para el seguimiento, monitoreo y evaluación de costos de las medidas propuestas. ; Abstract. Odors caused by various activities such as breeding and care of animals in poultry and swine farms, treatment plants, landfills, chemical plants, treatment plants of wastewater, among others, constitute a form of environmental pollution, that may generate respiratory distress and psychological disorders, which affect the quality of life of people. Internationally has been possible to quantify the smell by different types of studies, for it is necessary to adopt an odor evaluation to provide data on its properties and the sensation on the affected population. In the case of poultry subsector considered as a source of odors, regarded as a generating source of odors, it is necessary to identify and promote work practices that are carried out avoiding impacts on the environment (resource consumption, vertimeents wastewater, waste, odors, pollution and soil erosion, among others) not only preserve the environment, but also may involve cost savings. For which we have reviewed national and international publications on Good Environmental Practices (GAP) and Best Available Techniques (BAT) with positive impact, both on different environmental issues affecting the industry available from the technical and economic offensive odors to protect the exposed population. The study even pretend constituted as an aid and technical consultation for the environmental authorities and poultry companies. The GAP and the BAT defined in this study for use in the activities of poultry can be considered as a viable option from a technical and economic standpoint to reduce environmental pollution and comply with standards related to odor control, avoiding costs associated with monitoring and measuring them and significantly reducing conflicts and complaints from communities near farms. Constitute the beginning of a new tool of environmental character hitherto unknown in the country, which will be useful as a technical reference for actors odor generators, which must comply with the provisions normative matter. In this sense, the present study aims to establish environmental measures understood as the GAP and / or the BAT to implement in phases differences poultry activities for the prevention, control and monitoring of odor generation. The methodology used was to review the state of art at national and international level, in the application of codes of good environmental practices, good farming practices, best available techniques discussed by the European Union, applicable regulations, statistics odor complaints poultry associated. From the technical point of view, a review of the intrinsic activities of poultry farming as well as the identification of environmental impacts, the management and disposal of liquid, solid and gaseous wastes was performed; chemical, biological and treasuries processes associated with the generation of odors from these activities; systems for recording and handling complaints by environmental impacts. Each of the GAP and BAT chip is developed within which describes its general characteristics, applicability, environmental effectiveness and possible side effects; the set of chips proposals comprehensive plan defines a level of good environmental practices for the prevention, control and keep under review the generation of offensive odors in the poultry subsector; Additional to this the formulation a series of indicators for tracking, monitoring and evaluation of costs of proposed actions. ; Maestría

La relevancia que están tomando los Gobiernos locales en el mundo globalizado de hoy en relación con el cambio de las necesidades de los vecinos, necesidades como salud, educación, trabajo, seguridad, protección del medio ambiente, territorialidad, inclusión de tecnología en los servicios administrativos, productivización de los recursos de la comuna mediante la productividad administrativa con transparencia, y actitud en el comportamiento organizacional e institucional alejada de los vicios como la corrupción, el favoritismo, y nepotismo y el sectarismo político interno en los municipios. Estos cambios de necesidades que se presentan en el día a día de las comunas de vecinos son cada día más fuertes y urgentes y ejercen mayor presión hacia los sistemas de gestión de los Gobiernos locales, manifestándose mayor exigencia en Gobiernos locales emergentes. Los Gobiernos locales se ven hoy en la necesidad de generar estrategias de atracción de inversiones en sus territorios, desarrollar planes, programas y proyectos de inversión que pongan en valor sus recursos naturales y ventajas comparativas, a fin de que estas vayan generando sinergia económica social que impacte en la mejora y beneficio paulatino del desarrollo local y nivel de vida de su población. Este tipo de necesidades han sido la base de inspiración de la ley de presupuesto participativo, para los efectos de dar cabida a los vecinos con sus propuestas de proyectos de desarrollo local basados en la atención de las necesidades de la población local, por ser ellos los que verdaderamente padecen y sufren la insatisfacción de sus necesidades sociales. En muchas ocasiones, las autoridades políticas del Gobierno municipal han elaborado planes de gobierno en relación con la problemática actual del distrito. En la mayoría de planes de gobierno que se presentan en los Gobiernos locales se hace presente la visión y gestión edil de corto y mediano plazo. Esto se debe a que los tiempos de los Gobiernos municipales son verdaderamente cortos, en este sentido la visión de largo plazo solo cabe en la posibilidad de la reelección del alcalde. Sin embargo, uno de los requisitos más importantes para el desarrollo local es la continuidad de obras, desarrollo y formulación de nuevos proyectos que hayan sido propuestos con participación de los vecinos de la comuna y se hayan logrado incluir en el presupuesto concertado y a su vez este quede incluido en el presupuesto general del Gobierno local emergente, sobre todo tratando de aprovechar en estos proyectos las potencialidades con las que cuente la comuna, y que, en la medida de lo posible, "los proyectos existentes sean de carácter sinérgicos entre sí y ampliamente inclusivos, con el propósito de ir logrando el desarrollo local y el mejoramiento del nivel de vida de los vecinos de la comuna". Lamentablemente las propuestas de obras para el distrito emergente muchas veces está basada en las propuestas políticas del plan de gobierno del movimiento o partido político del alcalde electo. Muchas veces también estas obras son manejadas con acciones corruptas, con las que se pagan ciertos favores económicos para la ascensión al poder del alcalde. Cuando esto sucede, el factor de la prioridad de necesidades se desvanece y al mismo tiempo no se cuenta con mayores recursos para llevar adelante los proyectos que la comuna plantea. Para el logro de estos propósitos, los líderes de las localidades deben ser preparados en espacios formales y de trabajo en sus territorios basados en el principio de "mandar obedeciendo", vale decir, respetando la cadena de mando de las órdenes, por estar estas basadas en los acuerdos decididos por la superioridad, en virtud de que estos acuerdos contienen a su vez los acuerdos de los vecinos lo cual significa que el poder, a más de orientarse al servicio de todos, sea también la manifestación del sentir de la voluntad de la comuna, tal como lo sostiene Giraldi Giulio1 ; The relevance being taken by local governments in the globalized world of today in relation to the changing needs of the residents, needs ranging from health, education, work, security, environmental protection, territoriality, including technology services administrative, commoditization of resources of the district administrative productivity through transparent, and attitude in the organizational and institutional behavior away from vices such as corruption, favoritism and nepotism and internal political sectarianism in the municipalities. These changing needs that arise in day to day neighboring communes are becoming stronger and more urgent day and exert greater pressure on management systems of local governments, manifesting greater demand in emerging local governments. Local governments are now in the need to develop strategies to attract investment in their territories, develop plans, programs and investment projects that give value to their natural resources and comparative advantages, so that these are generated social economic synergy that impact and gradual improvement in the benefit of local development and standard of living of its population. Such needs were the basis of inspiration for the participatory budget law for the purposes of accommodating neighbors with their proposals for local development projects based on addressing the needs of the local population, be they the who truly suffer and suffer dissatisfaction social needs. Often the political authorities of the municipal government, government plans have been developed in relation to the current problems of the district; Most government plans presented in local governments is present mayor of vision and short and medium run, this time because of municipal governments are really short, in this sense the long view term only fit on the possibility of re-election of the mayor, However one of the most important requirements for local development is the continuation of works, development and formulation of new projects that have been proposed involving the residents of the community and have managed to include in the budget concluded while the longer stay included in the general budget of the emerging local government , especially trying to capitalize on these projects the potential for the instrument the municipality, and that the measures possible, "existing projects to be synergistic nature between them and, broadly inclusive, in order to be gaining Development Local and improving the standard of living of the residents of the municipalit Unfortunately the proposed works for the emerging district often is based on the policy proposals of the government plan of movement or political party elected mayor. Often these works are also handled with corrupt actions with certain economic favors to the rise to power of the mayor are paid. When this happens, the priority factor vanishes needs while there are no more resources to carry out the projects that the municipality raises. To achieve these goals the leaders of localities should be prepared in formal spaces and their work based on the principle of "obeying" territories, i.e. respecting the chain of command orders, being based on these agreements decided by the superiority under these agreements to contain in turn agreements neighbors which means that the prune, oriented over the service of all, is also the manifestation of the feeling of the will of the municipality, as Giulio Giraldi argues.

In the article on the basis of the statistical materials analytical works of predecessors archived,, a role and place of education, culture and religion are considered in forming of socialstatistical values young cities. A research aim is certain taking into account actuality of select theme and scientific level of her development. She consists in that on the basis of complex analysis of the published and archived sources, achievements of historiography and allied subjects to investigate the features of character of place, and roles of municipal young people in social and political life of the independent state.Except that, public meaningfulness of problem, appearance of new statistical data predetermined the necessity of further researches. Actuality of the outlined problem was predetermined, foremost, by a necessity to have a clear idea about that, what place in life of ordinary young man that lived in city occupied a seed, to put, work. That appeared important tasks before historical science there was a study of effectiveness of public social policy youth their segment. The found not enough out was remained by the question of public space of youth existence. Description of activity of youth public organizations political scientists, philosophers, engaged in traditionally. Scientific literature that plugs the problems of participation of public authorities in the public providing of young people, basic ways of the socio­economic and social and political becoming young cities and villages only partly examines influence on the social status values (descriptions) of education, culture and religion.Importance of the outlined problem is predetermined, foremost, by a necessity to have a clear idea about that is modern Ukrainian youth, in particular her municipal group, what place public factors, that influenced at choice forming of vital values, ideals, practices, reference­points, priorities there is the real payment of young people that socio­economic and social and political development of the independent state, settled in life. Basic fundamental approaches of state power are found out to forming cultural, educational, religious politics, to development of self­realization youth, socio­economic modernization of Ukraine. Considerable attention is spared to development during 1990­2000th of row of values of Ukrainian society : freedom, dignity, patriotism, independences and others like that. In measuring of finding out of changes in basic social status descriptions young cities are investigational role in her life of education, effectiveness of public educational policy in providing of right for a citizen on education. First in historiography on the basis of specific methodological tool reasons of receipt are found out by the young people of secondary, higher education, professional and professional increase. It is confirmed, that on vital options young cities considerable influence had informative, language factors. The special attention is spared to research of influences of socio­economic and social and political factors on forming of vital priorities of municipal young people. ; В статті на основі архівних, статистичних матеріалів, аналітичних напрацювань попередників, розглянуто роль і місце освіти, культури та релігії у формуванні соціально­статистичних цінностей молоді міста. Мета дослідження визначена з урахуванням актуальності обраної теми та наукового рівня її розробки. Вона полягає в тому, щоб на основі комплексного аналізу опублікованих та архівних джерел, здобутків історіографії та суміжних наук дослідити особливості характеру місця та ролі міської молоді в суспільно­політичному житті незалежної держави.Окрім того, суспільна значимість проблеми, поява нових статистичних даних зумовлювали необхідність подальших досліджень. Актуальність окресленої проблеми зумовлювалась, перш за все, необхідністю мати чітке уявлення про те, яке місце в житті пересічної молодої людини, що проживала в місті, займали сім'я, діти, робота. Важливим завданням, що поставало перед історичною наукою було вивчення результативності державної соціальної політики, молодіжного їх сегмента. Недостатньо з'ясованим залишалося і питання суспільного простору молодіжного буття. Характеристикою діяльності молодіжних громадських організацій традиційно займалися політологи, філософи. Наукова література, яка включає проблеми участі органів державної влади у суспільному забезпеченні молоді, основних шляхів соціально­економічного і суспільно­політичного становлення молоді міста і села лише почасти розглядає вплив на соціально­статусні цінності (характеристики) освіти, культури та релігії.Важливість окресленої проблеми зумовлюється, перш за все, необхідністю мати чітке уявлення про те, якою є сучасна українська молодь, зокрема її міська група, яке місце в житті осідали суспільні чинники, що впливали на вибір і формування життєвих цінностей, ідеалів, практик, орієнтирів, пріоритетів, яким є реальний внесок молоді, соціально­економічний і суспільно­політичний розвиток незалежної держави. З'ясовано основні принципові підходи державної влади до формування культурної, освітньої, релігійної політики, розвитку самореалізації молоді, соціально­економічної модернізації України. Значна увага приділена розвитку протягом 1990­2000­х років низки цінностей українського суспільства: свободи, гідності, патріотизму,незалежності тощо. У вимірі з'ясування змін в основних соціально­статусних характеристиках молоді міста досліджено роль в її житті освіти, результативності державної освітньої політики у забезпеченні права громадянина на освіту. Вперше в історіографії на основі специфічного методологічного інструментарію з'ясовано мотиви здобуття молоддю середньої, вищої освіти, професійного і фахового зростання. Підтверджено, що на життєві установки молоді міста значний вплив мав інформаційний, мовний чинники. Особлива увага приділена дослідженню впливів соціально­економічних та суспільно­політичних чинників на формування життєвих пріоритетів міської молоді. ; В статті на основі архівних, статистичних матеріалів, аналітичних напрацювань попередників, розглянуто роль і місце освіти, культури та релігії у формуванні соціально­статистичних цінностей молоді міста. Мета дослідження визначена з урахуванням актуальності обраної теми та наукового рівня її розробки. Вона полягає в тому, щоб на основі комплексного аналізу опублікованих та архівних джерел, здобутків історіографії та суміжних наук дослідити особливості характеру місця та ролі міської молоді в суспільно­політичному житті незалежної держави.Окрім того, суспільна значимість проблеми, поява нових статистичних даних зумовлювали необхідність подальших досліджень. Актуальність окресленої проблеми зумовлювалась, перш за все, необхідністю мати чітке уявлення про те, яке місце в житті пересічної молодої людини, що проживала в місті, займали сім'я, діти, робота. Важливим завданням, що поставало перед історичною наукою було вивчення результативності державної соціальної політики, молодіжного їх сегмента. Недостатньо з'ясованим залишалося і питання суспільного простору молодіжного буття. Характеристикою діяльності молодіжних громадських організацій традиційно займалися політологи, філософи. Наукова література, яка включає проблеми участі органів державної влади у суспільному забезпеченні молоді, основних шляхів соціально­економічного і суспільно­політичного становлення молоді міста і села лише почасти розглядає вплив на соціально­статусні цінності (характеристики) освіти, культури та релігії.Важливість окресленої проблеми зумовлюється, перш за все, необхідністю мати чітке уявлення про те, якою є сучасна українська молодь, зокрема її міська група, яке місце в житті осідали суспільні чинники, що впливали на вибір і формування життєвих цінностей, ідеалів, практик, орієнтирів, пріоритетів, яким є реальний внесок молоді, соціально­економічний і суспільно­політичний розвиток незалежної держави. З'ясовано основні принципові підходи державної влади до формування культурної, освітньої, релігійної політики, розвитку самореалізації молоді, соціально­економічної модернізації України. Значна увага приділена розвитку протягом 1990­2000­х років низки цінностей українського суспільства: свободи, гідності, патріотизму,незалежності тощо. У вимірі з'ясування змін в основних соціально­статусних характеристиках молоді міста досліджено роль в її житті освіти, результативності державної освітньої політики у забезпеченні права громадянина на освіту. Вперше в історіографії на основі специфічного методологічного інструментарію з'ясовано мотиви здобуття молоддю середньої, вищої освіти, професійного і фахового зростання. Підтверджено, що на життєві установки молоді міста значний вплив мав інформаційний, мовний чинники. Особлива увага приділена дослідженню впливів соціально­економічних та суспільно­політичних чинників на формування життєвих пріоритетів міської молоді.

[spa] Esta tesis refiere a la educación secundaria de adultos provista por el sistema educativo que permite obtener la titulación habilitante para la continuidad de estudios superiores; sector de la educación de adultos (EA) en el que nos centramos a raíz de considerar la importancia que adquieren esa titulación y los conocimientos que proporciona en distintas esferas de la vida en la sociedad contemporánea. Toma como objeto de análisis dos casos, localizados en Argentina y en España que presentan algunas características comunes relacionadas con factores políticos, históricos y culturales resultantes de la dominación colonial y las oleadas inmigratorias. El estudio, cuyo propósito es comparar la composición actual de la educación secundaria de adultos en Córdoba (Argentina) y en Cataluña (España) y los cambios ocurridos en la década de 2000, se orienta a la comprensión desde una perspectiva diacrónica. Nos planteamos analizar la normativa vigente y las políticas para el sector en esa década, caracterizar la forma en que se organizan los servicios y los centros educativos en la provincia y comunidad autónoma, precisar las características de la población estudiantil y docente e identificar las convergencias y divergencias en ambos casos. La pregunta principal que guía la investigación es: ¿Qué similitudes y diferencias presenta la educación secundaria de adultos en Córdoba (Argentina) y Cataluña (España)? El objeto de estudio es abordado desde tres dimensiones inter-relacionadas: sociopolítica, organizativa y pedagógica. Metodológicamente, la investigación se enmarca en los planteamientos de la investigación comparativa y recupera aportes de perspectivas cualitativas: estudio de caso y etnografía educativa. Los aspectos comparados se incluyen en las tres dimensiones, con apertura a captar aspectos emergentes derivados de la singularidad de los casos. Trabajamos con análisis de documentos, entrevistas semi-estructuradas a autoridades político-técnicas o con responsabilidad en la gestión, pequeño grupo de discusión con actores no vinculados con las políticas actuales y observación y registro etnográfico en cuatro centros educativos. El análisis procura la búsqueda de lo común en lo diferente y de lo diferente en lo común. Previa contextualización y reconstrucción histórica de la EA en ambos países de la que derivan notas sobresalientes y la ubicación de la educación secundaria de adultos en la oferta de EA y en los sistemas educativos respectivos, la presentación de los resultados se relaciona con las dimensiones aludidas y los objetivos. Respecto de la primera, las decisiones políticas en EA en los 2000' en ambos casos refieren a: extensión de la cobertura a nuevos colectivos, reorganización de la EA en el sistema educativo, legitimación de la EA ante el sistema educativo y la sociedad y reconocimiento y validación de saberes y aprendizajes realizados en otros espacios; asimismo, tendencia al logro de especificidad en Córdoba y a la homologación a la educación de adolescentes en Cataluña. En la dimensión organizativa se advierten algunas semejanzas en cuestiones nodales y, principalmente, diferencias en lo siguiente: oferta, organización de los centros, forma de designación de los docentes, espacios utilizados, horario de funcionamiento, personal directivo, supervisores y período lectivo; se describen los principales rasgos de estudiantes y docentes y se destacan cuestiones generacionales en la composición de esos grupos. En cuanto a la tercera, en las concepciones pedagógicas de EA, a las señaladas por otros autores -segunda oportunidad, misericordiosa, residual y reparadora o de promoción humana- se suma "EA desvirtuada o degenerada", categoría emergente que alude a la población joven. Luego de una referencia a cuestiones no previstas, finaliza con la enunciación de tres aspectos comunes que merecerían atención: la población cada vez más joven que asiste y las representaciones sobre ella, los requisitos para la designación del profesorado, entre otros, la formación inicial y continua y la proporción de estudiantes que no culmina esos estudios. ; [eng] This thesis concerns to secondary adult education provided by education system and allows the degree that enables continuing higher education, sector of adult education (AE) we focus considering the importance of that qualification and knowledge in different life's spheres in contemporary society. It takes as object of analysis two cases, located in Argentina and Spain, which have some common characteristics related to political, historical and and cultural factors. The purpose of the study is to compare current composition of adult secondary education in Cordoba (Argentina) and Catalonia (Spain) and the changes in the decade of 2000 and it is oriented to understand from a diachronic perspective. We analyze regulations and policies for the sector in this decade, characterize the way in which services and schools are organized in the province and autonomuos community, specify students' and teachers' characteristics and identify convergences and divergences in both cases. The main question guiding this research is: ¿What similarities and differences present secondary adult education in Córdoba (Argentina) and Catalonia (Spain)? The object of study is approached from three related dimensions: socio-political, organizational and pedagogical. Methodologically the research is part of comparative research approaches and gets input from qualitative perspectives: case study and educational ethnography. Compared aspects are included in the mentioned dimensions, with openess to capture emerging issues. We work with document analysis, semi-structured interviews to political and technical authorities or management responsables, small discussion group with actors not related to current policies and observation and ethnographic record in four schools. Previous historical contextualization and reconstruction of AE in both countries from which outstanding notes derive and the location of secondary adult education in education systems, the results relate to the dimensions and objectives. Regarding the first, policy decisions on AE in the 2000' in both cases concern to extending coverage to new groups, reorganization of AE in the education system, legitimizing AE to education system and society and recognition and validation of knowledge and learning acquired in other spaces; also tendencies to achieve specificity in Córdoba and to homologate to teenagers' education in Catalonia. In organizational dimension nodal similarities and mainly differences related to offer, organizing centers, appointment of teachers, spaces, time-table, management, supervisors and school period are noted; students' and teachers' characteristics are described and generational issues in the composition of these groups are highlighted. Respecting the third, to teaching concepts of AE reported by other authors -second chance, merciful, residual and restorative or promotion of human- we add "distorted or degenerated AE"; this emerging category refers to young population. After a reference to unforeseen issues, it ends with the statement of three common aspects that deserve attention: the increasingly young population attending and representations about it, requirements for the appointment of teachers, including initial and continuing formation, and the proportion of students that does not end those studies.