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How do news media portray collective action involving activists who are deemed illegitimate political actors? The news media has a well-documented tendency to disparage adult activists by excluding their voices from coverage, attacking their political identities, and minimizing their collective action outcomes. However, the perceived illegitimacy of youth activists suggests they have no voices to be excluded, no political identities to be attacked, and no outcomes to minimize. This study analyzes coverage of the virginity pledge movement and gay-straight alliances in nationally circulated newspapers across two decades. Findings indicate youth activists' illegitimacy actually guaranteed youth a voice in the news media, but this came with unintended consequences. The news media used this perceived illegitimacy to undermine youth activists in three ways: (1) restricting youth voices to personal (apolitical) testimonies, (2) engaging in displaced disparagement by attacking adults and other legitimate targets, and (3) holding adults accountable for collective action outcomes.

Queen Ástriðr and Sigvatr Þórðarson: a political alliance. Three skaldic stanzas in Snorri's Heimskringla This paper analyzes Sigvatr Þórðarson's stanzas in praise of queen Ástriðr - the daughter of Óláfr Skottkonung of Sweden and the wife of Óláfr the Saint of Norway - reported in Magnús saga ins góða (Heimskringla), where she plays an important role as an inciter in a new and unusual space for a woman. By actively partecipating at the þing of Hangtar (Sweden) and speaking in favour of her stepson Magnús, she crossed her gender borders. I will compare the poem by Sigvatr with the prose passage by Snorri in which it is embedded, pointing out the different political strategies lying behind them.

Review of Polynesian Panthers by Melani Anae, Lautofa Luli, Leilani Burgoyne. Auckland: Reed Books, 2006. This book is the story of the Polynesian Panther Party, a political group of inner city Pacific Island and Maori youth brought together through the shared experience of racism and more importantly, the shared determination to fight it and the marginalisation in its wake. Edited by ex-Polynesian Panther Melani Anae (director of Pacific Studies at Auckland University) and contributed to by a number of fellow members and friends of the party, Polynesian Panthers depicts an era of awakening political conciousness among New Zealand's newest migrants— in particular, through the eyes of their NZ-born children.

Este estudio analiza los derechos políticos de las mujeres en la Argentina después de la ley 13010 (1947) que les permitió acceder al voto y se electas. El propósito del artí culo es comprender tres diferentes dimensiones de la ciudadanía política. Primero, se enfoca en un grupo de mujeres que votaron por primera vez en 1951 con el objetivo de comprender sus ideas sobre su nuevo status. Segundo, se analiza el comportamiento electoral de varones y mujeres en las urnas en 1951. Tercero, se explora cómo Eva Perón influenció la percepción de la representación y los límites del poder femenino en las relaciones políticas. ; This paper analyzes the women s political rights in Argentina before the law 13010 (1947) which allow them to vote and to be elected. The purpose of this article is to understand three different dimensions of political citizenship. First, it focuses on a group of women who voted for the first time in 1951 in order to COMPREHEND their new status. Second, it analizes the electoral behavior of men and women in the ballot box in 1951. Third, it explores how Eva Peron influenced the perception of representation and the limits to the female power in political relations. ; Instituto de Historia Argentina Dr. Ricardo Levene

The main purpose of this article is to present the results of a research project on the political participation of Latin American migrants in Andalusia (mainly in the cities of Seville and Huelva). The project uses a broad concept of what political participation constitutes, including both civic practices and activities associated with conventional politics, and adopts a transnational perspective. It is based on 45 semi-structured interviews with politically active migrants and members of political parties and other institutions. The article highlights some of the main findings of the research, including the importance of taking into account migrants' previous political experiences, as well as the role played by migrant associations in order to better understand their political practices. ; El objetivo de este artículo es presentar los resultados de un proyecto sobre la participación política de los migrantes latinoamericanos en Andalucía (fundamentalmente en las ciudades de Sevilla y Huelva). Partiendo de una concepción amplia de lo político que incluye tanto prácticas consideradas cívicas como las asociadas a la participación política más convencional, el estudio adopta una perspectiva transnacional y se basa en el análisis de 45 entrevistas semiestructuradas a migrantes con algún grado de implicación, así como a miembros y representantes de partidos políticos y otras instituciones. Entre los resultados principales se destaca la importancia de las experiencias políticas previas de los migrantes, así como el papel que juegan las asociaciones que los agrupan a la hora de analizar la participación política de éstos.

Discourse on terrorism is above all discourse against terrorism. To respond to the uncertainties produced by an attack, the politicians pursue three objectives: to mobilize the population, to reassure it and to explain the social problem to it by politicizing the issue. The mobilizing aim is achieved by the public sharing of feelings and common values and the reproof of the terrorist enemy. This emotional discourse is used in combination with a decision-making discourse which aims to reassure the citizenry. This materializes through the transmission of an ethos of having mastered the problem and on the legitimization of the judiciarisation presented as a well-balanced approach to the fight against the terrorism. Finally, the leaders integrate the terrorism into a meta-narrative capable of explaining the continuity of political responses to terrorism since the 1980s and of connecting it with global disorder. ; Les discours politiques sur le terrorisme sont avant tout des discours contre le terrorisme. Pour répondre aux incertitudes produites par un attentat, les responsables politiques poursuivent trois objectifs : mobiliser la population, la rassurer et lui expliquer le problème social en le politisant. La visée mobilisatrice s'effectue à l'aide d'un partage de sentiments et de valeurs communes et de la réprobation de l'ennemi terroriste. Ce discours émotionnel se conjugue à un discours décisionnel qui vise à rassurer la population. Celui-ci s'illustre par la diffusion d'un ethos de maitrise et par la légitimation de la judiciarisation présentée comme une approche équilibrée de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Enfin, les dirigeants intègrent le terrorisme dans un méta-récit susceptible d'expliquer la continuité des réponses politiques depuis les années 1980 et le rattache aux désordres du monde.

Discourse on terrorism is above all discourse against terrorism. To respond to the uncertainties produced by an attack, the politicians pursue three objectives: to mobilize the population, to reassure it and to explain the social problem to it by politicizing the issue. The mobilizing aim is achieved by the public sharing of feelings and common values and the reproof of the terrorist enemy. This emotional discourse is used in combination with a decision-making discourse which aims to reassure the citizenry. This materializes through the transmission of an ethos of having mastered the problem and on the legitimization of the judiciarisation presented as a well-balanced approach to the fight against the terrorism. Finally, the leaders integrate the terrorism into a meta-narrative capable of explaining the continuity of political responses to terrorism since the 1980s and of connecting it with global disorder. ; Les discours politiques sur le terrorisme sont avant tout des discours contre le terrorisme. Pour répondre aux incertitudes produites par un attentat, les responsables politiques poursuivent trois objectifs : mobiliser la population, la rassurer et lui expliquer le problème social en le politisant. La visée mobilisatrice s'effectue à l'aide d'un partage de sentiments et de valeurs communes et de la réprobation de l'ennemi terroriste. Ce discours émotionnel se conjugue à un discours décisionnel qui vise à rassurer la population. Celui-ci s'illustre par la diffusion d'un ethos de maitrise et par la légitimation de la judiciarisation présentée comme une approche équilibrée de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Enfin, les dirigeants intègrent le terrorisme dans un méta-récit susceptible d'expliquer la continuité des réponses politiques depuis les années 1980 et le rattache aux désordres du monde.

Discourse on terrorism is above all discourse against terrorism. To respond to the uncertainties produced by an attack, the politicians pursue three objectives: to mobilize the population, to reassure it and to explain the social problem to it by politicizing the issue. The mobilizing aim is achieved by the public sharing of feelings and common values and the reproof of the terrorist enemy. This emotional discourse is used in combination with a decision-making discourse which aims to reassure the citizenry. This materializes through the transmission of an ethos of having mastered the problem and on the legitimization of the judiciarisation presented as a well-balanced approach to the fight against the terrorism. Finally, the leaders integrate the terrorism into a meta-narrative capable of explaining the continuity of political responses to terrorism since the 1980s and of connecting it with global disorder. ; Les discours politiques sur le terrorisme sont avant tout des discours contre le terrorisme. Pour répondre aux incertitudes produites par un attentat, les responsables politiques poursuivent trois objectifs : mobiliser la population, la rassurer et lui expliquer le problème social en le politisant. La visée mobilisatrice s'effectue à l'aide d'un partage de sentiments et de valeurs communes et de la réprobation de l'ennemi terroriste. Ce discours émotionnel se conjugue à un discours décisionnel qui vise à rassurer la population. Celui-ci s'illustre par la diffusion d'un ethos de maitrise et par la légitimation de la judiciarisation présentée comme une approche équilibrée de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Enfin, les dirigeants intègrent le terrorisme dans un méta-récit susceptible d'expliquer la continuité des réponses politiques depuis les années 1980 et le rattache aux désordres du monde.

Research analyzes, from an institucional/political perspective known as «the policy making process», health budget allocation for localities in México during 2010-2017. The main objective of the research was to observe the influence of political/institutional variables of allocation focusing on the Executive and Legislative branch in two presidential periods and three legislatures. Two types of relations were observed: 1. The relationship between political party at the presidency and political party at each entity. 2. The relationship between political party with majority in the Lower Chamber and political party governing the entity. The relations were observed through arithmetic averages of allocation for each period for: 1. Localities governed by the same political party than the presidential one 2. All localities 3. Localities governed by opposition. We found that politisation of allocation depends on the political party at the presidency. During the presidency of Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) we do not observe more allocation towards entities governed by PAN, on the contrary, entities governed by opposition received in average more health resources. With Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) however, we observe a clear politisation of health resource allocation. Between 2013-2017 every year there is a coincidence between PRI presidency and resource allocation for localities governed by PRI. Also, every year PRI had majority in the Lower Chamber (2010-2017) entities governed by PRI received in average more health resources than entities governed by opposition. ; La investigación da seguimiento, desde un lente político/institucional conocido como «the policy making process», al presupuesto en salud para entidades federativas en México en el periodo 2010-2017. El objetivo de la investigación es observar la influencia de variables político/institucionales en la asignación con énfasis en el Órgano Ejecutivo y Legislativo en tres legislaturas (LXI, LXII y LXIII) y dos sexenios (uno con presidencia del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) y otro con presidencia del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)). Se observaron dos relaciones: 1. La relación entre el partido político en la presidencia y el partido político del gobernador de cada entidad. 2. La relación entre el partido político con mayoría en la Cámara de Diputados y el partido político del gobernador de cada entidad. Las relaciones se observaron a través del cálculo de medias aritméticas de asignación por sexenio para: 1. Entidades gobernadas por el mismo partido que ostenta la presidencia 2. Todas las entidades federativas y 3. Entidades gobernadas por la oposición. Encontramos que durante el sexenio del PAN no se observa politización, las entidades gobernadas por la oposición incluso recibieron en promedio más recursos. Con el PRI sin embargo, entre 2013 y 2017 de manera sistemática e ininterrumpida la cantidad promedio de recursos asignados a entidades federativas gobernadas por su partido siempre fue mayor. Además, en todos los años en los que el PRI tuvo mayoría absoluta en la Cámara de Diputados (2010-2017) las entidades gobernadas por el PRI recibieron en promedio más recursos en salud que las entidades gobernadas por la oposición.

En este estudio se analiza la entrevista política televisada en España, tanto desde un punto de vista histórico como desde su práctica en la actualidad. Se repasa su recorrido histórico, partiendo de los inicios de la entrevista periodística en Estados Unidos hasta su popularización en la televisión española en los años noventa. Con la ayuda del análisis de la conversación, se examina a modo de ejemplo un fragmento de una entrevista política televisada por una cadena privada. Los resultados permiten constatar que las entrevistas políticas en los canales privados tienden a la personalización, con la intención de proporcionar entretenimiento, contaminando de esta manera la esfera pública. ; This study analyzes the broadcast political interview in Spain, both from a historical standpoint and from its current practice. Its history is reviewed, departing from the beginning of the journalistic interview in the United States until its popularization in Spanish television in the nineties. With the aid of conversation analysis, a fragment of a broadcast political interview televised by a private broadcaster is examined. The results indicate that the political interviews broadcast in private channels display a tendency towards personalization with the intention of providing entertainment, thereby contaminating the public sphere.