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Mode of access: Internet. ; Signature of John Richards, June 1797, on t.p. of v. 1

Like all EU countries, Spain should design and promote a fair and homogeneous generalized road pricing scheme. Tolls should vary according to infrastructure damage, degree of congestion, risk of accident, and environmental nuisances. An initial study (Spanish road pricing model project: META) of interurban transport pricing has been carried out at national level, considering the valuation of the internal and external costs to define efficient road pricing schemes of different type of roads and appropriate price levels in different interurban road contexts, shifting from a toll for financing infrastructure construction to a toll for recovering social costs. The META project has developed an easy-to-apply pricing methodology, based on a bottom-up approach. The main variable is the AADT -daily flow- applied to accurately estimate generalized road transport costs for each kind of vehicles and each type of road. Based on the current Spanish road network, the META model estimates all social costs: internal costs (fuel, vehicle maintenance, labor, insurance and tax) and external costs (infrastructure, congestion, accident and environmental nuisances). Computed for the 13,156 Km of interurban highways network, the model calculates the costs for each vehicle type (Car, HGV, LGV and bus) and for each road network section following the interurban road characteristics (AADT, capacity and traffic composition for each section of highway network). The two main results of META model for costs in terms of policy implications suggest to moderate the construction of new interurban road infrastructures in Spain and to analyze congestion before to built new metropolitan roads. If we decide for a road pricing scheme based on the environmental, accident and infrastructure costs, because of the reduced number of the congestion situation, we can use the average external costs that are very similar to the marginal external costs.

In the research, there are analyzed the main political and economic benefits for Georgia from the realization of Southern Corridor - TANAP and TAP projects in the short-term and long-term perspectives, possibilities of the strengthening cooperation between Georgia and Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, also relations between official Tbilisi and countries from the South-East and Southern Europe. Furthermore, there are reviewed the issues related to the situations on the domestic energy market of Georgia and perspectives of the expansion of the energy corridor and South Caucasus pipeline and its impact on the socioeconomic and political development of Georgia and Black Sea/Caspian Region.

This paper incorporates the aging population projected by the U.S. Social Security Administration to a heterogeneous-agent OLG model with idiosyncratic wage shocks and analyzes its effects on individual households, the government budget, and the overall economy. The fiscal gap caused by the demographic change is 2.92% of GDP under the SSA's intermediate projection. The effect of the aging population is large by itself and depends significantly on how the government finances the cost of the demographic change. There is a strong trade-off between efficiency and equity, and this paper quantitatively assesses the pros and cons of stylized fiscal reform plans.

This article starts with an overview of the main changes that the Lisbon Treaty brings to the domain of foreign affairs and external relations. The main focus of the analysis, however, lies in the actual implementation of the key provisions related to the role of the High Representative (HR)/Vice-President (VP) and, in particular, the set-up and functioning of the fledgling European External Action Service (EEAS). Finally, this article raises a number of questions about the way in which this new 'architecture' might and/or should contribute to improving on the position and action of the EU on the international scene.

The aim of this paper is to contribute to today's discussion on Government's implication on electrical rate systems. We show the progressive centralization in the regulation of electric rates that was in force during the 'Estado Novo' and the effects of certain policies that produced different lifestyles, in what regards the use of energy in the two main Portuguese cities (Lisbon and Oporto). Finally, we explain why, from the demand point of view, today's electrical rate system (used since the nationalisation, c.1975) isn't more "social", as it was announced, than the former regressive rate system used during 'Salazarism'. ; Universidad Nacional de Rosario

On 26 January 1981, one of the colonels in Brazil's National Indian Foundation (FUNAI), Colonel Zanoni Hausen, issued an instruction from his department, the DGPC (General Department of Community Development – now extinct), to three public servants hitherto undistinguished for any particular contribution to indigenous affairs in Brazil and with no particular qualifications for the task assigned to them. Their brief was to form a 'Committee for the Identification of Criteria of Integration' and they were to present their results within ten days. The criteria, the document states, need no justification or explanation; 'it is sufficient to list them in their principal groups; ethnic, sociological, economic, linguistic and so on'.

Subsidies of the EU funds resulted in major projects and plans. In order to prevent natural disasters, the European Community - among others - introduced the Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA). With the SEA the environmental aspects prevailed in the earlier phase of the planning process. The SEA is mostly new means in the new Member States, hence the planners and stakeholders had to learn to incorporate it into their practice. On the other hand, the existing institutional structure of a country influences the planning decision making processes. This paper examines the introduction of and difficulties associated with the SEA in Hungary while focusing on institutional settings and integration elements.

Economic reforms are inevitable for the development of an
economy like Pakistan. During the last two decades, Pakistan has passed
through phenomenal economic changes and reforms. In the 1990's, we had
seen privatisation plans initiated by the government as a major economic
reform. Similarly, to demonstrate the seriousness of the government in
encouraging foreign investment flows in Pakistan; there has been a
perceptible liberalisation of the foreign exchange regime. Allied to
these efforts, the trade regime was opened up and the maximum tariff
rates were cut down to 25 percent with only four slabs and the average
tariff rate was lowered to 14 percent. The financial sector too, was
restructured and opened up to the foreign competition. Foreign and
domestic private banks currently operating in Pakistan have been able to
increase their market share to more than 60 percent of assets and
deposits. Central to the economic reforms process is a clear progression
towards deregulation of the economy. Prices of petroleum products, gas,
energy, agricultural commodities and other key inputs are mostly
determined by market. Imports and domestic marketing of petroleum
products have been deregulated and opened up to the private sector. More
importantly, taxation reforms have been prominently on the government's
agenda, with no real reforms undertaken. This is another area where
policy makers and business community has innumerable grievances and
dissatisfaction with the arbitrary nature of tax
administration.

A contribution to a special journal section marking the reprinting of Robert Wade's Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (2004 [1990]) examines two ideas in the new introduction that underpin Wade's assertions vis-a-vis a resurgent free trade based on orthodox fundamentalism & its implications for national development strategies. Wade's pessimistic claim that the space for developing nations to implement industrial policy has narrowed is found wanting as evidenced by Japan's new industrial strategy operative in Southeast Asia. The prospects of the developmental state are contemplated, highlighting four issues that suggest that the developmental state remains viable: (1) the regionalization of production networks concomitant with Japan's shedding of industry; (2) the Japanese state's involvement in that; (3) rising demands on host states in the region & the needs for state capacities in the negotiation of cooperative arrangements; & (4) shifts in the vehicles of international investment. It is seen that at play is a "governed state" far more involved than Wade lets on. In addition, it is argued that a more nuanced approach to the critique of neoliberal globalization than what Wade proffers is required, suggesting that internal contradictions in the globalization agenda detrimentally impact developed states as well as developing ones, particularly with respect to deindustrialization. Two avenues through which globalization foster negative deindustrialization are the reduction of trade barriers & growth of foreign direct investment. In closing, Wade's call for a new economic theory that disproves the explanatory power of neoclassical orthodoxy is touched on. 39 References. J. Zendejas

This article examines the interaction between the idea of Good International Citizenship and the recent evolution of UK foreign and security policy. Good International Citizenship centres on the mediation of ethical commitments to national interest, to the promotion international order, and to the wellbeing of vulnerable non-citizen populations. Whilst ethical commitments to non-citizens have become overt components of British foreign policy, recent UK governments have struggled to reconcile these with commitments to the national interest and a stable international order. The article argues that the more direct affirmation of Good International Citizenship as a narrative and ethos of practice for UK foreign policy might help further the increasingly open discussion on the ethics and UK foreign policy. As a framework for dialogue and public debate, the concept provides a means by which ethical commitments in the traditionally closed world of foreign policy might be opened up to wider critical scrutiny. Adapted from the source document.