Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Introduction: COVID-19 lockdown measures have been sources of both potential stress and possible psychological and addiction complications. A lack of activity and isolation during lockdown are among the factors thought to be behind the growth in the use of psychoactive substances and worsening addictive behaviors. Previous studies on the pandemic have attested to an increase in alcohol consumption during lockdowns. Likewise, data suggest there has also been a rise in the use of cannabis, although it is unclear how this is affected by external factors. Our study used quantitative data collected from an international population to evaluate changes in cannabis consumption during the lockdown period between March and October, 2020. We also compared users and non-users of the drug in relation to: (1) socio-demographic differences, (2) emotional experiences, and (3) the information available and the degree of approval of lockdown measures. Methods: An online self-report questionnaire concerning the lockdown was widely disseminated around the globe. Data was collected on sociodemographics and how the rules imposed had influenced the use of cannabis and concerns about health, the economic impact of the measures and the approach taken by government(s). Results: One hundred eighty two respondents consumed cannabis before the lockdown vs. 199 thereafter. The mean cannabis consumption fell from 13 joints per week pre-lockdown to 9.75 after it (p < 0.001). Forty-nine respondents stopped using cannabis at all and 66 admitted to starting to do so. The cannabis users were: less satisfied with government measures; less worried about their health; more concerned about the impact of COVID-19 on the economy and their career; and more frightened of becoming infected in public areas. The risk factors for cannabis use were: age (OR = 0.96); concern for physical health (OR = 0.98); tobacco (OR = 1.1) and alcohol consumption during lockdown (OR = 1.1); the pre-lockdown anger level (OR = 1.01); and feelings of ...

International audience ; Introduction: COVID-19 lockdown measures have been sources of both potential stress and possible psychological and addiction complications. A lack of activity and isolation during lockdown are among the factors thought to be behind the growth in the use of psychoactive substances and worsening addictive behaviors. Previous studies on the pandemic have attested to an increase in alcohol consumption during lockdowns. Likewise, data suggest there has also been a rise in the use of cannabis, although it is unclear how this is affected by external factors. Our study used quantitative data collected from an international population to evaluate changes in cannabis consumption during the lockdown period between March and October, 2020. We also compared users and non-users of the drug in relation to: (1) socio-demographic differences, (2) emotional experiences, and (3) the information available and the degree of approval of lockdown measures. Methods: An online self-report questionnaire concerning the lockdown was widely disseminated around the globe. Data was collected on sociodemographics and how the rules imposed had influenced the use of cannabis and concerns about health, the economic impact of the measures and the approach taken by government(s). Results: One hundred eighty two respondents consumed cannabis before the lockdown vs. 199 thereafter. The mean cannabis consumption fell from 13 joints per week pre-lockdown to 9.75 after it (p < 0.001). Forty-nine respondents stopped using cannabis at all and 66 admitted to starting to do so. The cannabis users were: less satisfied with government measures; less worried about their health; more concerned about the impact of COVID-19 on the economy and their career; and more frightened of becoming infected in public areas. The risk factors for cannabis use were: age (OR = 0.96); concern for physical health (OR = 0.98); tobacco (OR = 1.1) and alcohol consumption during lockdown (OR = 1.1); the pre-lockdown anger level (OR = 1.01); and feelings of ...

International audience ; Introduction: COVID-19 lockdown measures have been sources of both potential stress and possible psychological and addiction complications. A lack of activity and isolation during lockdown are among the factors thought to be behind the growth in the use of psychoactive substances and worsening addictive behaviors. Previous studies on the pandemic have attested to an increase in alcohol consumption during lockdowns. Likewise, data suggest there has also been a rise in the use of cannabis, although it is unclear how this is affected by external factors. Our study used quantitative data collected from an international population to evaluate changes in cannabis consumption during the lockdown period between March and October, 2020. We also compared users and non-users of the drug in relation to: (1) socio-demographic differences, (2) emotional experiences, and (3) the information available and the degree of approval of lockdown measures. Methods: An online self-report questionnaire concerning the lockdown was widely disseminated around the globe. Data was collected on sociodemographics and how the rules imposed had influenced the use of cannabis and concerns about health, the economic impact of the measures and the approach taken by government(s). Results: One hundred eighty two respondents consumed cannabis before the lockdown vs. 199 thereafter. The mean cannabis consumption fell from 13 joints per week pre-lockdown to 9.75 after it (p < 0.001). Forty-nine respondents stopped using cannabis at all and 66 admitted to starting to do so. The cannabis users were: less satisfied with government measures; less worried about their health; more concerned about the impact of COVID-19 on the economy and their career; and more frightened of becoming infected in public areas. The risk factors for cannabis use were: age (OR = 0.96); concern for physical health (OR = 0.98); tobacco (OR = 1.1) and alcohol consumption during lockdown (OR = 1.1); the pre-lockdown anger level (OR = 1.01); and feelings of ...

International audience ; How and to what extent do international financial institutions (IFI) drive public policy? More specifically, what role do the Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank play in formulating the anti-poverty programs known as Conditional Cash Transfer Programs (CCTP) in Brazil and Mexico? The present article seeks to examine the "cognitive role" played by these organizations as well as to qualify two widespread theories according to which agendas are imposed by IFI and there are clear-cut lines of demarcation separating national and international actors. This study reveals that international financial institutions have joined a coalition of national and international actors defending the cause of human capital. Further, it shows that, in order to dodge criticism, anticipate the controversies that might arise in public opinion and ensure that reforms, once adopted, remain in place, this pro-human capital coalition has embraced several strategies seeking to underscore the irreducible autonomy of national actors vis-à-vis their international counterparts. It moreover underscores the competition among international financial institutions for preeminence and to receive intellectual credit for CCTP. ; De quelle façon et dans quelle mesure les institutions financières internationales (IFI) sont-elles le moteur des politiques publiques ? Plus précisément, quel est le rôle de la Banque interaméricaine de développement et de la Banque mondiale dans la formulation des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté au Brésil et au Mexique, connus sous le nom de Conditional Cash Transfert Programs (CCTP) ? L'objectif est ici d'analyser le « rôle cognitif » de ces organisations, mais aussi de nuancer deux thèses courantes : celle de l'imposition des agendas par les IFI et celle de la délimitation marquée entre acteurs nationaux et internationaux. Cette étude révèle, d'une part, que les institutions financières internationales ont intégré une coalition d'acteurs nationaux et internationaux qui défendent la ...

International audience ; How and to what extent do international financial institutions (IFI) drive public policy? More specifically, what role do the Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank play in formulating the anti-poverty programs known as Conditional Cash Transfer Programs (CCTP) in Brazil and Mexico? The present article seeks to examine the "cognitive role" played by these organizations as well as to qualify two widespread theories according to which agendas are imposed by IFI and there are clear-cut lines of demarcation separating national and international actors. This study reveals that international financial institutions have joined a coalition of national and international actors defending the cause of human capital. Further, it shows that, in order to dodge criticism, anticipate the controversies that might arise in public opinion and ensure that reforms, once adopted, remain in place, this pro-human capital coalition has embraced several strategies seeking to underscore the irreducible autonomy of national actors vis-à-vis their international counterparts. It moreover underscores the competition among international financial institutions for preeminence and to receive intellectual credit for CCTP. ; De quelle façon et dans quelle mesure les institutions financières internationales (IFI) sont-elles le moteur des politiques publiques ? Plus précisément, quel est le rôle de la Banque interaméricaine de développement et de la Banque mondiale dans la formulation des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté au Brésil et au Mexique, connus sous le nom de Conditional Cash Transfert Programs (CCTP) ? L'objectif est ici d'analyser le « rôle cognitif » de ces organisations, mais aussi de nuancer deux thèses courantes : celle de l'imposition des agendas par les IFI et celle de la délimitation marquée entre acteurs nationaux et internationaux. Cette étude révèle, d'une part, que les institutions financières internationales ont intégré une coalition d'acteurs nationaux et internationaux qui défendent la ...

International audience ; How and to what extent do international financial institutions (IFI) drive public policy? More specifically, what role do the Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank play in formulating the anti-poverty programs known as Conditional Cash Transfer Programs (CCTP) in Brazil and Mexico? The present article seeks to examine the "cognitive role" played by these organizations as well as to qualify two widespread theories according to which agendas are imposed by IFI and there are clear-cut lines of demarcation separating national and international actors. This study reveals that international financial institutions have joined a coalition of national and international actors defending the cause of human capital. Further, it shows that, in order to dodge criticism, anticipate the controversies that might arise in public opinion and ensure that reforms, once adopted, remain in place, this pro-human capital coalition has embraced several strategies seeking to underscore the irreducible autonomy of national actors vis-à-vis their international counterparts. It moreover underscores the competition among international financial institutions for preeminence and to receive intellectual credit for CCTP. ; De quelle façon et dans quelle mesure les institutions financières internationales (IFI) sont-elles le moteur des politiques publiques ? Plus précisément, quel est le rôle de la Banque interaméricaine de développement et de la Banque mondiale dans la formulation des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté au Brésil et au Mexique, connus sous le nom de Conditional Cash Transfert Programs (CCTP) ? L'objectif est ici d'analyser le « rôle cognitif » de ces organisations, mais aussi de nuancer deux thèses courantes : celle de l'imposition des agendas par les IFI et celle de la délimitation marquée entre acteurs nationaux et internationaux. Cette étude révèle, d'une part, que les institutions financières internationales ont intégré une coalition d'acteurs nationaux et internationaux qui défendent la ...

International audience ; How and to what extent do international financial institutions (IFI) drive public policy? More specifically, what role do the Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank play in formulating the anti-poverty programs known as Conditional Cash Transfer Programs (CCTP) in Brazil and Mexico? The present article seeks to examine the "cognitive role" played by these organizations as well as to qualify two widespread theories according to which agendas are imposed by IFI and there are clear-cut lines of demarcation separating national and international actors. This study reveals that international financial institutions have joined a coalition of national and international actors defending the cause of human capital. Further, it shows that, in order to dodge criticism, anticipate the controversies that might arise in public opinion and ensure that reforms, once adopted, remain in place, this pro-human capital coalition has embraced several strategies seeking to underscore the irreducible autonomy of national actors vis-à-vis their international counterparts. It moreover underscores the competition among international financial institutions for preeminence and to receive intellectual credit for CCTP. ; De quelle façon et dans quelle mesure les institutions financières internationales (IFI) sont-elles le moteur des politiques publiques ? Plus précisément, quel est le rôle de la Banque interaméricaine de développement et de la Banque mondiale dans la formulation des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté au Brésil et au Mexique, connus sous le nom de Conditional Cash Transfert Programs (CCTP) ? L'objectif est ici d'analyser le « rôle cognitif » de ces organisations, mais aussi de nuancer deux thèses courantes : celle de l'imposition des agendas par les IFI et celle de la délimitation marquée entre acteurs nationaux et internationaux. Cette étude révèle, d'une part, que les institutions financières internationales ont intégré une coalition d'acteurs nationaux et internationaux qui défendent la ...

How did post-socialist transition and a parallel shift in international labor division restructure regional innovation systems in Central and Eastern Europe? This question is increasingly important, because current EU innovation policy is combined with regional development in Smart Specialization Strategies; however, spatial trends of innovation in Central and Eastern Europe are not fully understood which might lead to less than perfectly efficient policy. In this paper we describe the spatial dynamics of inventor activity in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia between 1981 and 2010 –a period that covers both the late socialist era and the post-socialist transition. Cleaning and analyzing the publicly available data from the United States Patent and Trademark Office we illustrate that Central and Eastern European patents made in international co-operations with partners outside the region receive more citations than those Central and Eastern European patents that lack international co-operation. Furthermore, the technological portfolio of the former patents has become increasingly independent from the technological portfolio of the latter class. A town-level analysis of the applicant-inventor ties reveals that inventors have started to work for foreign assignees in those towns where no innovation activity had been recorded before. However, the positive effect does not last long and patenting seems to be only periodic in the majority of these towns. Therefore, innovation policy in Central and Eastern European countries, as well as in other less developed regions, shall foster synergies between international and domestic collaborations in order to decrease regional disparities in patenting. ; Rosztoczy Fundation ; Tempus Public Foundation (Hungary)

AbstractThe international migration of skilled health workers has increased significantly from the 1990s. Many source countries have expressed concern over losses of health workers, resulting in regional Codes of Practice and bilateral Memoranda of Understanding being established since 1999 to achieve more effective, equitable and ethical international migration. The finalisation of a Global Code in 2010 drew attention to continued migration concerns. Codes have three key objectives — protecting rights of migrant workers, adequate workplace support for migrant workers and ensuring that migration flows do not disrupt health services in source countries. There is no agreed definition of ethical international recruitment, and no consensus on the significance and location of harmful recruitment practices. Most codes have covered relatively few regions and exhibit a high degree of generality. Several source countries encourage rather than discourage migration. Migration is a right and occurs in contexts that do not necessarily involve health issues. There are no incentives for recipient countries and agencies to be involved in ethical international recruitment. All codes are voluntary which has restricted their impact. Substantial migration and recruitment have occurred outside their scope, and codes have diverted skilled health workers beyond regulation. The private sector is effectively excluded from codes. Bilateral agreements and memoranda have a greater chance of success, enabling managed migration and return migration, but are more geographically limiting. The most effective constraints to the unregulated flow of skilled health workers are the production of adequate numbers in present recipient countries and provision of improved employment conditions in source countries.

A recalcitrantly enduring polemic in the annals of human rights and constitutional law jurisprudence in Nigeria centers on whether socioeconomic rights are justiciable in the country. This burgeoning controversy is rooted not only in the balkanization of the two principal genres of human rights and their compartmentalization into distinct parts of the Constitution, namely Chapters II and IV respectively, but also in explicitly baptizing one as 'fundamental rights' whilst denying similar appellation to the other. Adding to this obfuscation is deafening silence on the part of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, thereby fueling the belief, in many circles, that domestic legal frameworks do not bestow recognition upon socioeconomic rights. But does this understanding represent the correct position of the law? Does international law offer any guidance? Responding to these questions is the task of this paper. Its central contention is that current reality, made more evident by international human rights law, leans toward justiciability of socioeconomic rights.

AbstractDespite extensive research on international norms, our approach to measurement has not kept pace with theoretical advancements. Existing research often relies on single indicators to facilitate cross-national analysis or employs case-study designs that provide greater nuance but restricted scope. Given these limitations, this note argues that item-response theory (IRT) provides a framework for strengthening the link between our theoretical understanding of norms and empirical measurement of norm adoption. In turn, I develop a modified Bayesian model with substantively informed dynamic priors. The proposed approach is evaluated with the lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) equality norm, using 13 policies and laws across 196 countries (1990–2017). The results are broadly consistent with theoretical expectations while also providing new empirical evidence on the evolution of the norm across space and time. This note highlights the significant potential in greater interaction between both latent measurement approaches and scholarship on international norms.

AbstractMixed migration is an international regime in the making. The migration and refugee crisis put the topic high on the global agenda and multilateral initiatives like the Global Compacts for Migration and Refugees have started to address it. However, it is a contested policy issue and agreement on legally binding instruments is difficult to achieve. While formal global mixed migration governance is thus only emerging, in this article I argue that international organizations shape how mixed migration is governed through informal means. Mixed migration experts in intergovernmental organizations, regional agencies and non‐governmental organizations form networks that cut across organizational levels and boundaries to create practical knowledge and to train fieldworkers. Based on interviews and the analysis of training material, this article shows that they have considerable influence over policy implementation because they control the content of training tools and devise scripts for best practices that guide how mixed migration is governed on the ground.