Suchergebnisse

This thesis studies decentralisation of cultural policy and participatory cultural governance in Croatia from 2000 to 2017. Decentralization as a process implies territorial dispersion of cultural policy's competences and resources but is also a method for devolution of power/authority, enabling amplification of cultural democracy and participative governance practices (Katunarić, 2003; Kawashima, 2004). Participatory governance is situated in "institutional voids", or institutional cracks of the traditional state where the practices of participatory governance are reflected in a "proliferation of new forms of social and political association" (Fischer, 2006:20). This implies the rise of political and social relevance of the civil society and non-governmental actors that, by questioning the legitimacy and accountability of the state, open new organisational spaces taking over public activities to "such a degree that some see them as reconfiguring public sector" and affecting policies of the mainstream institutions (Fischer, 2006:20). The examples of decentralised power in the Croatian cultural system are found in a small number of arm's length bodies and institutions, while the selected examples of participatory governance in culture situated in Dubrovnik (Lazareti) and Zagreb (Pogon) follow the evolution of socio-cultural centres involving the use of public space/infrastructure by platforms of civil society organisations based on the principles of sharing, inclusion, social engagement and sustainability. These main lines of research interests respond to the key concerns of cultural policy development that critically reflect and question the levels of democratization in cultural policy needed for securing and widening public traits, access and participation in culture. Detected concerns indicate the issues of representation, which has been ever-present maladie of the cultural policy discourse and practice in Croatia. Its most blatant manifestation is found in the limited permeability of cultural policy processes and the disparate levels of inclusion of institutional (politically controlled) vs. non-institutional cultural sector representatives in the formulation, implementation and evaluation of cultural policy. In the process of the decentralising shift from government to governance, the overarching questions address the issues on who makes the decisions in the cultural field in Croatia, who is represented in the process of decision-making and in what capacity, what is the balance between "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches in the cycles of Croatian cultural policymaking, and how decentralised and participatory are the decision-making processes in culture? The decentralisation and participatory governance are analysed through interdisciplinary theoretical lenses, with a distinctively sociological approach encompassing the analysis of the social changes that influence dynamics, direction and extent of shifts within the framework of cultural policy and its progression towards a more balanced and democratic form (Katunarić, 1997; Švob Đokić, 2000; Tomić-Koludrović, 2015). To this end, the thesis unravels the links between the cultural policy research and sociological inquiry, exploring the key concepts of the thesis through the theories of structuration, modernisation, transformations and transition both from a general theoretical perspective (Giddens, 1984; 2000; Inglehart and Welzel, 2005; 2007; Eisenstadt, 2010) to a more contextual one (Kalanj, 1998; Rogić, 2001; Švob-Đokić, 2004b; Tomić-Koludrović, 2015; Tomić-Koludrović and Petrić, 2005b). Building on the literature sources that amalgamate Giddens› (1984) and Touraine›s (2000) clarifications on the role and position of actors by with specific social processes of transition and transformation from the sources of Croatian scholars to the analysis of the discourses of power in cultural policy through the theoretical readings of Foucault (1978;1995), Bourdieu (1990; 2012 [2014]) and Habermas (Kellner, 2000; Fernander, 2008; Wang, 2017) and their contesting interpretations by Bennet (1992; 1995; 1998) and McGuigan (1996; 2004), the thesis focuses on these changes and tracks their influence on the dynamics and directions of cultural policy evolution and change. Through the detection of structural position and role of main actors involved in the power play and struggles for cultural policy modernisation in Croatia, attention is given to bottom-up initiatives for cultural policy change detectable in normative policy provision for decentralisation of authority and the emergence of new modes of governance. The research findings indicate that the Croatian cultural system has been experiencing the profound changes in the cultural policy evolution that entail the association and the role of the civil society actors and the rise of the locale, i.e. the city as the origin of the progressive cultural policy changes. The empirical evidence from the policy analysis and investigation of the Lazareti and Pogon cases contributes to the argument that the role of civil society actors in the devolving power in the cultural policy adds to the potentials of social mobilisation and self-actualisation through the development of new structural, institutional and cultural features and formations (Deutch, 1961 in Eisenstadt, 2010:1). However, the thesis shows that while the non-institutional, civil society actors do retain power in sense of the transformative capacity of their actions, the extent of that transformation is limited due to cultural policy constraints in the devolution and sharing of authority. This is amplified with insufficient knowledge about what participatory governance means as a principle and what it should entail in practice, which exacerbates difficulties amongst relationships between key actors, especially on the side of public authorities. To this end, this thesis results in new considerations of the role and implications of decentralised cultural policy and participatory governance in culture as a necessity in achieving structural modernisation and democratisation of the rationales, values and norms of Croatian cultural policy. ; Ova disertacija proučava decentralizaciju kulturne politike i sudioničko upravljanje u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju od 2000. do 2017. godine. Primjeri sudioničkog upravljanja pojavljuju se u hrvatskom kulturnom sustavu i kulturnoj politici kroz proliferaciju nove generacije kulturnih centara, tzv. društveno-kulturnih centara u kojima organizacije civilnog društva upravljaju javnim prostorima i infrastrukturom po načelu civilno-javnog partnerstva što uključuje sudjelovanje, dijeljenje prava i odgovornosti te uključivanje i održivost. Sudioničko upravljanje podrazumijeva uspon političke i društvene važnosti civilnog društva i nevladinih aktera koji, propitivanjem legitimiteta i odgovornosti države, otvaraju nove prostore za javne aktivnosti "do takvog stupnja da ih neki smatraju rekonfiguriranjem javnog sektora" (Fischer, 2006:20). Pojava novih oblika kulturnih institucija koje se izravno bave izazovima i neuspjesima demokratskih vrijednosti u suvremenom kulturnom sustavu zahtijeva stvaranje novih veza i mreža koje se temelje na otvorenim, sudioničkim, djelotvornim i dosljednim procesima. Ovakve promjene ističu problem upravljanja i raspodjele kulturnih resursa, osobito javne prostorne infrastrukture naglašavajući ulogu (mikro)lokaliteta kao ishodišta inovativnih i naprednih koncepata suvremenog kulturnog razvoja. Primjeri sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi potiču promjene u kulturnoj politici i pratećim osovinama decentralizacije i devolucije ovlasti i moći. Tema decentralizacije i nastanka sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi se u ovoj disertaciji analizira kroz interdisciplinarni teorijski okvir s naglašenim sociološkim pristupom u analizi društvenih promjena koje imaju utjecaj na dinamiku, smjer i opseg pomaka unutar okvira kulturne politike, kao napretka kulturne politike prema uravnoteženom i demokratičnijem obliku (Katunarić, 1997.; Švob-Đokić, 2000.; Tomić-Koludrović, 2015.). Naime, decentralizacija podrazumijeva teritorijalnu disperziju nadležnosti i resursa kulturne politike, no ona je ujedno i metoda za prijenos vlasti koji omogućuje afirmaciju i primjenu paradigme kulturne demokracije te omogućuje uvođenje praksi sudioničkog upravljanja. Kao sredstvo za smanjenje političke centralizacije u donošenju odluka, decentralizacija se temelji na načelu supsidijarnosti. Supsidijarnost je norma u kulturnoj politici mnogih nacija i može se smatrati najprimjenjivijom metodom za sudioničko stvaranje politika i upravljanje, pri čemu se to odnosi na odnos između centra i lokane razine, ali isto tako i na odnos između vlade i ne-vlade (Katunarić, 2003.; Kawashima, 2004.). Strukturalni i teritorijalni aspekti decentralizacije spajaju se u suvremenoj ulozi gradova koji su se "uzdignuli kao glavni komandni centri svijeta; ne samo ograničeni unutar nacionalnih zemljopisnih granica, već i sa proširenom i složenom međunarodnom ulogom" (Sarikakis, 2012.:17). Uz gradove koji su identificirani kao «ključna mjesta djelovanja u inicijativama globalne politike kako bi se prepoznala važna uloga kulture u održivom razvoju i integrirala kultura u kontekste politike na svim razinama»(Duxbury, 2015.: 69), znakovite promjene u procesima devolucije moći unutar okvira kulturne politike prate se u rastućoj važnosti uloge organizacija civilnog društva u procesima demokratizacije i modernizacije kulturne politike. Lokacija i akteri koji rastvaraju okvir i strukturu kulturne politike su u samoj srži istraživačkog interesa zastupljenog u ovoj disertaciji. Promjene kulturnih politika u smjeru decentralizacije i sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi proučavaju se kroz metodološki okvir koji se temelji na kvalitativnom istraživanju postavljenom na dva osnovna stupa dizajna istraživanja: policy analizu i tzv. ugniježdenu ili kompozitnu studiju slučaja s dvije jedinice analize. Točnije, prvi dio istraživačkog procesa obuhvaća analizu hrvatske kulturne politike u postavljenom istraživačkom razdoblju, ali i pregled faza razvoja kulturne politike prije istraživačkog perioda te provođenje studije slučaja kroz odabrane primjere sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi u Dubrovniku (Lazareti) i Zagrebu (Pogon). Ova dva pravca istraživanja odgovaraju na ključne probleme razvoja hrvatske kulturne politike te se kritički analiziraju razine demokratizacije kulturne politike potrebne za osiguravanje i proširivanje javnog karaktera, pristupa i sudjelovanja u kulturi. Ključni problemi se odnose na pitanje zastupljenosti u procesima kulturne politike, a što je sveprisutna boljka diskursa i prakse kulturne politike u Hrvatskoj. U osnovnom obliku, to uključuje ograničenu propusnost procesa kulturne politike i disparatne razine uključenosti i zastupljenosti institucionalnih (politički kontroliranih) aktera naspram izvaninstitucionalnih aktera kulturnog sektora u formulaciji, implementaciji i evaluaciji kulturne politike. U procesu decentralizacijskog pomaka od vladanja (eng. government) prema upravljanju (eng. governance), postavljaju se sveobuhvatna pitanja poput: kako je postavljena kulturna politika u Hrvatskoj; tko donosi odluke u kulturnom polju; tko je zastupljen u procesima donošenja odluka i u kojem kapacitetu; koji je odnos u pristupima "odozgo" i "odozdo" u ciklusima donošenja od luka i formulaciji kulturne politike; kako je kulturna politika decentralizirana i koliko je otvorena sudjelovanju i donošenju odluka u kulturnoj politici? U cilju utvrđivanja sociološki utemeljenih odgovora na ova pitanja, disertacija se temelji na teorijskom okviru koji započinje s analitičkim razmatranjem poveznica između istraživanja kulturne politike i sociologije te postavljanjem teorija strukturacije, modernizacije, transformacije i tranzicije kao teorijske podloge. Ove se teorije razmatraju iz širih, tj. općih perspektiva kako ih vide Giddens (1984.; 2000.), Inglehart i Welzel (2005.; 2007.) i Eisenstadt, (2010.) te iz kontekstualne perspektive kako je artikuliraju Kalanj (1998.), Rogić (2001.), Švob-Đokić (2004.b), Tomić-Koludrović (2015.) i Tomić-Koludrović i Petrić (2005.b). Međupovezanost promjena u kulturnoj politici sa širim društvenim okvirom se u disertaciji prati kroz kombinaciju Giddensovih (1984.) i Touraineovih (2000.) shvaćanja uloge i pozicije aktera uz proučavanje specifičnih procesa transformacije i tranzicije te analizu diskursa moći u kulturnoj politici kroz teorijske ideje Foucaulta (1978.; 1995.), Bourdieuaa (1990.; 2012. [2014.]) i Habermasa (Kellner, 2000.; Fernander, 2008.; Wang, 2017.) kao i njihovih teorijskih sljedbenika Benneta (1992.; 1995.; 1998.) i McGuigana (1996.; 2004.). U detekciji strukturnih pozicija i uloga ključnih aktera unutar raspodjele moći i napora za modernizaciju kulturne politike u Hrvatskoj, posebna se pozornost daje inicijativama "odozdo" koje ulažu napore u promjenu normativnih postavki kulturne politike prema decentralizaciji ovlasti i stvaranju novih oblika upravljanja. Nalazi istraživanja ukazuju na to da je hrvatski kulturni sustav iskusio značajne promjene u evoluciji kulturne politike koje uključuju pomake u tome gdje se kulturna politika stvara i tko je stvara. U tom smjeru se ističu, kako je već navedeno, pozicija grada i uloga aktera civilnog društva kao ishodišta progresivnih promjena (i pritisaka za promjene) u okviru i strukturi, ali i vrijednostima kulturne politike koji se usko uvezuju s koracima ka modernizaciji i demokratizaciji kulturnog sustava. Empirijski dokazi iz analize kulturne politike i istraživanja primjera Lazareta i Pogona u studiji slučaja nadograđuju argumentaciju o ulozi aktera civilnog društva u raspodjeli moći u kulturnoj politici i njihovom doprinosu potencijalima društvene mobilizacije i samo-aktualizacije kroz razvoj novih strukturnih, institucijskih i kulturnih značajki i formacija (Deutch, 1961. u Eisenstadt, 2010.: 1). Međutim, disertacija jednako tako pokazuje da su velike razlike između sistemske pozicije i uloge civilnih aktera u kulturi. Premda izvaninstitucionalni, civilni akteri u kulturi zadržavaju određenu moć u smislu transformativnog potencijala i kapaciteta njihovog djelovanja, raspon posljedičnih učinaka transformativnog djelovanja civilnih aktera je uvjetovan i znatno otežan ograničenjima koje postavlja kulturna politika u mogućnostima raspodjele i dijeljenja ovlasti. Ova su ograničenja dodatno ojačana s nedostatnim razinama znanja o tome što sudioničko upravljanje znači kao princip rada te kako bi trebalo biti primijenjeno u praksi, a što uzrokuje poteškoće u odnosima između ključnih aktera, pogotovo kod javnih vlasti. U tom smislu, disertacija rezultira novim saznanjima o ulozi i implikacijama decentralizirane kulturne politike i sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi kao potrebnih nadogradnji kulturne politike u smjeru postizanja strukturne modernizacije i demokratizacije postavki, vrijednosti i normi hrvatske kulturne politike.

This thesis studies decentralisation of cultural policy and participatory cultural governance in Croatia from 2000 to 2017. Decentralization as a process implies territorial dispersion of cultural policy's competences and resources but is also a method for devolution of power/authority, enabling amplification of cultural democracy and participative governance practices (Katunarić, 2003; Kawashima, 2004). Participatory governance is situated in "institutional voids", or institutional cracks of the traditional state where the practices of participatory governance are reflected in a "proliferation of new forms of social and political association" (Fischer, 2006:20). This implies the rise of political and social relevance of the civil society and non-governmental actors that, by questioning the legitimacy and accountability of the state, open new organisational spaces taking over public activities to "such a degree that some see them as reconfiguring public sector" and affecting policies of the mainstream institutions (Fischer, 2006:20). The examples of decentralised power in the Croatian cultural system are found in a small number of arm's length bodies and institutions, while the selected examples of participatory governance in culture situated in Dubrovnik (Lazareti) and Zagreb (Pogon) follow the evolution of socio-cultural centres involving the use of public space/infrastructure by platforms of civil society organisations based on the principles of sharing, inclusion, social engagement and sustainability. These main lines of research interests respond to the key concerns of cultural policy development that critically reflect and question the levels of democratization in cultural policy needed for securing and widening public traits, access and participation in culture. Detected concerns indicate the issues of representation, which has been ever-present maladie of the cultural policy discourse and practice in Croatia. Its most blatant manifestation is found in the limited permeability of cultural policy processes and the disparate levels of inclusion of institutional (politically controlled) vs. non-institutional cultural sector representatives in the formulation, implementation and evaluation of cultural policy. In the process of the decentralising shift from government to governance, the overarching questions address the issues on who makes the decisions in the cultural field in Croatia, who is represented in the process of decision-making and in what capacity, what is the balance between "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches in the cycles of Croatian cultural policymaking, and how decentralised and participatory are the decision-making processes in culture? The decentralisation and participatory governance are analysed through interdisciplinary theoretical lenses, with a distinctively sociological approach encompassing the analysis of the social changes that influence dynamics, direction and extent of shifts within the framework of cultural policy and its progression towards a more balanced and democratic form (Katunarić, 1997; Švob Đokić, 2000; Tomić-Koludrović, 2015). To this end, the thesis unravels the links between the cultural policy research and sociological inquiry, exploring the key concepts of the thesis through the theories of structuration, modernisation, transformations and transition both from a general theoretical perspective (Giddens, 1984; 2000; Inglehart and Welzel, 2005; 2007; Eisenstadt, 2010) to a more contextual one (Kalanj, 1998; Rogić, 2001; Švob-Đokić, 2004b; Tomić-Koludrović, 2015; Tomić-Koludrović and Petrić, 2005b). Building on the literature sources that amalgamate Giddens› (1984) and Touraine›s (2000) clarifications on the role and position of actors by with specific social processes of transition and transformation from the sources of Croatian scholars to the analysis of the discourses of power in cultural policy through the theoretical readings of Foucault (1978;1995), Bourdieu (1990; 2012 [2014]) and Habermas (Kellner, 2000; Fernander, 2008; Wang, 2017) and their contesting interpretations by Bennet (1992; 1995; 1998) and McGuigan (1996; 2004), the thesis focuses on these changes and tracks their influence on the dynamics and directions of cultural policy evolution and change. Through the detection of structural position and role of main actors involved in the power play and struggles for cultural policy modernisation in Croatia, attention is given to bottom-up initiatives for cultural policy change detectable in normative policy provision for decentralisation of authority and the emergence of new modes of governance. The research findings indicate that the Croatian cultural system has been experiencing the profound changes in the cultural policy evolution that entail the association and the role of the civil society actors and the rise of the locale, i.e. the city as the origin of the progressive cultural policy changes. The empirical evidence from the policy analysis and investigation of the Lazareti and Pogon cases contributes to the argument that the role of civil society actors in the devolving power in the cultural policy adds to the potentials of social mobilisation and self-actualisation through the development of new structural, institutional and cultural features and formations (Deutch, 1961 in Eisenstadt, 2010:1). However, the thesis shows that while the non-institutional, civil society actors do retain power in sense of the transformative capacity of their actions, the extent of that transformation is limited due to cultural policy constraints in the devolution and sharing of authority. This is amplified with insufficient knowledge about what participatory governance means as a principle and what it should entail in practice, which exacerbates difficulties amongst relationships between key actors, especially on the side of public authorities. To this end, this thesis results in new considerations of the role and implications of decentralised cultural policy and participatory governance in culture as a necessity in achieving structural modernisation and democratisation of the rationales, values and norms of Croatian cultural policy. ; Ova disertacija proučava decentralizaciju kulturne politike i sudioničko upravljanje u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju od 2000. do 2017. godine. Primjeri sudioničkog upravljanja pojavljuju se u hrvatskom kulturnom sustavu i kulturnoj politici kroz proliferaciju nove generacije kulturnih centara, tzv. društveno-kulturnih centara u kojima organizacije civilnog društva upravljaju javnim prostorima i infrastrukturom po načelu civilno-javnog partnerstva što uključuje sudjelovanje, dijeljenje prava i odgovornosti te uključivanje i održivost. Sudioničko upravljanje podrazumijeva uspon političke i društvene važnosti civilnog društva i nevladinih aktera koji, propitivanjem legitimiteta i odgovornosti države, otvaraju nove prostore za javne aktivnosti "do takvog stupnja da ih neki smatraju rekonfiguriranjem javnog sektora" (Fischer, 2006:20). Pojava novih oblika kulturnih institucija koje se izravno bave izazovima i neuspjesima demokratskih vrijednosti u suvremenom kulturnom sustavu zahtijeva stvaranje novih veza i mreža koje se temelje na otvorenim, sudioničkim, djelotvornim i dosljednim procesima. Ovakve promjene ističu problem upravljanja i raspodjele kulturnih resursa, osobito javne prostorne infrastrukture naglašavajući ulogu (mikro)lokaliteta kao ishodišta inovativnih i naprednih koncepata suvremenog kulturnog razvoja. Primjeri sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi potiču promjene u kulturnoj politici i pratećim osovinama decentralizacije i devolucije ovlasti i moći. Tema decentralizacije i nastanka sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi se u ovoj disertaciji analizira kroz interdisciplinarni teorijski okvir s naglašenim sociološkim pristupom u analizi društvenih promjena koje imaju utjecaj na dinamiku, smjer i opseg pomaka unutar okvira kulturne politike, kao napretka kulturne politike prema uravnoteženom i demokratičnijem obliku (Katunarić, 1997.; Švob-Đokić, 2000.; Tomić-Koludrović, 2015.). Naime, decentralizacija podrazumijeva teritorijalnu disperziju nadležnosti i resursa kulturne politike, no ona je ujedno i metoda za prijenos vlasti koji omogućuje afirmaciju i primjenu paradigme kulturne demokracije te omogućuje uvođenje praksi sudioničkog upravljanja. Kao sredstvo za smanjenje političke centralizacije u donošenju odluka, decentralizacija se temelji na načelu supsidijarnosti. Supsidijarnost je norma u kulturnoj politici mnogih nacija i može se smatrati najprimjenjivijom metodom za sudioničko stvaranje politika i upravljanje, pri čemu se to odnosi na odnos između centra i lokane razine, ali isto tako i na odnos između vlade i ne-vlade (Katunarić, 2003.; Kawashima, 2004.). Strukturalni i teritorijalni aspekti decentralizacije spajaju se u suvremenoj ulozi gradova koji su se "uzdignuli kao glavni komandni centri svijeta; ne samo ograničeni unutar nacionalnih zemljopisnih granica, već i sa proširenom i složenom međunarodnom ulogom" (Sarikakis, 2012.:17). Uz gradove koji su identificirani kao «ključna mjesta djelovanja u inicijativama globalne politike kako bi se prepoznala važna uloga kulture u održivom razvoju i integrirala kultura u kontekste politike na svim razinama»(Duxbury, 2015.: 69), znakovite promjene u procesima devolucije moći unutar okvira kulturne politike prate se u rastućoj važnosti uloge organizacija civilnog društva u procesima demokratizacije i modernizacije kulturne politike. Lokacija i akteri koji rastvaraju okvir i strukturu kulturne politike su u samoj srži istraživačkog interesa zastupljenog u ovoj disertaciji. Promjene kulturnih politika u smjeru decentralizacije i sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi proučavaju se kroz metodološki okvir koji se temelji na kvalitativnom istraživanju postavljenom na dva osnovna stupa dizajna istraživanja: policy analizu i tzv. ugniježdenu ili kompozitnu studiju slučaja s dvije jedinice analize. Točnije, prvi dio istraživačkog procesa obuhvaća analizu hrvatske kulturne politike u postavljenom istraživačkom razdoblju, ali i pregled faza razvoja kulturne politike prije istraživačkog perioda te provođenje studije slučaja kroz odabrane primjere sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi u Dubrovniku (Lazareti) i Zagrebu (Pogon). Ova dva pravca istraživanja odgovaraju na ključne probleme razvoja hrvatske kulturne politike te se kritički analiziraju razine demokratizacije kulturne politike potrebne za osiguravanje i proširivanje javnog karaktera, pristupa i sudjelovanja u kulturi. Ključni problemi se odnose na pitanje zastupljenosti u procesima kulturne politike, a što je sveprisutna boljka diskursa i prakse kulturne politike u Hrvatskoj. U osnovnom obliku, to uključuje ograničenu propusnost procesa kulturne politike i disparatne razine uključenosti i zastupljenosti institucionalnih (politički kontroliranih) aktera naspram izvaninstitucionalnih aktera kulturnog sektora u formulaciji, implementaciji i evaluaciji kulturne politike. U procesu decentralizacijskog pomaka od vladanja (eng. government) prema upravljanju (eng. governance), postavljaju se sveobuhvatna pitanja poput: kako je postavljena kulturna politika u Hrvatskoj; tko donosi odluke u kulturnom polju; tko je zastupljen u procesima donošenja odluka i u kojem kapacitetu; koji je odnos u pristupima "odozgo" i "odozdo" u ciklusima donošenja od luka i formulaciji kulturne politike; kako je kulturna politika decentralizirana i koliko je otvorena sudjelovanju i donošenju odluka u kulturnoj politici? U cilju utvrđivanja sociološki utemeljenih odgovora na ova pitanja, disertacija se temelji na teorijskom okviru koji započinje s analitičkim razmatranjem poveznica između istraživanja kulturne politike i sociologije te postavljanjem teorija strukturacije, modernizacije, transformacije i tranzicije kao teorijske podloge. Ove se teorije razmatraju iz širih, tj. općih perspektiva kako ih vide Giddens (1984.; 2000.), Inglehart i Welzel (2005.; 2007.) i Eisenstadt, (2010.) te iz kontekstualne perspektive kako je artikuliraju Kalanj (1998.), Rogić (2001.), Švob-Đokić (2004.b), Tomić-Koludrović (2015.) i Tomić-Koludrović i Petrić (2005.b). Međupovezanost promjena u kulturnoj politici sa širim društvenim okvirom se u disertaciji prati kroz kombinaciju Giddensovih (1984.) i Touraineovih (2000.) shvaćanja uloge i pozicije aktera uz proučavanje specifičnih procesa transformacije i tranzicije te analizu diskursa moći u kulturnoj politici kroz teorijske ideje Foucaulta (1978.; 1995.), Bourdieuaa (1990.; 2012. [2014.]) i Habermasa (Kellner, 2000.; Fernander, 2008.; Wang, 2017.) kao i njihovih teorijskih sljedbenika Benneta (1992.; 1995.; 1998.) i McGuigana (1996.; 2004.). U detekciji strukturnih pozicija i uloga ključnih aktera unutar raspodjele moći i napora za modernizaciju kulturne politike u Hrvatskoj, posebna se pozornost daje inicijativama "odozdo" koje ulažu napore u promjenu normativnih postavki kulturne politike prema decentralizaciji ovlasti i stvaranju novih oblika upravljanja. Nalazi istraživanja ukazuju na to da je hrvatski kulturni sustav iskusio značajne promjene u evoluciji kulturne politike koje uključuju pomake u tome gdje se kulturna politika stvara i tko je stvara. U tom smjeru se ističu, kako je već navedeno, pozicija grada i uloga aktera civilnog društva kao ishodišta progresivnih promjena (i pritisaka za promjene) u okviru i strukturi, ali i vrijednostima kulturne politike koji se usko uvezuju s koracima ka modernizaciji i demokratizaciji kulturnog sustava. Empirijski dokazi iz analize kulturne politike i istraživanja primjera Lazareta i Pogona u studiji slučaja nadograđuju argumentaciju o ulozi aktera civilnog društva u raspodjeli moći u kulturnoj politici i njihovom doprinosu potencijalima društvene mobilizacije i samo-aktualizacije kroz razvoj novih strukturnih, institucijskih i kulturnih značajki i formacija (Deutch, 1961. u Eisenstadt, 2010.: 1). Međutim, disertacija jednako tako pokazuje da su velike razlike između sistemske pozicije i uloge civilnih aktera u kulturi. Premda izvaninstitucionalni, civilni akteri u kulturi zadržavaju određenu moć u smislu transformativnog potencijala i kapaciteta njihovog djelovanja, raspon posljedičnih učinaka transformativnog djelovanja civilnih aktera je uvjetovan i znatno otežan ograničenjima koje postavlja kulturna politika u mogućnostima raspodjele i dijeljenja ovlasti. Ova su ograničenja dodatno ojačana s nedostatnim razinama znanja o tome što sudioničko upravljanje znači kao princip rada te kako bi trebalo biti primijenjeno u praksi, a što uzrokuje poteškoće u odnosima između ključnih aktera, pogotovo kod javnih vlasti. U tom smislu, disertacija rezultira novim saznanjima o ulozi i implikacijama decentralizirane kulturne politike i sudioničkog upravljanja u kulturi kao potrebnih nadogradnji kulturne politike u smjeru postizanja strukturne modernizacije i demokratizacije postavki, vrijednosti i normi hrvatske kulturne politike.

Historic-Archaeological Research of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milano on the Indus Delta (2010-2018). The following text is only an abridged note on the excavations at Banbhore and some significant extra-moenia surveys carried out by the Italian Team within the Institutional framework of a "Pak-French-Italian Historical and Archaeological Research at Banbhore" on the basis of a Licence issued by the competent Pakistani Authorities (2010-2015 - Coordinator of the Project Dr Kaleemullah Lashari), and, some later, within a new institutional asset: a "Memorandum of Understanding" (MoU) signed in the 2017 between the Director General of the Department of Antiquities of Sindh (Manzoor A. Kanasro) and the Magnifico Rettore of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart of Milan (Prof. Franco Anelli). Aims of the said MoU are: (a) historical-archaeological research-work at Banbhore and Rani Kot; (b) training (theoretical and on the job) to selected students and officers of the DAS. The Italian group works under the sponsorship of the Italian Ministry for Foreign Affairs (now Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation/MAECI). Scientific director for the Italian Team is Prof. Valeria Piacentini, member of the Board of Directors of the Research Centre CRiSSMA of the Catholic University.
In the following dissertation I won't linger on the debated issue about the identification of the site of Banbhore with historic sites on the Indus delta (the historical Mihrān river) mentioned and described in the written sources of the past. Too many respected scholars and archaeologists have entered this debate since the end of the 19th Century, for which I refer to a well-known exhaustive literature. In the "50s of the previous century, Leslie Alckok – then official to the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan – carried out some preliminary excavations, followed by Dr Rafique Mughal and F.A. Khan. This latter carried out a systematic and extensive archaeological campaign of several years between the "50s and the "60s, well backed by one of the most authoritative Pakistani historians, N.A. Baloch. Khan brought to light extraordinary archaeological and architectural evidence, but, unfortunately, his excavation-notes have gone lost and little or nothing has been published. Thence, our research-work had to start from nothing.
First of all and most urgent was an updated planimetric and altimetric study of the site by kite-photos: a massive wall of c. 1,4 km with 55 towers, 7 posterns, and major and secondary accesses to the citadel (2010-2012 by Y. Ubelman, S. Reynard, A. Tilia), regularly updated with advanced technologies (A. Tilia).
Then, in collaboration with Dr M. Kervran, head of the French Team, we undertook an accurate study of the bastions and the shapes of its towers (squared, U-shaped, circular), which has brought to envisage three main occupational phases of the intra-moenia area: 1. Indo-Parthian/Indo-Kushan phase (c. III-II Century b.CE – III-IV Century CE); 2. Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian phase (c. III-IV Century – early VIII Century CE); 3. Islamic phase (VIII – XII/early XIII Century CE). Decay and/or abandonment and end of any settled life on the site can be dated around the XII-early XIII Century, due to attacks and pillaging by Turco-Mongol nomadic tribes, and/or the deviation of this branch of the Indus delta and consequent filling of the harbour, or both. Archaeological evidence come to light confirms the historical information.
Our third aim (2010-2015) was to arrive to a first chronological panorama of the site through levels in stratigraphy and the assemblage of pottery and other significant evidence with the individual levels (N. Manassero – A. Fusaro – A. Tilia). Deep trenches were excavated (T/7 and T/9 on the Italian side; T/1 on the French side near the western portion of the bastions skirting the Hindu Temple. These brought to the very early Sasanian period or late Indo-Parthian (c. II-III Century CE), then the water-table invaded the trenches preventing us to go deeper; however, drillings (T/9) have allowed to go deeper for c.1,8 mt of shards …thus reaching a much earlier occupational phase. The question about an Hellenistic occupation at the bottom of the site (Arrian's harbour of Alexander) is still unanswered… a dream…but the importance of Banbhore has induced to take it seriously and include it within our priorities.
Ours and the French trenches have also produced significant information on the architectural panorama of the site for its earlier periods of life. A main N-S and E-W road axis was traced. The site was organised in insulae, each insula with its pits of organic and inorganic refusals, densely built along narrow roads by small mono-nuclear houses, roofed, bases in local stones and the elevation in unbacked bricks. Interesting the presence of refusals of some crafts, as if each building had at the same time the function of "home" and workshop. The refusals shew activities of ivory-working (T/1,T/4, T/9), and other crafts carried out "within the bastions of the citadel", such as glass, shells and mother of pearl, alloys and various metallurgic activities, too, and so on. Significant the presence of a wealth of clay-moulds. T/5 has produced a clay-mould nearly intact in its shape. No less interesting, in the deeper layers, the presence of a well arranged organisation of the hydraulic resources (small canals, little domed cisterns in roughly cut local stones, wells..: T/9).
One element of the site attracted our attention: the so called "Partition Wall". It has a North-South direction; then, it bends Eastwards, including the Mosque and the Eastern lagoon, but cutting out the majestic Southern Gate. So far, it had been interpreted as a Wall that had a "religious" or "social" function to separate – after the Islamic conquest – the Muslims from the non-Muslim inhabitants of the site. Manassero dedicated the 2014 Field-Season to investigate: T/7 and T/8 were the trenches that gave a new profile to this structure and to the general occupational organisation of the citadel during its last period of life. The round-shaped tower in mud-bricks and the walls on both sides show that they had been hurriedly erected in a late phase of the life of the citadel (around the end of the X – early XI Century CE). They had been built on the top of pre-existing buildings either abandoned and collapsed or hastily flatted-down, likely to defend this eastern portion of the site and its Mosque by some human ravage that had succeeded to open a breach in the lower western bastion leaving the higher north-eastern area exposed to attacks (the skeleton found by Dr Kervran on her portion of the wall, and Khan's skeletons with arrow-heads in their skulls and chests). According to F.A. Khan's excavations and what he left us in his little booklet that so far – printed and re-printed – is the guide for visitors to Banbhore, in the eastern portion of the site during the latest stage of its life still stood beautiful palaces, the Friday Mosque, markets, and an eastern gate where a staircase (still in situ in the 2015) brought to a lagoon at the foot of the eastern bastions and to the river.
At the end of this first stage of our historical and archaeological research-work, the identification of the site of Banbhore with the historic Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian fortified harbour-town seemed quite feasible. When we resumed our field-work in the 2017, we decided to go deeper in this direction. In the meantime, Dr Manassero had resigned due to personal choices of life. Dr Simone Mantellini bravely accepted to be our Field-Director for the archaeological sector. T/9 had unearthed an imposing Building (Building 1) running along the East-West road-axis, parallel to a second Building (Building 2). The road – wide about 5 meters – must have been a major road, that had played a central role within the general architectural urban asset of the site. Building 2 had the typical structure of the local houses: base in rough stones, elevation in mud-bricks. Excavations of Building 1 produced fillings well flatted and an endless chronological procession of floors in row mud, likely the re-occupation of an important palace during the last phase of the occupational life of Banbhore. The material (pottery and others) associated with the various levels in stratigraphy (Dr A. Fusaro) confirmed the dating of the dug portion from c. the early XIII to the XI Century CE. Historically speaking, it makes sense: chronicles of the time report about the invasion of Lower Sindh by the Seljuks (second half of the XI Century CE); they indulge on the assaults against the walls of its great harbour-town named Daybul, its long siege concluded with a peace-treaty that fixed the border with Makrān at Gwadar and gave to Daybul an autonomous status (nāḥiya) within the Seljuk dominion of Qāvurd-Khān ibn Chaghrī Beg. More interesting was the copious filling with ivory refusals. Along Building 2, were found semi-worked shells, glass, iron and brass rivets, iron instruments, alloys, coins and other. This induced to think to a late quarter of work-shops outside the Partition Wall, built on previous buildings. Lastly, some surveys extra-moenia and in the Lahiri Bandar and Mullah-ka Kot islands have revealed a close connection and interaction between these spaces and the citadel. Around the bastions: the remains of a densely settled area and a well organised regulation of the waters and the territory, rock quarries, urban quarters, dwellings, cairn-tombs (some of them re-used), an artificial lake of sweet water delimited to the south by a "barrage", wells, and a vast so called "industrial area" to the north-northwest of the bastions, pottery kilns and others completed the image of a urban asset at least for a given span of time. Architectural and archaeological evidences have regularly been graphically, photographically and topographically documented (A. Tilia).
Archaeometric analyses on the job (pottery, metals, alloys, coins…) and in Italy (ivory, glass, clay-moulds, shards…) have provided precious support and new elements to the archaeological work.
We are now confronted with the plan of a positive shahristān. Banbhore is no longer only a fortified citadel. Written sources in Arabic and Persian confirm this feature. After the Jan.-Feb. 2018 field-season, the Islamic occupational phase of Banbhore and the "archaeological park" surrounding it enhanced this image: a positive fluvial and maritime system stemmed out, a well-fortified system and harbour-town, a centre of mercantile power, production and re-distribution of luxury goods, an international centre of pilgrimage and religious learning, too, outlet to the sea of the capital-city of the moment.
For the forthcoming field-seasons, it was decided to concentrate the attention on the sector where the North-South axis crosses the East-West one. In particular: to further investigate Building 1; to look for the ivory-workshops that must be there around – given the copious pieces so far brought to light and used as refilling (more than 9.000 fragments) and some fragments of rough ivory (specialist of the Italian Team G. Affanni); to organise a deep-trench in the Pakistani sector (T/11), in order to resume Manassero's investigations on the urban and architectural features of the pre-Islamic phases...and (why not?) try to overcome the water-table problem with the technological support offered by the Bahrya University of Karachi…the much dreamed quest of Alexander the Macedonian's port.
All in all and to conclude. Nowadays, at the end of this first stage of historical and archaeological research-work in collaboration with the DAS, the identification of the site of Banbhore and its surrounding area with the Sasanian/Indo-Sasanian and the Early-Islamic well-fortified harbour-town of Daybul/Debol can be confirmed. No other site with the characteristics described by the written sources of the time (chronicles, geographies, travelogues…plus Marco Polo and some significant Genoese archival documents) has so far come to light on the Indus deltaic region. Conversely, still un-answered are other queries: Banbhore can be identified also with the great harbour of Alexander the Macedonian? Or with the Barbaricum/Barbarikon/Barbariké, harbour-town of Parthian rulers or local lords of "Skuthia", also mentioned in the Periplus Maris Erythraei? Or again with Dib/Deb, harbour mentioned in a Parthian-Manichaean text? Or again the Dibos of Greek sources? Or the Dêbuhl/Dêphul of an Arminian text à propos of the Prophet Mani? Wishful thinking; however, these queries represent some amongst the ambitious aims of our future research-work.

Gli eurobond non sono un tema nuovo. Sono presenti nella letteratura economica, meno in quella giuridica, da oltre trent'anni, con denominazioni che spesso mutano a seconda delle formulazioni proposte. Rientrano in quella categoria di idee che hanno valore non solo sotto il profilo della tecnica finanziaria o della finanza pubblica, ma anche perché rappresentano un primo passo verso la realizzazione di un'unione politica dell'Europa. I favorevoli vedono in questo tipo di proposte non solo una risposta alla crisi attraverso il finanziamento degli investimenti pubblici, ma anche la costruzione di una politica fiscale europea da affiancare a quella monetaria della Banca centrale europea. Gli scettici pongono, invece, l'accento sui tempi troppo lunghi che tali proposte richiederebbero per essere attuate e sul consenso non unanime che esse riscuotono da parte dei Paesi dell'Eurozona. L'introduzione degli eurobond presenta, infatti, ostacoli legali e distributivi. Quelli legali hanno a che fare, in particolare, con l'articolo 125 del Trattato sul Funzionamento dell'Unione europea (TFUE), che dispone il divieto di salvataggio da parte dell'Unione a favore di un Paese membro in difficoltà e, in particolare, vieta a ciascuno Stato membro di rispondere o di subentrare nei debiti di altri Stati membri (cosiddetta "clausola di no bail out"). Gli ostacoli distributivi sono legati alle modalità di partecipazione dei Paesi membri alle emissioni congiunte dei titoli del debito europeo in termini di risorse finanziarie e ai timori dei Paesi virtuosi del Nord Europa di dover fornire un contributo maggiore rispetto ai Paesi meno virtuosi del Sud Europa. La tesi affronta, innanzitutto, il tema della fragilità della costruzione europea, che dipende essenzialmente dall'aver creato – contrariamente a quanto avvenuto nella storia dei popoli – "una moneta senza Stato". Questa circostanza ha condotto, alla fine del 2009, alla crisi dell'euro e dei debiti sovrani. Per rimediare a tale fragilità istituzionale, bisognerebbe por mano a una serie di riforme come il rafforzamento del ruolo della Banca centrale europea come prestatore di ultima istanza, il completamento dell'unione bancaria, l'approfondimento dell'unione del mercato dei capitali, l'allargamento del bilancio europeo e l'accentramento delle politiche fiscali nazionali. Tra queste riforme rientra anche quella di dar vita all'emissione congiunta di debito sovrano a livello di Eurozona, o, in alternativa, a schemi che non prevedono la mutualizzazione del debito. Al riguardo, la ricerca prende in esame l'esistenza di eventuali basi giuridiche per emettere un debito federale dell'Unione europea, distinto dal debito degli Stati membri o, in alternativa, per procedere alla mutualizzazione dei debiti degli Stati membri. La tesi passa, poi, in rassegna le varie proposte avanzate in tema di eurobond, classificandole in due gruppi principali, a seconda che prevedano o meno la mutualizzazione del debito. Nell'ambito delle proposte che si basano sulla mutualizzazione del debito rientrano gli eurobond in senso stretto, gli union bond, gli stability bond, le obbligazioni blu e rosse. Tali proposte, in quanto fondate sulla mutualizzazione del debito, non sono compatibili con l'articolo 125 del TFUE e richiederebbero pertanto la sua modifica. Nel secondo gruppo di proposte – che non contemplano la mutualizzazione del debito e pertanto non richiedono la modifica del TFUE – rientrano il programma PADRE (Politically Acceptable Debt Restructuring in Europe), il Fondo di ammortamento del debito a livello europeo (European Redemption Fund), gli European Safe Bond - ESB (acronimo inglese di "Titoli europei sicuri"), i Sovereign Bond Backed Securities - SBBS (acronimo inglese di "Titoli garantiti da obbligazioni sovrane"). La ricerca esplora i possibili approcci alla prosecuzione del progetto europeo: la via della riduzione del rischio (risk-reduction), la via della condivisione del rischio (risk-sharing), la via della sintesi tra riduzione e condivisione del rischio. Quest'ultima via appare a chi scrive come l'unica politicamente percorribile. La stessa unione monetaria si è realizzata come combinazione tra i due approcci: il processo di convergenza delle finanze pubbliche (risk reduction) ha condotto alla creazione di un'unica banca centrale con il compito di mettere in atto un'unica politica monetaria e del cambio (risk sharing). Vi è però la necessità per l'Italia di fare la propria parte invertendo la traiettoria del rapporto debito-Pil attraverso un serio e rigoroso piano pluriennale di rientro dal debito (risk reduction), per acquisire, agli occhi dei principali partner europei, quella credibilità necessaria per convincerli a dar vita a un vero e proprio debito federale europeo (risk sharing). Gli eurobond non sono l'unico mezzo per raggiungere la finalità di una unificazione politica dell'Europa ma hanno il pregio di mettere insieme l'approccio funzionalista dei passi graduali con quello federalista della meta finale. Analogamente a quanto avvenuto nella storia di alcuni popoli (in particolare negli Stati Uniti d'America) in cui il processo di unificazione dei debiti ha segnato la nascita dello Stato, anche nel vecchio continente l'europeizzazione del debito degli Stati membri, al di là della valenza in termini di finanza pubblica, potrebbe assurgere a un vero e proprio atto "costitutivo" di un futuro Stato federale europeo. Sotto il profilo metodologico, la ricerca è stata condotta attraverso la strumentazione propria dell'analisi economica del diritto, nella consapevolezza che il mercato – vale a dire il meccanismo economico che orienta il comportamento di individui e gruppi – da solo non è sufficiente ma ha bisogno di regole per poter funzionare. Anzi, se ben regolato, il mercato può essere fattore di sviluppo e di benessere. Questo ragionamento vale anche per il mercato comune e per la moneta unica europea, che da soli non bastano più. Come si è tentato di mostrare in questo lavoro, anche l'Eurozona, per poter sopravvivere e progredire, ha bisogno di un adeguamento delle proprie istituzioni che passa anche attraverso l'emissione congiunta di debito sovrano. Coerentemente con tale impostazione, l'indagine cerca di avere un approccio critico al tema degli eurobond, tentando di analizzarne i singoli aspetti con indipendenza di giudizio. La stesura dei capitoli e dei singoli paragrafi è stata preceduta da un lavoro di documentazione e consultazione di testi, riviste specializzate e articoli. Le conoscenze teoriche acquisite e le idee maturate sono state verificate sul campo, grazie ad un confronto diretto con i dirigenti che, nell'ambito del Dipartimento del Tesoro del Ministero dell'Economia e delle Finanze, hanno la responsabilità dell'emissione e della gestione del debito pubblico italiano. Chi scrive lavora presso la direzione del Debito pubblico del Dipartimento del Tesoro; cionondimeno, le opinioni che qui esprime sono personali e non rappresentano o impegnano in alcun modo l'amministrazione di appartenenza. Alla luce delle considerazioni svolte, si ritiene che davvero gli eurobond possano spingere l'Eurozona verso una maggiore integrazione politico-istituzionale. L'analisi economica e giuridica può dare il proprio contributo alla comprensione della questione, ma la scelta dei passi da compiere in concreto spetta alle leadership politiche europee in quanto investite del consenso popolare. Il ricercatore può esporre gli effetti che derivano dall'adozione di una particolare misura o di uno specifico strumento. Oltre non può andare. ; Eurobonds are not a new topic. They have been present in the economic literature, less in the legal literature, for thirty years, with denominations which change according to the proposed formulations. They are relevant not only in terms of financial economics or public finance, but also because they represent a first step towards the realization of a political union of Europe. Those in favor look at eurobonds not only as a response to the crisis through the financing of public investments, but also as a tool to build up a European fiscal policy in addition to the monetary policy of the European Central Bank. On the contrary, the skeptics underline the fact that such proposals would require too mach time to be implemented and the fact that they have short consent in the Eurozone countries. The introduction of eurobonds presents legal and distributive barriers. The legal barriers are linked to the Article 125 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which provides for so-colled "no bail out clause" ("A Member State shall not be liable for or assume the commitments of central governments, regional, local or other public authorities, other bodies governed by public law, or public under¬ takings of another Member State"). The distributive obstacles, on the other hand, are linked to the way in which Member States could participate in joint issuance of European debt securities. In particular, the virtuous countries of Northern Europe are afraid that they would pay a greater share than the less virtuous countries of the Southern Europe. First of all, the thesis analyzes the fragility of the European institutions, which depends essentially on having created – contrary to what has happened in the history of peoples – "a currency without a State". In the end of 2009, this fragility led Europe to the crisis of euro and sovereign debts. To face this fragility, some institutional reforms should be carried out, such as the strengthening of the role of the European Central Bank as a lender of last resort, the completion of the banking union, the deepening of the capital market, the enlargement of the European budget and the centralization of national fiscal policies. These reformes also include the joint issuance of sovereign debts of Eurozone Member States. In this regard, the research examines the existence of possible legal bases for issuing a federal debt of the European Union, different from the debt of the Member States or, alternatively, for joint issuing the debt securities of the Member States. Secondly, the thesis examines the various proposals of eurobonds, classifying them in two main groups. The first group, based on the joint issuance of debt, includes eurobonds in the strict sense, union bonds, stability bonds, blue and red bonds. These proposals, being based on the joint issuance of debt, are contrary to Article 125 of the TFEU and therefore would require its modification. The second group of proposals – which do not contemplate the joint issuance of debt and therefore do not require the modification of the TFEU – include the PADRE program (Politically Acceptable Debt Restructuring in Europe), the European Redemption Debt Fund, the European Safe Bonds, the Sovereign Bond Backed Securities. Thirdly, the research explores the possible approaches to the continuation of the European project: the risk-reduction path, the risk-sharing path, the synthesis between risk reduction and risk sharing. This third path seems to be the only politically feasible. As we know, also the monetary union was realized as a combination of the two approaches: the process of convergence of public finances (risk reduction) led to the creation of a single central bank with the task of managing a single monetary policy (risk sharing). However, Italy has to reverse the trend of the debt-to-GDP ratio through a serious and rigorous long-term debt reduction plan (risk reduction), in order to convince the main European partners to issue European federal debt (risk sharing). Eurobonds are not the only tool to achieve the goal of a political unification of Europe but they have the merit of putting together the functionalist approach based on the gradual steps with the federalist approach based on the final goal. Similarly to what has happened in the history of some peoples, such as the United States of America, where the process of unification of debt of the single States has marked the birth of the federal State, even in Europe the consolidation of debt of the Member States might be a constitutive act of the United States of Europe. Methodologically, the research is based on the economic analysis of law. According to this view, market – the economic mechanism which guides the behavior of individuals and groups – is not enough but needs good regulation. Indeed, if it is well regulated, market may be a factor of development and welfare. This way of thinking is also valid for the European single market and for the euro, which are no longer enough. As we have tried to show in this work, also the Eurozone institutions need a deep reform – including the joint issuance of sovereign debt – for their surviving and progress. This work tries to have a critical approach to the topic of eurobonds. The theoretical knowledge and ideas have been checked thanks to a direct dialogue with managers who, within the Treasury Department of the Ministry of the Economy and Finance, are responsible for issuance and management of the Italian public debt. The author of this research works in the Public Debt Directorate at Treasury Department; nevertheless his opinions are personal and do not represent the Treasury Department. For these considerations, eurobonds might really push the Eurozone towards a greater political and institutional integration. The economic and legal analysis may give its contribution to the debate, but the actual choices are up to the European policy-makers.

Pitanje mogućnosti formiranja ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji u kontekstu postsocijalistiĉke transformacije društva i procesa evrointegracija, predstavlja predmet bavljenja ove doktorske disertacije. Rad se sastoji iz tri veće celine i poglavlja u kome su izneta zakljuĉna razmatranja. U prvom delu rada, razvijeni su uporedno-istorijski, kontekstualni, konceptualni i metodološki okvir istraţivanja, kao polazne osnove za dalje analize. Kako bi mogle biti obuhvaćene sve relevantne dimenzije kompleksnog fenomena ekološkog pokreta i sloţena mreţa ĉinilaca koji utiĉu na njegov nastanak i razvoj, u istraţivanju su kombinovano korišćene razliĉite metodološke tehnike: anketno ispitivanje stavova i praksi na reprezentativnom uzorku graĊana Srbije (N=1952) i predstavnika lokalnih samouprava (N=232), polustrukturisani intervjui sa predstavnicima nevladinih organizacija (N=44), kao i dve studije sluĉaja zajednica sa izraţenim ekološkim problemima - Panĉeva i Bora. Drugi deo rada je posvećen opisu i analizi pojedinaĉnih elemenata ekološkog pokreta: ekoloških aktivista, ekoloških grupa / organizacija, ekoloških mreţa, kolektivnog identiteta i ekoloških konflikata. Na osnovu detaljne analize karakteristika osnovnih elemenata pokreta, u zakljuĉnom poglavlju drugog dela rada daje se odgovor na pitanje: da li u Srbiji postoji ekološki pokret? Osnovni istraţivaĉki nalaz je da u Srbiji nije došlo do formiranja klasiĉnog participativnog tipa ekološkog pokreta, kakav je prisutan u zemljama Zapada. TakoĊe, nema ni naznaka znaĉajnijeg prisustva elemenata transakcionog ekološkog aktivizma (pokreta), ĉiji je prisustvo zabeleţeno u zemljama Centralne Evrope. Umesto toga, svedoci smo razvoja specifiĉnog modela ekološkog kolektivnog delanja koji smo nazvali "ekološkim trećim sektorom". Naime, za razliku od participativnog i transakcionog delanja, koji imaju naglašeno politiĉku dimenziju, aktivnosti organizacija u okviru trećeg sektora su preteţno "apolitiĉne" po karakteru, usmerene na pruţanje usluga u oblastima iz kojih se, u sklopu neoliberalnih reformi, drţava povukla. Pored nerazvijenosti konfliktne (politiĉke) dimenzije, ekološki treći sektor odlikuje i atomizovano delanje profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija, koje samo izuzetno (pod spoljnim pritiscima ili podsticajima) uspostavljaju fiziĉke veze (mreţe) meĊu sobom, dok se na planu kolektivnog identiteta razvija samo kognitivna dimenzija (formalno prihvatanje odreĊenih ekoloških vrednosti i naĉela koja ĉine sastavni deo ekološkog diskursa dominantnog na Zapadu). GraĊani, po pravilu, nisu ukljuĉeni u rad ovih organizacija, izuzev kao korisnici usluga. U trećem delu rada se razmatraju razlozi usled kojih ne dolazi do razvoja participativnog i/ili transakcionog ekološkog pokreta (aktivizma). Za potrebe objašnjenja nastanka specifiĉne hibridne forme ekološkog trećeg sektora, kreiran je sintetiĉki eksplanatorni model koji kombinuje elemente razvijene u okviru razliĉitih teorijskih pristupa fenomenu društvenih pokreta. Eksplanatorna shema je formulisana na sledeći naĉin: za pokretanje kolektivnog delanja i nastanak ekološkog pokreta neophodno da prethodno budu ispunjeni sledeći uslovi: potrebno je da postoji izvesno socijalno-konstruisano nezadovoljstvo (problem) kod većeg broja pojedinaca / profesionalnih zastupniĉkih organizacija (socijalno-konstruktivistiĉka reinterpretacija klasiĉnih pristupa); zatim, grupa pojedinaca koja oseća dati problem / zalaţe se za njegovo rešavanje, mora posedovati odreĊene resurse za pokretanje i odrţavanje 5 kolektivne akcije (pristup teorije mobilizacije resursa); šire okruţenje treba da bude relativno povoljno kako bi nagovestilo mogućnost pozitivnog ishoda aktivnosti koja se ţeli realizovati (pristup strukture politiĉkih mogućnosti), a vrednosni okvir na takav naĉin podešen da usmerava na delanje predstavnike profesionalnih ekoloških organizacija i / ili neposredno ugroţenu populaciju (nezadovoljne) i (eventualno) širi krug podrţavalaca (pristup Novih društvenih pokreta). Na proces formiranja ekološkog pokreta, kroz ĉetiri neposredna faktora (socijalna-konstrukcija ekoloških rizika, dostupnost i karakteristike resursa, struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti, vrednosni sistem),indirektno deluju širi društveni procesi - postsocijalistiĉka transformacija i evropeizacija srpskog društva, kao i ĉinioci duţeg trajanja ((pred)socijalistiĉko nasleĊe). Testiranje postavljenih eksplikativnih hipoteza je pokazalo da ni jedan od uslova neophodnih za formiranje ekološkog pokreta, nije delimiĉno ili u potpunosti zadovoljen. Postojeći ekološki problemi su dominantno odreĊeni u kategorijama niskog rizika i male vaţnosti u odnosu na druga društvena pitanja, usled ĉega je i njihov podsticajni kapacitet za kolektivnu (re)akciju bitno sniţen. Pored toga, vladajuće shvatanje prema kome u ekološkoj modernizaciji leţi rešenje za gotovo sve ekološke probleme, pokazuje se kao ĉinilac koji nepovoljno utiĉe na graĊanski aktivizam, jer upućuje na pasivno išĉekivanje uvoĊenja obećanih mehanizama odrţivog razvoja. Većini graĊana na raspolaganju stoji vrlo ograniĉena koliĉina resursa, usled ĉega, u velikom broju sluĉajeva, oni odustaju od uĉešća u ekološkim akcijama. Ekološke organizacije, takoĊe, imaju poteškoća da obezbede neophodne resurse za rad, a dodatni problem predstavlja i naĉin njihove mobilizacije, usled kojeg gube samostalnost postajući zavisne od stranih izvora finansiranja. Kao posledica, ekološko delanje je atomizovano, a rivalitet i konflikti unutar ekološkog civilnog sektora, naglašeni; ekološke mreţe se teško formiraju i odrţavaju, kolektivni identitet je slab (nad njim prevagu odnose partikularni interesi), a kritiĉko delovanje ekoloških organizacija, nerazvijeno. Struktura politiĉkih mogućnosti se, uprkos postojanju relativno povoljnog zakonskog okvira, pokazuje zatvorenom prema uĉešću graĊana u donošenju odluka. GraĊani percipiraju predstavnike vlasti kao neprijemĉive za njihove potrebe, što se nepovoljno odraţava na njihovu spremnost da se organizuju i pokušaju da nametnu svoje zahteve. S druge strane, ekološke organizacije su iskljuĉene iz procesa odluĉivanja i svedene na ulogu asistenata u podizanju kapaciteta drţave za sprovoĊenje programa u oblasti zaštite ţivotne sredine. Konfliktno delanje organizacija je ograniĉeno, s jedne strane, time što ne dobijaju podršku moćnih aktera (meĊunarodne ekološke organizacije, strani donatori), a sa druge, finansijskim uslovljavanjem od strane drţavnih struktura. Karakteristike kulturološkog konteksta se, takoĊe, pokazuju nepovoljnim za razvoj ekološkog pokreta u Srbiji. Dominacija materijalistiĉkog sistema vrednosti i s njim povezano visoko vrednovanje ekonomskog razvoja, koje u senci ostavlja ekološke probleme, negativno utiĉe na ekološko aktiviranje graĊana. Ipak, uprkos preteţno materijalistiĉkoj vrednosnoj orijentaciji, graĊanima su vrlo bliske vrednosti Nove ekološke paradigme. MeĊutim, od naĉelnog prihvatanja vrednosti karakteristiĉnih za ovu paradigmu do aktivnog delanja, u kontekstu materijalne oskudice, put je dug i vrlo neizvestan. Zakljuĉno poglavlje je posvećeno rezimiranju i diskusiji empirijskih nalaza, kao i razmatranju širih implikacija nerazvijenosti ekološkog pokreta na zaštitu ţivotne sredine u Srbiji. ; he environmental movement in Serbia, in the context of post-socialist transformation and the EU integration process. The paper consists of three major parts and the concluding chapter. In the first part a comparative - historical, contextual, conceptual and methodological framework of the research is developed, as a starting point for the further analyses. In order to capture all relevant dimensions of the complex phenomenon of environmental movement and the composite set of factors that influence its emergence and development, the study is using a combination of different methodological techniques: a survey of attitudes and practices based on a representative sample of Serbian citizens (N = 1952) and local government representatives (N = 232), in parallel with the semi-structured interviews with representatives of non-governmental organizations (N = 44), and the two case studies of communities with serious environmental problems – the municipalities of Pancevo and Bor. The second part contains the description and analysis of individual elements of the environmental movement: environmental activists, environmental groups / organizations, environmental networks, collective identity and environmental conflicts. Based on a detailed analysis of the characteristics of the key elements of environmental movement, the concluding chapter of this part of the paper offers an answer to the question - is there an environmental movement in Serbia? The main research finding is that participatory type of environmental movement that is typical for the Western countries has not been formed in Serbia. There are even no indications of the existence of significant elements of transactional environmental activism (movement), that is present in the countries of Central Europe. Instead, we are witnessing the development of a distinct model of collective environmental action that we have named "the third environmental sector". Different from the participative and transactional activism which have an emphasized political dimension, the nature of the activities of the third sector organizations is mostly "non-political", aimed at providing services in those areas that the state has withdrew from, in the context of neo-liberal reforms. In addition to the underdeveloped conflict/political dimension, the environmental third sector is characterized by atomized actions of professional environmental organizations, which establish physical connections (networks) among themselves only as an exception (under external pressures or incentives), while at the level of collective identity only the cognitive dimension is being developed (the formal acceptance of the environmental values and principles which form an integral part of the environmental discourse dominant in the West). Citizens, as a rule, are not included in the work of these organizations, except as users of services. In the third part, the reasons for the absence of the participatory and / or transactional environmental movement (activism) are discussed. In order to explain the emergence of the specific hybrid form of the environmental third sector, a synthetic explanatory model was established, combining elements developed within different social movement theories. The explanatory scheme has been formulated as follows: for the launch of collective action and the emergence of the environmental movement certain conditions are necessary to be met - a certain level of socially-constructed 8 dissatisfaction (problem) needs to be generated in large numbers of individuals / professional advocacy organizations (social constructivist reinterpretation of classical approaches); then, a group of individuals who perceive the problem / advocates for its solution must possess appropriate resources to initiate and sustain a collective action (the Resource Mobilization Theory approach); the wider context should be relatively favorable as to suggest the possibility of a positive outcome of the action (the Political Opportunities Structure approach); the value framework should be set up in such a way to initiate the action of professional environmental organizations and / or the directly affected population, and possibly also of a wider circle of supporters (the New Social Movements approach). Through the four direct factors (social – construction of environmental risks, the availability and characteristics of resources, the structure of political opportunities, the value system), the process of development of the environmental movement is indirectly affected by wider-scale social processes – the post-socialist transformation and Europeanization of Serbian society, as well as by the factors of longer duration ((pre-) socialist heritage).The testing of the set of explicative hypotheses showed that the necessary pre-conditions for the formation of the environmental movement in Serbia have neither been fully, nor even partially met. In comparison with other issues, the existing environmental problems are dominantly defined in the terms of low-risk and low-importance, due to which their capacities to induce collective (re)action are significantly reduced. In addition, the prevailing concept of environmental modernization, presented as a solution to almost all environmental problems, proves to be a factor that adversely affects civic activism, as it leads to passive anticipation of the promised introduction of mechanisms for sustainable development. Since the majority of citizens have access only to very limited resources, they, in many cases, tend to give up their participation in environmental actions. Environmental organizations also face difficulties in obtaining necessary resources for their operation. An additional problem lies in the way resources are being mobilized: becoming increasingly dependent on foreign funding, organizations tend to lose their autonomy. As a result, the environmental action is atomized and rivalries and conflicts within the environmental civil society accentuated; environmental networks are difficult to establish and maintain and the collective identity is weak (due to domination of particular interests); the conflictual dimension of environmental organizations remains undeveloped. Despite the relatively favorable legal framework, the structure of political opportunities seems closed to the participation of citizens in the decision-making process. Citizens perceive government representatives as unresponsive to their needs, which negatively affects their readiness to act in an organized way and to attempt to impose their demands. On the other hand, environmental organizations are excluded from the decision-making process and reduced to the assisting role in the capacity building of the state bodies for the implementation of programs in the field of environmental protection. Conflicting action of such organizations is limited, on the one hand by the lack of support from powerful actors (international environmental organizations, international donors), and on the other - by the financial preconditions imposed by the state authorities. The characteristics of the cultural context also appear to be unfavorable for the development of the environmental movement in Serbia. The dominance of the materialistic value system and the related high priority attributed to the economic 9 growth, leaves the environmental problems on the margins, thus negatively affecting the environmental activation of citizens. However, despite the predominantly materialistic value orientation, the values of the New environmental paradigm are very familiar to the citizens. Still, in the context of material insecurity, the road from the general acceptance of such values to active action towards reaching them, is long and very uncertain. The concluding chapter is devoted to summarizing and discussing the empirical findings, as well as to considerations of implications of the under-developed environmental movement to the overall state of environmental protection in Serbia.

The German Nazis planned to annihilate the Jewish nation. The Holocaust reached immense proportions on Polish lands, which had been the dwelling place for thousands of Jews for ages. Therefore, the Germans located several death camps on the territory of the occupied Poland. The Poles did not remain passive towards the persecution of the members of the Chosen People living next to them, with many priests and men and women religious committing themselves to rescuing Jews. This issue has not yet been fully explored. The article presents the attitudes of the Polish Catholic Bishops providing aid to Jews during the Second World War. They became involved in the following actions: they issued petitions in defence of Jews and informed pope Pius XII about the persecution of Jews, intervened with the occupation authorities and defended converts, they were personally involved in assisting and saving the lives of the members of the Jewish community, as well as supported clergymen and organizations helping Jews. ; Fonti d'archivio: Archiwum Akt Nowych (AAN) [Archivio degli Atti Nuovi], RGO (Kraków), 5, Lettera dell'arcivescovo mons. Adam Sapieha a Ronikier, 30.10.1940, f. 19-20. AAN, RGO (Kraków), 5, Andie Regierung des Generalgouvernements Abteilung Innere Verwaltung Bevölkerung swessen und Fursorge in Krakau, 4.11.1940, f. 5-6. AAN, RGO (Kraków), 5, Nota, f. 28. 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Die aus der deutschen Wiedervereinigung resultierenden ökonomischen und demografischen Veränderungsprozesse stellen große Herausforderungen für die Regionalentwicklung dar: Nachdem die ostdeutschen Arbeitsmärkte lange Zeit von einem Überangebot an Arbeitskräften geprägt waren und zahlreiche (vor allem junge, gut ausgebildete) Menschen in die alten Bundesländer abwanderten, zeichnet sich mittlerweile eine Trendwende ab. Infolge des demografischen Wandels (Bevölkerungsalterung und -schrumpfung) geht die Zahl der Personen im erwerbsfähigen Alter kontinuierlich zurück. Dies wirkt sich vor allem auf das Rückgrat der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft, die kleinen und mittelständischen Unternehmen, aus. Schon heute machen sich Schwierigkeiten bei der Besetzung offener Arbeitsstellen bemerkbar und vielerorts wird bereits von einem "Fachkräftemangel" gesprochen. Um die Zukunftsfähigkeit der ansässigen Unternehmen zu sichern, entwickeln regionale Organisationen Strategien, die eine ausreichende Versorgung der Unternehmen mit Fachkräften gewährleisten und damit zur regionalen Resilienz beitragen sollen. Während diese vor allem auf eine erhöhte Arbeitsbeteiligung bestimmter Gruppen (z.B. ältere Arbeitnehmer, Frauen, Arbeitslose) abzielen, lässt sich vermehrt auch eine gezielte Anwerbung von Fachkräften aus anderen Regionen beobachten. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass mittlerweile ein beachtlicher Teil der abgewanderten Ostdeutschen in seine "alte Heimat" zurückkehren möchte, kommt dieser Personengruppe dabei ein besonderes Interesse zu. Auf diesen Erkenntnissen aufbauend setzt sich die Forschungsarbeit mit folgenden Fragestellungen auseinander: (1) Wie beschäftigen sich die relevanten Organisationen in Ostdeutschland mit der regionalen Fachkräftesicherung? (2) Welche Rolle spielt dabei die gezielte Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern? und (3) Wie können Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen zur Resilienz ostdeutscher Regionen gegenüber dem rückläufigen Erwerbspersonenpotenzials beitragen? Auf Basis einer Literatur- und Internetrecherche werden die wichtigsten Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen in ostdeutschen Regionen erfasst und charakterisiert. Darauf aufbauend werden anhand der Informationen der Trägerorganisationen weitere, mit dem Thema "Fachkräftesicherung" betraute Organisationen identifiziert. Diese Grundgesamtheit stellt den Ausgangspunkt für eine schriftliche Befragung dar. Auf Grundlage der Befragungsergebnisse werden Trends sowie Besonderheiten bei der regionalen Fachkräftesicherung ermittelt. Im Rahmen einer anschließenden Fallstudienuntersuchung wird ein detaillierter Einblick in die Arbeitsweisen und Kooperationsbeziehungen ausgewählter Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen gewonnen. Anhand von Experteninterviews werden weitere Erkenntnisse über den Beitrag dieser Initiativen zur Resilienz regionaler Arbeitsmärkte gewonnen. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich aktuell eine Vielzahl verschiedener Organisationen mit dem Thema der regionalen Fachkräftesicherung beschäftigt: Neben den Agenturen für Arbeit, den Industrie- und Handelskammern sowie den Handwerkskammern sind dies verschiedene Wirtschafts- bzw. Branchenverbände und Gewerkschaften. Darüber hinaus spielen auch Ministerien, Förderbanken, kommunale Einrichtungen, Career Services von Hochschulen und ehrenamtliche Vereine eine Rolle. Obwohl Rück- und Zuwanderer nicht die Hauptzielgruppe ihrer Maßnahmen darstellen, finden sie dennoch Berücksichtigung. Außerdem stehen die meisten Organisationen mit dreizehn Initiativen, welche sich auf eine gezielte Anwerbung von (Re-) Migranten spezialisiert haben, in Kontakt. Bei Letzteren gehören die Vermittlung von Arbeitsplätzen, die Information und Beratung bei der Arbeitssuche sowie Dual Career Services (Informationen und Beratung bei der Arbeitsplatzsuche der Partnerin/ des Partners) zu den wichtigsten Leistungsangeboten. Zwar ist eine direkte Messung ihres Erfolges nicht möglich und eine dauerhafte Finanzierung, aufgrund ihres Projektcharakters, nur selten garantiert, dennoch tragen sie aber zur regionalen Fachkräftesicherung bei: Durch den Aufbau von Netzwerken, der Sensibilisierung ansässiger Unternehmen sowie der aktiven Vermarktung des Standorts werden vorhandene Ressourcen mobilisiert und bestehende Vulnerabilitäten abgebaut. Durch das Einwirken weiterer, externer Prozesse stellt sich schließlich eine erhöhte Resilienz ostdeutscher Regionen gegenüber dem rückläufigen Erwerbspersonenpotenzial ein. Daraus leiten sich Handlungsempfehlungen ab, die eine weitere Intensivierung der regionalen Kooperation vorschlagen.:Abbildungsverzeichnis XI Tabellenverzeichnis XIII Abkürzungsverzeichnis XIV 1 Einleitung 1 1.1 Problemstellung 1 1.2 Zielsetzung der Arbeit 3 1.3 Aufbau der Arbeit 5 2 Theoretischer Bezugsrahmen und forschungsleitende Fragen 7 2.1 Rückgang des Erwerbspersonenpotenzials und Fachkräftemangel 8 2.1.1 Komponenten des Arbeitsmarktes in Deutschland 8 2.1.2 Begriffsbestimmung: Erwerbspersonenpotenzial, Arbeitskräftemangel, Fachkräftemangel, Fachkräftesicherung 10 2.2 Entstehung regionaler Arbeitsmärkte 12 2.2.1 Neoklassisches Grundmodell des Arbeitsmarktes 12 2.2.2 Segmentationstheorie 13 2.2.3 Regulationstheoretisch orientierte Regionalforschung 15 2.2.4 Zusammenfassung der wesentlichen Punkte 15 2.3 Erklärung von (interregionalen) Migrationsbewegungen 16 2.3.1 Ökonomische Ansätze zur Erklärung von Migration 17 2.3.2 Nichtökonomische Migrationstheorien 18 2.3.3 Mehrebenenkonzept zur (Rück-) Wanderungsforschung 19 2.3.4 Zusammenfassung der wesentlichen Punkte 20 2.4 Steigerung der Innovations- und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit in der Regionalentwicklung 21 2.4.1 Cluster 21 2.4.2 Regionale Innovationssysteme 23 2.4.3 Zusammenfassung 23 2.5 Integration der Theoriestränge durch den Ansatz der regionalen Resilienz 24 2.5.1 Der Resilienz-Begriff im Kontext verschiedener Wissenschaftsdisziplinen 25 2.5.2 Unterschiedliche Interpretationen des Resilienz-Begriffs 27 2.5.3 Resilienz regionaler Arbeitsmärkte 30 2.5.4 Operationalisierung des Resilienz-Ansatzes 32 2.6 Forschungsleitende Fragen 34 3 Forschungsstrategie und methodische Vorgehensweise 37 3.1 Forschungsstrategie 37 3.2 Querschnittdesign 39 3.2.1 Abgrenzung des Untersuchungsgebiets 39 3.2.2 Sekundärstatistische Analyse 40 3.2.3 Dokumentenanalyse und Sampling 41 3.2.4 Schriftliche Befragung 42 3.2.4.1 Konstruktion des Erhebungsinstruments 43 3.2.4.2 Durchführung und Rücklauf der Befragung 45 3.2.4.3 Analyse und Darstellung der erhobenen Daten 47 3.3 Multiples Fallstudiendesign 48 3.3.1 Fallauswahl 48 3.3.2 Experteninterviews 49 3.3.2.1 Auswahl der Gesprächspartner 50 3.3.2.2 Durchführung der Untersuchung 51 3.3.2.3 Analyse der erhobenen Daten 52 3.3.3 Dokumentenanalyse 53 3.4 Kritische Reflexion der verwendeten Forschungsmethoden 53 4 Fachkräftesicherung und Migration als Herausforderungen für die Regionalentwicklung in Ostdeutschland 57 4.1 Fachkräftesicherung unter den Bedingungen einer alternden und schrumpfenden Gesellschaft 57 4.1.1 Auswirkungen des demografischen Wandels auf die regionalen Arbeitsmärkte in Ostdeutschland 58 4.1.2 Analyse des aktuellen und zukünftigen Fachkräftebedarfs in Ostdeutschland 61 4.1.3 Zielgruppen der regionalen Fachkräftesicherungsstrategien 68 4.2 Rück- und Zuwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 70 4.2.1 Zuwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 71 4.2.2 Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 73 4.2.2.1 Datenverfügbarkeit und Definition der wichtigsten Begriffe 74 4.2.2.2 Zahlen zur Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 76 4.2.2.3 Motive für die Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 77 4.2.2.4 Räumliche und zeitliche Muster der Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 78 4.2.2.5 Demografische und sozio-ökonomische Situation der Rückwanderer 79 4.2.2.6 Potenzial von Rückwanderern für die Regionalentwicklung in Ostdeutschland 80 4.3 Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern in Ostdeutschland 83 4.3.1 Gesetzlicher Rahmen zur Anwerbung hochqualifizierter Arbeitskräfte 83 4.3.1.1 Green Card 84 4.3.1.2 Vom Ausländerrecht zur gesteuerten Arbeitsmigration 84 4.3.1.3 Freizügigkeitsgesetz 86 4.3.1.4 Anerkennung ausländischer Abschlüsse 86 4.3.1.5 Blaue Karte EU 87 4.3.2 Bundesweite Maßnahmen zur Fachkräftesicherung durch Rück- und Zuwanderung 88 4.3.2.1 Virtuelle Informationsportale 88 4.3.2.2 Fachkräfte-Offensive 89 4.3.2.3 Jobmonitor 89 4.3.2.4 Innovationsbüro "Fachkräfte für die Region" 90 4.3.2.5 Kompetenzzentrum für Fachkräftesicherung 90 4.3.2.6 Die "Zukunftsinitiative Fachkräftesicherung" 90 4.3.2.7 Sonderprogramm zur Förderung der beruflichen Mobilität von ausbildungsinteressierten Jugendlichen und arbeitslosen Fachkräfte aus Europa (MobiPro-EU) 91 4.3.3 Regionale Ansätze zur Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern in Ostdeutschland 92 4.3.3.1 Leistungen zur Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern 92 4.3.3.2 Kriterien für eine Gesamtschau der im Untersuchungsraum existierenden Initiativen 99 5 Aktuelle Strategien der Fachkräftesicherung in Ostdeutschland 103 5.1 Politikumfeld und institutioneller Kontext 103 5.2 Beschäftigung mit dem Thema regionale Fachkräftesicherung 106 5.3 Berücksichtigung von Rück- und Zuwanderern117 5.4 Zusammenfassung der wesentlichen Punkte 127 6 Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen als Beitrag zur Resilienz regionaler Arbeitsmärkte in Ostdeutschland 131 6.1 Agentur mv4you 131 6.1.1 Aktivitäten der Initiative 131 6.1.2 Kooperation mit anderen regionalen Initiativen 134 6.1.3 Aktuelle Entwicklungen 137 6.2 Initiative "Fachkräfte für Sachsen. Sachse komm' zurück!" 137 6.2.1 Aktivitäten der Initiative 137 6.2.2 Kooperation mit anderen regionalen Initiativen 139 6.2.3 Aktuelle Entwicklungen 143 6.3 Willkommens-Agentur Uckermark 143 6.3.1 Aktivitäten der Initiative 143 6.3.2 Kooperation mit anderen regionalen Initiativen 147 6.3.3 Aktuelle Entwicklungen 150 6.4 Der Beitrag von Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen zum Aufbau einer regionalen Anpassungskapazität 151 6.4.1 Entwicklung der gezielten Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern in Ostdeutschland 151 6.4.2 Finanzierung der Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen 152 6.4.3 Beitrag zur regionalen Fachkräftesicherung 152 6.4.4 Verstärkte Berücksichtigung von (internationalen) Zuwanderern 153 6.4.5 Regionsübergreifende Kooperation 154 6.4.6 Schwierigkeiten bei der direkten Messung des Erfolgs 155 6.4.7 Beitrag zur regionalen Resilienz 156 7 Schlussfolgerungen 161 7.1 Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse 161 7.2 Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis 168 7.3 Schlussfolgerungen für die wissenschaftliche Diskussion und weiterer Forschungsbedarf 170 8 Literaturverzeichnis 173 9 Anhang 191 ; Germany's reunification caused economic and demographic changes that represent major challenges for regional development: After the East German labour markets experienced a long period of labour oversupply and the emigration of many (particularly young and well educated) people to former West Germany, they are now facing a reversal. Due to demographic changes (the aging and shrinking of the population) the number of people in working age has been steadily declining. This especially affects small and medium sized businesses, the backbone of the East German economy. Already, it has become noticeably difficult to fill vacant positions, and a "shortage of skilled labour" is widely discussed. In order to future-proof local businesses, regional organisations have developed strategies that ensure a sufficient supply of skilled labour and an increased regional resilience. Although these strategies mainly aim towards increasing labour market participation among certain groups (e.g. older workers, women, the unemployed), the recruitment of skilled labour from other regions has also noticeably increased. Since a significant proportion among emigrated East Germans would like to return 'home' now, this group is of particular interest. Based on these findings, this research paper deals with the following questions: (1) What do relevant organisations in East Germany do about securing regional skilled labour? (2) What role does the targeted recruitment of immigrants and return migrants play in this context? (3) How can immigration and return migration initiatives contribute to making East German regions resilient against the diminishing work force potential? Based on a combined literature and Internet research, this paper identifies and characterises the most important immigration and return migration initiatives in East Germany. Further, it uses information provided by these initiatives' support organisations to identify other organisations whose remit is to safeguard skilled labour. The resulting statistical population then forms the basis for a written survey. Based on the survey results, the paper investigates trends and anomalies in securing regional skilled labour. A subsequent multiple case study analysis provides detailed insights into the working methods and cooperation among selected immigration and return migration initiatives. Expert interviews provide additional information on how these initiatives contribute towards regional labour market resilience. As the empirical results show, there currently exist a number of organisations dealing with the shortage of skilled labour. These include regional employment agencies, chambers of industry and commerce, and chambers of crafts, as well as various trade associations and unions. In addition, government departments, business development banks, local authorities, university career services, and voluntary associations also play an important role. Even though immigrants and return migrants are not considered to be their main targets, these organisations do include them in their measures. Furthermore, most of the surveyed organisations are in contact with the thirteen initiatives that focus on targeted recruitment of immigrants and return migrants. The most important services provided by immigration and return migration initiatives include job placements, information and advice during the job search, as well as dual career services. Even though it isn't possible to directly measure their impact, and although they are rarely guaranteed permanent financing due to their project-based nature, these initiatives do contribute towards securing regional skilled labour: By developing networks, sensitizing local companies, and actively advertising the region, they mobilise existing resources and reduce regional vulnerabilities. The influence of additional external processes eventually creates an increase in regional resilience towards the declining labour force potential. Derived from these findings, this paper recommends several action points that propose a further intensification of regional cooperation.:Abbildungsverzeichnis XI Tabellenverzeichnis XIII Abkürzungsverzeichnis XIV 1 Einleitung 1 1.1 Problemstellung 1 1.2 Zielsetzung der Arbeit 3 1.3 Aufbau der Arbeit 5 2 Theoretischer Bezugsrahmen und forschungsleitende Fragen 7 2.1 Rückgang des Erwerbspersonenpotenzials und Fachkräftemangel 8 2.1.1 Komponenten des Arbeitsmarktes in Deutschland 8 2.1.2 Begriffsbestimmung: Erwerbspersonenpotenzial, Arbeitskräftemangel, Fachkräftemangel, Fachkräftesicherung 10 2.2 Entstehung regionaler Arbeitsmärkte 12 2.2.1 Neoklassisches Grundmodell des Arbeitsmarktes 12 2.2.2 Segmentationstheorie 13 2.2.3 Regulationstheoretisch orientierte Regionalforschung 15 2.2.4 Zusammenfassung der wesentlichen Punkte 15 2.3 Erklärung von (interregionalen) Migrationsbewegungen 16 2.3.1 Ökonomische Ansätze zur Erklärung von Migration 17 2.3.2 Nichtökonomische Migrationstheorien 18 2.3.3 Mehrebenenkonzept zur (Rück-) Wanderungsforschung 19 2.3.4 Zusammenfassung der wesentlichen Punkte 20 2.4 Steigerung der Innovations- und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit in der Regionalentwicklung 21 2.4.1 Cluster 21 2.4.2 Regionale Innovationssysteme 23 2.4.3 Zusammenfassung 23 2.5 Integration der Theoriestränge durch den Ansatz der regionalen Resilienz 24 2.5.1 Der Resilienz-Begriff im Kontext verschiedener Wissenschaftsdisziplinen 25 2.5.2 Unterschiedliche Interpretationen des Resilienz-Begriffs 27 2.5.3 Resilienz regionaler Arbeitsmärkte 30 2.5.4 Operationalisierung des Resilienz-Ansatzes 32 2.6 Forschungsleitende Fragen 34 3 Forschungsstrategie und methodische Vorgehensweise 37 3.1 Forschungsstrategie 37 3.2 Querschnittdesign 39 3.2.1 Abgrenzung des Untersuchungsgebiets 39 3.2.2 Sekundärstatistische Analyse 40 3.2.3 Dokumentenanalyse und Sampling 41 3.2.4 Schriftliche Befragung 42 3.2.4.1 Konstruktion des Erhebungsinstruments 43 3.2.4.2 Durchführung und Rücklauf der Befragung 45 3.2.4.3 Analyse und Darstellung der erhobenen Daten 47 3.3 Multiples Fallstudiendesign 48 3.3.1 Fallauswahl 48 3.3.2 Experteninterviews 49 3.3.2.1 Auswahl der Gesprächspartner 50 3.3.2.2 Durchführung der Untersuchung 51 3.3.2.3 Analyse der erhobenen Daten 52 3.3.3 Dokumentenanalyse 53 3.4 Kritische Reflexion der verwendeten Forschungsmethoden 53 4 Fachkräftesicherung und Migration als Herausforderungen für die Regionalentwicklung in Ostdeutschland 57 4.1 Fachkräftesicherung unter den Bedingungen einer alternden und schrumpfenden Gesellschaft 57 4.1.1 Auswirkungen des demografischen Wandels auf die regionalen Arbeitsmärkte in Ostdeutschland 58 4.1.2 Analyse des aktuellen und zukünftigen Fachkräftebedarfs in Ostdeutschland 61 4.1.3 Zielgruppen der regionalen Fachkräftesicherungsstrategien 68 4.2 Rück- und Zuwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 70 4.2.1 Zuwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 71 4.2.2 Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 73 4.2.2.1 Datenverfügbarkeit und Definition der wichtigsten Begriffe 74 4.2.2.2 Zahlen zur Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 76 4.2.2.3 Motive für die Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 77 4.2.2.4 Räumliche und zeitliche Muster der Rückwanderung nach Ostdeutschland 78 4.2.2.5 Demografische und sozio-ökonomische Situation der Rückwanderer 79 4.2.2.6 Potenzial von Rückwanderern für die Regionalentwicklung in Ostdeutschland 80 4.3 Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern in Ostdeutschland 83 4.3.1 Gesetzlicher Rahmen zur Anwerbung hochqualifizierter Arbeitskräfte 83 4.3.1.1 Green Card 84 4.3.1.2 Vom Ausländerrecht zur gesteuerten Arbeitsmigration 84 4.3.1.3 Freizügigkeitsgesetz 86 4.3.1.4 Anerkennung ausländischer Abschlüsse 86 4.3.1.5 Blaue Karte EU 87 4.3.2 Bundesweite Maßnahmen zur Fachkräftesicherung durch Rück- und Zuwanderung 88 4.3.2.1 Virtuelle Informationsportale 88 4.3.2.2 Fachkräfte-Offensive 89 4.3.2.3 Jobmonitor 89 4.3.2.4 Innovationsbüro "Fachkräfte für die Region" 90 4.3.2.5 Kompetenzzentrum für Fachkräftesicherung 90 4.3.2.6 Die "Zukunftsinitiative Fachkräftesicherung" 90 4.3.2.7 Sonderprogramm zur Förderung der beruflichen Mobilität von ausbildungsinteressierten Jugendlichen und arbeitslosen Fachkräfte aus Europa (MobiPro-EU) 91 4.3.3 Regionale Ansätze zur Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern in Ostdeutschland 92 4.3.3.1 Leistungen zur Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern 92 4.3.3.2 Kriterien für eine Gesamtschau der im Untersuchungsraum existierenden Initiativen 99 5 Aktuelle Strategien der Fachkräftesicherung in Ostdeutschland 103 5.1 Politikumfeld und institutioneller Kontext 103 5.2 Beschäftigung mit dem Thema regionale Fachkräftesicherung 106 5.3 Berücksichtigung von Rück- und Zuwanderern117 5.4 Zusammenfassung der wesentlichen Punkte 127 6 Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen als Beitrag zur Resilienz regionaler Arbeitsmärkte in Ostdeutschland 131 6.1 Agentur mv4you 131 6.1.1 Aktivitäten der Initiative 131 6.1.2 Kooperation mit anderen regionalen Initiativen 134 6.1.3 Aktuelle Entwicklungen 137 6.2 Initiative "Fachkräfte für Sachsen. Sachse komm' zurück!" 137 6.2.1 Aktivitäten der Initiative 137 6.2.2 Kooperation mit anderen regionalen Initiativen 139 6.2.3 Aktuelle Entwicklungen 143 6.3 Willkommens-Agentur Uckermark 143 6.3.1 Aktivitäten der Initiative 143 6.3.2 Kooperation mit anderen regionalen Initiativen 147 6.3.3 Aktuelle Entwicklungen 150 6.4 Der Beitrag von Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen zum Aufbau einer regionalen Anpassungskapazität 151 6.4.1 Entwicklung der gezielten Anwerbung von Rück- und Zuwanderern in Ostdeutschland 151 6.4.2 Finanzierung der Rück- und Zuwanderungsinitiativen 152 6.4.3 Beitrag zur regionalen Fachkräftesicherung 152 6.4.4 Verstärkte Berücksichtigung von (internationalen) Zuwanderern 153 6.4.5 Regionsübergreifende Kooperation 154 6.4.6 Schwierigkeiten bei der direkten Messung des Erfolgs 155 6.4.7 Beitrag zur regionalen Resilienz 156 7 Schlussfolgerungen 161 7.1 Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse 161 7.2 Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis 168 7.3 Schlussfolgerungen für die wissenschaftliche Diskussion und weiterer Forschungsbedarf 170 8 Literaturverzeichnis 173 9 Anhang 191

Online news websites are becoming one of the most popular and influential social media platforms allowing people to easily access information about daily life topics, share their opinions on different issues, and give feedback on published content. The tremendous increase of published news requires effective recommendation techniques that help users to find interesting news articles that match with their interests. Thus, users are continuously encouraged to participate to online news websites and keep sharing their opinions, which represent a valuable source of social information. In this thesis, we have investigated how to exploit user-generated-content for personalized news recommendation purpose. The intuition behind this line of research is that the opinions provided by users, on news websites, represent a strong indicator about their profiles. By mining such content, we can extract valuable information about the domains of interests of users, their inclination towards a certain version of news articles, their political orientation, their favorite sport teams, their preferences, and many other interesting features. Furthermore, such content can also be used to enrich the content of news articles, particularly for those describing controversial news articles that can reveal various aspects that are not well described or even not found in their content. Thus, user-generated-content is the core component of our work. This thesis is divided into three main parts, as described in the bellow, which represent the different steps of developing a news recommendation system based on user-generated-content.In the first part, we have developed a fine-grained model that captures both users and article profiles. The profile of each user is extracted from all the opinions and the reactions that are provided on the news websites, while the profile of an article is extracted from its content. A profile is mainly composed of the entities, the aspects, and the sentiments expressed in the corresponding content. While the extraction of entities is a well-established problem, aspect extraction often relies on supervised techniques, which are domain dependent. For a more general solution, we have proposed an unsupervised technique for aspect extraction from opinions and articles. We have investigated two types of models in three different applications.The first model, called a sentiment-dependent profile, exploits the sentiments related to each entity and aspect to define the orientations of users towards a specific trend. For this purpose, we have built a knowledge base of trends, more specifically of political orientations, that guides the extraction of profiles in an unsupervised manner. We have assessed the accuracy of the extracted profiles on two datasets crawled from CNN and Al-Jazeera and the results show that our approach gives high quality results. The second model, called a sentiment-independent profile, focuses only on entities and aspects and is used on the purpose of news recommendation. This model was used to define both users' interests and the content of news articles. We have test it on a large test collection based on real users' activities in four news websites, namely The Independent3, The Telegraph4, CNN and Al-Jazeera. The results show that our model outperforms baseline models achieving high accuracy. In the third application, we have used a combination of the two former models for news recommendation purpose: the sentiment-independent profile model to define users' interests is combined with the sentiment-dependent profile model to describe the content of news articles. The main goal of this application was to give a method that deal with the problem of redundancy on the list of recommended news articles. For this purpose, we have used a diversification model on news articles profiles to reduce the redundancy of the list of recommended news articles. We have tested our approach on real users' activities on four news websites CNN, Al-Jazeera, The Telegraph, and The Independent. The results show that diversification improve the qualityof recommended news articles. In the second part, we have focused on how to enrich the article profiles with user generated-content. The idea behind is to exploit the rich structure of opinions to tailor the articles to the specific needs and interests of users. The main challenge of this task is how to select the opinions used for profile enrichment. The large number and the noisy nature of opinions calls for an effective ranking strategy. To achieve this goal, we have proposed a novel-scoring model that ranks opinions based on their relevance and prominence, where the prominence of an opinion is based on its relationships with other opinions. To find prominent opinions, we have (1) suggested a directed graph model of opinions where each link represents the sentiment an opinion expresses about another opinion (2) built a new variation of the PageRank algorithm that increases the scores of opinions along links with positive sentiments and decreases them as well as links with negative sentiments. We have tested the effectiveness of our model through extensive experiments using three datasets crawled from CNN, The Independent, and The Telegraph news websites. The experiments showed that our scoring model selects meaningful and insightful opinions.In the third part, we have focused on the development of a recommendation technique that exploits the results of the previous part and use them to enrich the content of news articles. We have tested various methods of leveraging opinions on the content of news articles. Concretely, we have worked on two main aspects. Firstly, we have only focused on sentiment-independent profiles, which consist on entities and aspects, and investigated of thoroughly the profile construction process. Secondly, we have enhanced the opinion ranking strategy described earlier by proposing an opinion diversification model based on authorities, semantic and sentiment diversification. The goal is to deal with redundant information and have a wide coverage of topic aspects. We have tested our approach by running large experiments on four datasets crawled from CNN, The Independent, The Telegraph, and Al-Jazeera. The results show that our model provide effective recommendation, particularly when enriching the content of news articles with a diversified set of opinions. ; Les sites de presse en ligne deviennent une des plateformes les plus populaires et les plus influentes des médias sociaux. Ils permettent aux gens d'accéder facilement aux informations sur des sujets de la vie quotidienne, de partager leurs opinions sur différentes questions, et de donner des commentaires sur le contenu publié.L'augmentation considérable des informations publiées nécessite des techniques de recommandation efficaces qui aident les utilisateurs à trouver les articles de presse qui correspondent à leurs intérêts. Ainsi, les utilisateurs sont constamment encouragés à participer à des sites de presse en ligne et à continuer à partager leurs opinions, qui représentent elles-mêmes une source précieuse d'information sociale.Dans cette thèse, nous avons étudié comment exploiter les contenus générés par les utilisateurs à des fins de recommandation personnalisée.L'intuition derrière cette ligne de recherche est que les opinions fournies par les utilisateurs, sur les sites de presse représentent un indicateur fort sur leurs profils. En exploitant ce type de contenu, nous pouvons extraire des informations précieuses sur les domaines d'intérêts des utilisateurs, leur inclination vers une certaine sorte d'articles de presse, leur orientation politique, leurs équipes sportives préférées, leurs préférences, et de nombreuses autres caractéristiques intéressantes.En outre, ce contenu peut également être utilisé pour enrichir le contenu des articles de presse eux-mêmes. En particulier, le contenu ajouté par les utilisateurs peut permettre de révéler des aspects qui ne sont pas bien décrits ou même ne se trouvent pas du tout dans l'article.Le contenu généré par l'utilisateur est le composant de base de notre travail. Cette thèse est divisée en trois parties principales qui représentent les différentes étapes du développement d'un système de recommandation d'articles de presse sur la base des contenus joutés par les utilisateurs.Dans la première partie, nous avons développé un modèle à grain fin qui capture les deux profils de l'article et de l'utilisateur. Le profil de chaque utilisateur est extrait de toutes les opinions et de toutes les réactions qui sont fournies sur les sites de presse étudiés, tandis que le profil d'un article est extrait de son contenu. Un profil est composé principalement des entités, des aspects et des sentiments exprimés dans le contenu correspondant. Bien que l'extraction d'entités est un problème bien établi, l'extraction d'aspect repose souvent sur des techniques supervisées, qui dépendent du domaine. Pour une solution plus générale, nous avons proposé une technique non-supervisée pour l'extraction des aspects, des opinions et des articles. Nous avons étudié deux types de modèles dans trois applications différentes.Le premier modèle, appelé profil dépendant du sentiment, exploite les sentiments liés à chaque entité et l'aspect de définir les orientations des utilisateurs vers une tendance spécifique. A cet effet, nous avons construit une base de connaissances des tendances, plus précisément des orientations politiques, qui guide l'extraction des profils d'une manière non supervisée. Nous avons évalué la précision des profils extraits sur deux ensembles de données glanées sur CNN et Al-Jazeera et les résultats montrent que notre approche donne des résultats de haute qualité.Le second modèle, appelé un profil indépendant du sentiment , se concentre uniquement sur les entités et les aspects et est utilisé avec un objectif de recommandation. Ce modèle a été utilisé pour définir à la fois les intérêts des utilisateurs et le contenu des articles de presse. Nous l'avons testé sur une grande collection d'articles et sur les activités réelles des utilisateurs dans quatre sites de presse, à savoir The Independent, The Telegraph, CNN et Al-Jazeera. Les résultats montrent que notre modèle surpasse les modèles existants et atteint une grande précision.Dans la troisième application, nous avons utilisé une combinaison des deux modèles précédent pour la recommandation d'articles de presse : le profil indépendant du sentiment pour définir les intérêts des utilisateurs est combiné avec le modèle de profil dépendant du sentiment pour décrire le contenu des articles de presse. L'objectif principal de cette application était de donner une méthode qui traite le problème de la redondance sur la liste des articles de presse recommandés. A cet effet, nous avons utilisé un modèle de diversification des profils des articles de presse pour réduire la redondance de la liste des articles recommandés. Nous avons testé notre approche sur les activités réelles des utilisateurs sur quatre sites de presse CNN, Al-Jazeera, The Telegraph, et The Independent. Les résultats montrent que la diversification améliore la qualité des articles de presse recommandés.Dans la deuxième partie, nous nous sommes concentrés sur la façon d'enrichir les profils d'article avec le contenu ajouté par les utilisateurs. L'idée consiste à exploiter la structure riche des opinions pour adapter la recommandation des articles aux besoins et aux intérêts de chaque utilisateur. Le principal défi de cette tâche consiste à savoir comment sélectionner les opinions utilisées pour le profil d'enrichissement. Le grand nombre et la nature bruitée des opinions demande une stratégie efficace de classement. Pour atteindre cet objectif, nous avons proposé un nouveau modèle de classement des avis en fonction de leur pertinence et de leur importance, où l'importance d'une opinion est basée sur ses relations avec d'autres opinions. Pour trouver des avis importants, nous avons (1) proposé un modèle de graphe orienté d'opinions où chaque lien représente le sentiment qu'une opinion exprime sur une autre opinion (2) construit une nouvelle variante de l'algorithme PageRank qui augmente ou diminue les scores des opinions liens selon qu'elles sont liées avec des sentiments positifs ou négatifs. Nous avons testé l'efficacité de notre modèle par le biais de vastes expériences en utilisant trois ensembles de données glanées à partir des sites de presse de CNN, The Independent, et The Telegraph. Les expériences ont montré que notre modèle de classement sélectionne des avis utiles et perspicaces.Dans la troisième partie, nous nous sommes concentrés sur le développement d'une technique de recommandation qui exploite les résultats de la seconde partie afin d'enrichir le contenu des articles de presse. Nous avons testé différentes méthodes pour tirer parti des avis sur le contenu des articles de presse. Concrètement, nous avons travaillé sur deux aspects principaux. Tout d'abord, nous avons seulement mis l'accent sur les profils indépendants du sentiment, entités et aspects seulement, et étudié le processus de construction du profil. Deuxièmement, nous avons amélioré la stratégie de classement des opinions décrite précédemment en proposant un modèle de diversification basé sur l'autorité de chaque utilisateur. Nous avons testé notre approche à grande échelle avec quatre ensembles de données glanées sur CNN, The Independent, The Telegraph et Al-Jazeera. Les résultats montrent que notre modèle fournit des recommandations précises, en particulier lorsque le contenu des articles de presse est enrichi avec un ensemble diversifié d'opinions.

Contemporary Ukrainian state and society pass through complicated and contradictory period of transformation of socio-economic, political, spiritual and moral relations. The youth, as subject and object of policy, social and cultural relations, mirrors the features of Ukrainian political system's evolution and cultural evolution in its vital activity. The youth is an important part of Ukrainian society, the medium of its intellectual potential, a main factor of socio-economic progress. Process of state building largely depends on capability of youth to be an active creative power.Nevertheless, it should be noted, that significant part of youth has no reliable political and socio-cultural reference points, civic consciousness isn't formed, spiritual and moral ideals are lost, increasingly the youth regards with negative to socially useful activities and becomes most separated from society and state than previous generations.Meantime effective socialization of youth is a necessary condition for a constant development of Ukrainian political system, largely depictures the future of the country. Perspective of society's further development primarily depend on the features of formation of the political culture of youth, its political values, socio-political orientation, political choice, attitude to power.In this regard, necessity of studying processes, what spread across youth subculture, political analysis of youth subcultural differentiation, production technologies and mechanisms for prevention deviant behaviour and crises among young people, appears.The socio-economic and spiritual development of Ukraine is impossible without concentration on resolving the problems of the youth as future of our country, a guarantor of social and economic progress, because an immutable truth is that further development mostly depend on providing young generations with decent conditions for life. In despite of declared realization of this truth, a majority of countries in the world starts new millennium with a significant burden of unsolved problems of youth, most of them, for a example, imparity of youth, unemployment, marginalization of young people, propagation of illegal social practices and asocial manifestations among young people, youth health problems and some marital and family problems etc., now shows tendency to intensification.Under conditions of deep economic and demographic crisis, crisis of culture and ideology, of post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine, youth problems in different areas of life become more specific, they entail hard and prolonged consequences, therefore, they need be analyzed deeply and regulated, realistic and balanced youth policy must be developed.The term "youth" is treated diversely in many branches of science - philosophy, sociology, political science, pedagogy, psychology etc. Its generalized version is suggested in encyclopedias and determines the youth as a separate socio-demographic group that differs in a complex of age characteristics, features of social status, that are determined by social system, culture, regularity of socialization, education in terms of a particular society.The youth, within the meaning of current age ranges of youth in Ukraine (according to national legislation an age range of youth is 15 - 34 years), makes up the significant part of the population of Ukraine. Now the youth contingent in Ukraine is demographically heterogeneous, because the youth unites in itself groups of rather a broad age range – from teenagers (15-17 years), post teenagers (18-19 years old) to much more experienced in age and socially persons and adults, that are over 30 years old (30-34 years).It should be considered that the youth is socially heterogeneous. Yong workers, villagers, students, political leaders, representatives of the business community, migrants, young specialists, marginal people with different degree of success adapt to market economy, frequently orient themselves on contradictory political and spiritual values.The position of youth political culture, as well as society generally, is largely fragmented. The separate groups of the youth differ from each other in the interest to policy, level of inclusion in the political life, orientations on different ideological and political currents of modern Ukraine. All this differences haven't characterized as acute antagonism and haven't led to excessive politicization yet.The young people significantly differ from older generations, because they almost got rid of illusions that somebody can solve their own problems. They are individualistic and pragmatic, relate to the modern authority rather neutrally and don't connect any positive changes with it.The young generation perceives the policy and the authority as entity that cause neither admiration, nor especially acute negative emotions. First of all, it proves in removal of a large number of the youth from political life. In some measure apathy of youth, first of all, appears because the reforms that take place in Ukraine impact on the youth most painfully, and because of absence of understanding policy towards youth as an independent socio-demographic group, also because the youth, on the one hand, doesn't see necessity to change something cardinally in environment, but, on the other hand, doesn't consider political activity as something important, it finds most perspective methods and forms of self-fulfillment. As a result – total alienation of the youth from the authority, that can be transformed into active rejection at any time.Today state only declares principles of political culture of participation and public culture. During period of formation of the youth generation it is necessary to examine the situation, to explore the depth and sharpness of social problems, to establish monitoring of youth life.Modern problems such as crisis of relationship of generations, impairment of vital parameters, formation of specific youth subculture and counterculture etc., demonstrate that all structures of socialization together – family, environment and even education, become not enough to solve the problems of society when new generations come on and it is not enough to solve the problems of youth, that takes on its historical subjectivity.Liberal views of youth are often formed under the influence of education, cultural environment, family socialization, but are not the result of a «rational» choice. State youth policy, as an innovative Institute, has it own particularities and the main one of them is that it is specialized and was built on innovative forms of activity. These forms are associated with deep process of knowledge and management. They need political will and great resources to be realized. The payment for that are guaranteed results of activity, without what society can't exist and develop no longer.As a result of new situation, what appeared because political activity in labor and educational groups had been prohibited, the policy moved on from industrial and academic areas to the sphere of free time of youth and led new youth organizations on the competition with traditional structures of free time. The youth structures could gain neither recognition, nor authority on broad stratums of the rising generation.The perspective of further development of society connects, first of all, with features of the formation of political culture of youth, its political values, a socio-political orientation, political choice and attitude towards the authority.The formation of consciousness of the category of population is strategically important for the state, because working politically active forces will be replaced exactly by today's youth. Now it is hard to manipulate the young people, they are very sensitive and note everything that takes place in society. May be, some part of them go to policy in order to make money, but for the most of them is important to realize their own opinions.The current political situation in Ukraine makes the youth think about a lot of questions: how can I, young man, decide something and affect the situation in the country (the region); how much does my vote weigh in elections etc. One of the most important factors that can push these people into active public deeds is confidence of an opportunity that something can be changed by their choice and decision.The modern politicians come to understanding that the slogans are ineffective and the youth can't be conquered with appeals on TV. The new generation is more independent than previous one and, the most important of this, that it has a choice. The votes of youth will not be cast without any reason – someone must work with it. The experience of last decades proves that only when countries pay much attention on work with youth they will success in policy and economy. A sustainable progress is demonstrated by societies that have looked over the system of traditional opinions about new generation and it importance for political and socio-economical development (for example, Germany, Sweden).In Ukraine a program of state and public actions in this sphere and mechanisms of solving these problems is determined by modern national policy. The especial attention should be paid to solving problems of youth self-realization and formation of young citizens.There is 367 003 persons (30,67 percent of all population of the region) of young people from 14 to 35 years old in Mykolaiv, including citizens - 251 712 persons and villagers - 115 291 persons. The youth needs permanent protection and help of state. However to give support to the youth doesn't mean to solve all its problems. First of all, it means to give the youth an opportunity to solve problems by itself.The Regional Program "The Youth of Mykolaiv Region" on 2011-2015 years becomes a strategic document. The conception determines directions of relationship's development between the state and the youth at the regional level. The most optimal way and method of solution are:to develop the scientifically argumentative strategy of implementation of public policy towards the youth of region;to popularize efficiency, availability and creation of extensive network of youth social infrastructure, a directing on activity that will satisfy needs and create the necessary conditions for effective socialization of young people;to promote youth occupation by introduction the system of career-guidance, creation the conditions for secondary employment, provision with fist job, stimulation to make business, outspread of youth information field concerning existing professions and demand for them; to promote youth employment and youth entrepreneurship by expansion of employment, professional training of youth, giving an opportunity to realize youth projects;to involve the youth in realization of social programs and projects of state youth policy that are directed on solving problems according to Program;to create a complex system of social protection for representatives in special categories of youth community, to render social assistance and support for the youth that is in crisis;to create conditions for providing social assistance and modeling healthy lifestyle among all groups of youth in Mykolaiv;to encourage the creative self-realization and total evolution of youth, to support the youth initiatives and activities at different spheres of life, to implement incentives in order to improve the cultural level of youth;to implement the mechanism how to inform youth community by mass media and Internet-resource;to implement measures to create conditions for youth loans;to promote the youth integration towards world and European community, the exchange of experience and joint activities of the youth at the regional and the national levels;to promote spiritual and physical development of young people in Mykolaiv region, a high patriotic consciousness, a national pride, a formation and development of motivation that is directed to preparation for doing public and constitutional duty in order to protect the national interests of Ukraine.Now it is possible to use young people in realization of youth police by enlisting them in youth and children public organizations. These organizations are one of the most important social institutes that promote a formation of civil society. The public organizations have exclusive opportunities for political socialization of youth, because they are not only a key-note subject of youth policy that affects its formation and realization, but also are good staff reserve for the public authorities and local government. The social movement is the force that can't be ignored and should not be ignored.So, it is important to create legal and other conditions for cooperation of the authority, youth public organizations and active representatives of this part of population. The principal revolution in youth attitude to policy will take place only when it feels itself a real member of process of transformation and development in Ukrainian society. ; Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей формирования политической куль-туры молодежи, ее политических ценностей, социально-политических ориентиров в период трансформации украинского общества, анализируется роль государства в формировании и реализации современной молодежной политики. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню особливостей формування політичної культури молоді, її політичних цінностей, соціально-політичних орієнтирів у період трансформації українського суспільства, проаналізовано роль держави у формуванні та реалізації сучасної молодіжної політики.

Brazil is a land of contrasts; at the same time that it is emerging as a global economic power, it is also one of the most unequal countries in Latin America. When "Lula" Da Silva and his Workers' Party ("PT") won the 2002 election, they intended to pay a historical debt to the poor. Lula envisioned a country with inclusive growth, where redistribution and poverty reduction were seen as prerequisites for economic growth, and not as competing policy objectives (Leubolt, 2013: 76). In doing so, his government not only changed the content of social policies, but also the very policy-making process. Lula's Fome Zero strategy takes a comprehensive approach to reducing hunger in Brazil. Fome Zero is an umbrella framework that includes programs aimed at increasing access to food, strengthening family agriculture, fostering income generating activities, and supporting partnership promotion and civil society mobilization.This brief presents an analysis of the Fome Zero policy targeting family agriculture, the Food Purchase Program (Programa de Aquisicao de Alimentos, "PAA"). In Brazil 30% of rural enterprises are family farms. They produce 38% of the agricultural value and employ over 70% of rural workers (Rocha, 2009: 58). On the other hand, in 2003 rural poverty was as high as 41%. Accordingly, PAA seeks to tackle rural poverty and food insecurity by guaranteeing demand in local markets for small producers through local government purchases of agricultural products. The first section of this brief presents the context in which PAA was conceived, followed by a summary of the implementation process. The following section presents an evaluation of the policy results. Finally, the analysis concludes with lessons learned and proposed changes.As previously mentioned, the PT election can be seen as the catalyst that propitiated the introduction of PAA. However, the formulation of social policies in Brazil started after the collapse of the military dictatorship in 1985. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution set in motion the decentralization process that empowered municipalities. Then, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) focused on strengthening democratic institutions and economic growth. In addition, in the early 1990s municipalities across different states devised conditional cash transfer (CCT) schemes that benefited the poor. Moreover, during the FHC administration (1995-2002) the federal government launched CCTs at the national level (Bolsa Escola and Bolsa Alimentacao).The PT created a positive environment that enabled the formulation of Fome Zero, with elements that legitimized such social policies as PAA. First, with the transition to democracy social protection policies began to be seen as investments to further development and not as drainage of public resources. Second, the provision of social services had experienced a switch from a universalist model to one that prioritizes targeting vulnerable populations, i.e. CCTs. The third factor was the current economic growth, since the government would not have been able to establish redistributive programs without it. The fourth element was the country's poor social indicators. Despite experiencing growth, Brazil had high social exclusion and inequality because the rapid economic development was elusive to the poor. Finally, the fifth source of legitimacy was the PT election. Lula based his presidential campaign on a discourse of inclusive growth. He promised to eradicate poverty and to redistribute wealth in the country, while reaffirming his commitment to continue with the orthodox liberal monetary policies introduced in previous administrations.Rural poverty and food insecurity were the problems that drove the creation of the PAA policy. The PT designed the framework to address these issues through Fome Zero and the National Food and Nutritional Security Policy ("PNSAN"). However, it deliberately democratized and decentralized the policy debate. In a nutshell, Fome Zero is the articulation of a web of social protection policies and ministries and agencies and its, and PAA's, success relied on creating partnerships with key stakeholders (local governments, businesses and civil society organizations). The federal government created the Social Development Ministry ("MDS") to manage Fome Zero and its subsidiary policies. During the policy formulation process, the MDS organized meetings, workshops and symposia with a multiplicity of stakeholders. These encounters granted non-governmental organizations the possibility to exert influence in the policy process. Social movements also played a key role in the formulation of the National Law for Food and Nutrition Security ("LOSAN"). Furthermore, this law granted civil society participation through the newly created National Council for Food and Nutrition Security ("CONSEA"), which is present at the national, regional and local levels.It was important that the new policy aimed at reducing rural poverty avoid compromising the pro-export production model that had transformed Brazil into one of the world's largest food exporters. Policy-makers considered several traditional options, three of which were discarded for various reasons. An extensive agrarian reform redistributing land to the landless and small farmers would have reduced food outputs. A second alternative, to take no action, would assume that market forces would provide opportunities for poor peasants. The third scenario was to formulate several policies, scattered across different ministries without coordination. The selected policy option implemented by the PT followed a multi-sectoral approach. It sought to increase poor families' income through CCTs, (Bolsa Familia), aimed at feeding the vulnerable population via school meals, community kitchens and popular restaurants, and at strengthening family agriculture through credit and food purchase via PRONAF and PAA. Ultimately, this integral overarching policy focuses on guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply.Successful implementation of such a policy demanded a new policy model that articulates the different dimensions of the policy, while also facilitating the participation of multiple stakeholders. In short, CONSEA, MDS and the Inter-Ministerial Chamber on Food and Nutritional Security ("CAISAN") established the policy system. In such policy system, the national, state and municipal executive powers have the ability to adapt the policy to their local context. The system is crafted after receiving feedback from within the political structure, as well as from the civil society. The following diagram illustrates how the food security policy process works.Created by Law 10.969 in 2003, PAA is administered by MDS and the Ministry of Agricultural Development ("MDA"). PAA guidelines are defined by the Grupo Gestor ("Managing Group"), which is comprised of six ministries: MDS; MDA; Economy; Planning and Budgeting; Agriculture; and Education. The execution has two stages; first, at the national level in partnership with the National Supply Agency (CONAB), and second, decentralized execution involving the participation of state and municipal governments. These latter partnerships are crucial for PAA because the MDS and MDA budget are directed exclusively towards agricultural products procurement, while it is the local governments who ensure the system is operable to allow for the purchases.PAA includes four programs: Purchase for Immediate Donation, Incentives for Milk Consumption and Production, Direct Purchase and Stock Formation. The first two programs aim at buying produce and milk to redistribute among the vulnerable population. Between 2003 and 2010 they represented 39% and 37% of PAA budget, respectively. The objectives of Direct Purchase and Stock formation are to facilitate resources for the promotion of public and individual's stock formation that can guarantee food availability and fair prices for family farmers.PAA intends to benefit two groups of people: food producers and food consumers. The food producers are family farmers including fish farmers, fishermen, extractors, indigenous farmers, quilombolaand family farmers settled during the land reform. The food consumers group comprises people and families under social vulnerability, with imminent risk of nutritional and food insecurity, people assisted by national food and nutrition security programs, and children in public schools.The follow paragraph summarizes the main policy outputs. By the end of 2011 the program had reached over 204,000 small farmers, which is only 3.28% of the rural farmer population. PAA's target for 2013 is to buy products from 445,000 farmers. PAA is present in 2,300 municipalities across the country and targets the country's poorest regions. For instance, the Northeastern region receives 50% of PAA budget. In terms of resources, the MDS and MDA budget has risen from $52 million in 2003 to $585 million in 2013. In terms of food production, food purchases more than tripled between 2003 and 2010, from 135,800 to 426,400 tons. On average, PAA serves 25,000 institutions that feed over 15 million people.PAA has produced both intended and unintended outcomes. First, the program has increased rural farmers' income through food purchases. Now, local farmers produce and sell to local schools and hospitals. Moreover, PAA pays an extra 30% above the regular price for organic products, boosting local economies as a result. Second, producers not covered by PAA are indirect beneficiaries because they also enjoy higher local prices. Third, food stocks have also helped control price fluctuations. Fourth, there is greater diversity of products since PPA purchases more than 330 different items. Fifth, PAA has played an important role in the strengthening of associations and cooperatives. It also provides the stimulus to establish small agro-industries so that associations can process and add value to their production output.Two unintended outcomes attributable to PAA are an increase in price for some staple foods and the expansion of neo-patrimonial institutions, such as political corruption, patronage and clientelism at the local level. Thus, we can assume that the policy "winners" are MDS, CONAB, CONSEA, civil society organizations, farmers, vulnerable population benefited by PAA, local level authorities and local institutions (i.e. schools). On the other hand, three policy "losers" are those corporations in charge of selling food products to the government, farmers who cannot meet the PAA criteria, and low- and middle-income urban populations who must pay higher prices. Although negatively impacted by PAA, these groups do not threaten the viability of the policy. Corporations and big businesses still sell food products to the government because PAA cannot meet the food demand. Despite the fact that they cannot sell to PAA, farmers have a suitable environment that provides easy access to credit and encourages production. Finally, even though prices increased, so did the salaries of the middle-income population.PAA is an innovative policy because of its participatory model during the formulation process, which allows it to enjoy support from its beneficiaries and civil society organizations. Also, PAA's administration is notable since, given its multi-sectoral approach, six different ministries form the managing unit. Finally, the regular control and oversight done by social movements and the impending need to improve coordination among ministries make policy evaluation a necessary priority for PAA's success.In a short amount of time, PAA has already undergone three evaluation rounds (2005, 2008 and 2010). Each evaluation improves the policy and guarantees more popular support. For instance, after the last evaluation the government enacted Law 12.512/2011 and Decree 7.775/2012, which aims at facilitating coordination among the implementing bodies. It also raised the maximum farmer benefits from $1,250 in 2003, to $2,400 in 2006, to $4,100 in 2012. In addition, it encourages organic production by paying 30% above regular price. More importantly, the last policy redesign includes a gender component by establishing that at least 5% of PAA purchases must come from women's associations. Finally, it guarantees a quota of 30% of institutional purchases (schools and hospitals, among others) for small farmers.However, despite the iterative evaluation and redesign process, there is still room for improvement in the policy. Most importantly, PAA does not reach the poorest of the poor. Although the registration process is very efficient because it is based on another social program (PRONAF), the poorest farmers lack land titles, thus cannot be part of PRONAF or PAA. The policy could be improved with provisions enabling the inclusion of this group.PAA is helping with the national goals of poverty alleviation, however redefining its goals and incorporating strategic planning in rural development could improve PAA. More specifically, PAA should reconsider its strategy towards associativism and cooperativism. The policy could enhance further rural development by supporting associations and cooperatives in becoming artisanal industries that add value to their products.In conclusion, PAA intends to solve a social problem by addressing both the supply and demand sides. On one hand, PPA's objective is to eliminate hunger by guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply. On the other hand, PAA reduces rural poverty by providing opportunities to small farmers with market access and better prices. The policy has demonstrated positive results and has been constantly improved through iterative evaluations. With further strategic planning on how to help associations becoming the leaders of rural development the policy could achieve optimal positive impact.Sobre el autorMA International DevelopmentSchool of International ServiceAmerican UniversityLicenciado en Estudios InternacionalesUniversidad ORT - Uruguay

Die Stadtentwicklungspolitik in Deutschland formuliert aufgrund veränderter Rahmenbedingungen wie dem demografischen Wandel, der Globalisierung der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen oder auch veränderter öffentlicher Finanzen, die normative Idee, Stadtquartiere durch eine intensivere Beteiligung privater Akteure zu entwickeln. Bisherige Versuche der Städtebauförderung die Einbindung privater Kleineigentümer in quartiersbezogene Handlungsansätze zu stimulieren zeigen, dass dies bislang nur unzureichend gelingt. Auf rationalen Handlungslogiken basierende Theorien sprechen im Zusammenhang der privaten Erstellung öffentlicher Güter sogar von "Marktversagen". Und trotzdem existieren bereits erste Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften (ESG) in Deutschland. Was ermöglichte dieses private Engagement? Angesichts fehlender empirischer Daten über freiwilliges kollektives Handeln privater Eigentümer in der Quartiers-entwicklung, geht die vorliegende Dissertation der Frage nach, welche Faktoren die Entstehung von ESG bestimmen und die institutionelle Struktur von ESG charakterisieren. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde ein vergleichendes Fallstudiendesign mit ESG in Dortmund, Essen und Görlitz gewählt. Die Ergebnisse der Dissertation verdeutlichen, dass ESG als abhängige Variable sowohl durch die individuellen Interessen bzw. Handlungsstrategien der Immobilieneigentümer bei der Bewirtschaftung ihrer Immobilien, als auch durch den Steuerungsanspruch staatlicher Akteure in der Quartiersentwicklung bestimmt werden. Die Autorin leitet die individuellen und kollektiven Handlungsstrategien der Akteure her und setzt sich mit der individuellen Motivation zum Handeln auseinander. Zusätzlich werden grundlegende institutionelle Merkmale von ESG und ihre Eigenheit als Urban Governance-Ansatz diskutiert. Aus den als Hypothesen formulierten Ergebnissen werden abschließend Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis sowie der weitere Forschungsbedarf abgeleitet.:A Einleitung.23 1 Hintergrund und Problemstellung.25 1.1 Städte im Wandel der Zeit.25 1.2 Die Städtebauförderung im Wandel der Zeit.33 2 Gegenstand und Zielstellung der Untersuchung.37 2.1 Gegenstand der Untersuchung.37 2.2 Ziel und Fragestellung der Untersuchung.42 3 Aufbau der Arbeit.45 4 Grenzen der Arbeit.49 B Kollektives Handeln – theoretische Einordnung der zentralen Problematik.51 1 Über die individuelle Herausforderung, kollektiv zu handeln.53 1.1 Zum Charakter des Kollektivgutes.54 1.2 Kollektives Handeln als rationales Handeln.56 1.3 Kollektives Handeln als soziales Handeln.60 1.4 Zwischenfazit.65 2 Über die Befähigung zum kollektiven Handeln mittels Institutionen.67 2.1 Verwendung des Begriffs und Entstehung von Institutionen.67 2.2 Einflussfaktoren bei der Entstehung von Institutionen.72 2.3 Typen von Institutionen und ihre Interaktionsformen.78 2.4 Charakter von Institutionen und ihre Wirkungen.84 2.5 Zwischenfazit.87 3 Kollektives Handeln als Koordinations- und Kooperationsaufgabe des Staates.91 3.1 Das Verhältnis zwischen staatlichen und privaten Akteuren.91 3.2 Von Planung über Steuerung zu Governance.94 3.3 Wandel im Planungsverständnis in der Stadtentwicklung.101 3.4 Zwischenfazit.108 C Herangehensweise und Methodik .111 1 Wahl des Forschungsdesigns.113 2 Auswahl und Erhebung der Daten.117 2.1 Auswahl der Fallstudien .117 2.2 Auswahl der Interviewpartner .121 2.3 Erhebung der Daten.124 2.4 Wahl der Interviewart und Durchführung der Interviews.126 3 Auswertung der Daten.129 3.1 Erkenntnistheoretische Grundannahmen.129 3.2 Prozess der Analyse.130 3.3 Generierungen der Hypothesen.135 D Einführung in Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften (ESG) in Deutschland und die Fallstudien .137 1 Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften in Deutschland.139 1.1 Anlass für Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften in Deutschland.139 1.2 Entwicklungsstand von ESG in Deutschland .140 1.3 ESG als Regelungstatbestand der Bundesgesetzgebung.143 1.4 ESG als ExWoSt-Forschungsfeld.145 2 Fallstudie ESG Brunnenstraßenviertel in Dortmund .149 2.1 Strukturdaten der Stadt Dortmund.149 2.2 Strukturdaten des ESG-Standortes.151 2.3 Entstehung, Akteure und Inhalte der ESG.155 2.4 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.157 2.5 Institutionelle Merkmale der ESG.161 3 Fallstudie ESG Vogelheim in Essen .163 3.1 Strukturdaten der Stadt Essen.163 3.2 Strukturdaten des ESG-Standortes.167 3.3 Entstehung, Akteure und Inhalte der ESG.169 3.4 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.170 3.5 Institutionelle Merkmale der ESG.172 4 Fallstudie ESG Gründerzeitquartier in Görlitz .175 4.1 Strukturdaten der Stadt Görlitz.175 4.2 Strukturdaten des ESG-Standortes.180 4.3 Entstehung, Akteure und Inhalte der ESG.184 4.4 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.186 4.5 Institutionelle Merkmale der ESG.188 E Vergleichende Analyse der Daten und Generierung übergreifender Aussagen zu ESG….191 1 Zwischen Idealisten und Rationalisten: Akteursgruppen und Rollenbilder.193 1.1 Die Akteursgruppen in ESG.193 1.2 Rollenbilder der Akteure und ihre Rolle in der ESG.199 2 Zwischen öffentlich und privat: Themen und Projekte der ESG.205 2.1 Zur Wahrnehmung der Handlungssituation .205 2.2 Projekte der ESG.209 3 Investition versus Exit: Handlungsstrategien der Akteure.215 3.1 Handlungsoptionen der Eigentümer bzgl. der Immobilie.215 3.2 Handlungsoptionen der Eigentümer bzgl. der ESG.222 3.3 Handlungsoptionen der öffentlichen Hand.226 3.4 Zusammenspiel und Pfadabhängigkeit in der Strategiewahl .229 4 Zwischen Unsicherheit und Sicherung: Motivation der Immobilieneigentümer.239 4.1 Reduzierung von Unsicherheit als übergeordnetes Motiv.240 4.2 Steigerung von Macht und Einfluss durch ESG.243 4.3 Monetäre Vorteile durch ESG.246 4.4 Lösung eines Sachproblems durch ESG.249 4.5 Der Einfluss von Kontextbedingungen auf die Entstehung von ESG.251 5 Hemmnisse und Erfolgsfaktoren im Entstehungsprozess.257 5.1 Hemmnisse für die Entstehung einer ESG.257 5.2 Erfolgsfaktoren für die Gründung einer ESG.263 6 Zwischen strategischem Netzwerk und Gemeinschaftsorganisation: institutionelle Ausprägung bei ESG.271 6.1 Die Generierung von Nutzen durch ESG.271 6.2 Mit der Institution ESG verbundene Kosten.273 6.3 Normen und Diskontierungsraten der Akteure.279 7 Zwischen Anreiz und Zwang: Urban Governance und die Rolle des Staates.283 7.1 Zwischen Anreiz und Zwang: Steuerungsansätze in ESG.283 7.2 Urban Governance: Zur Rolle der öffentlichen Hand in ESG.289 F Diskussion der Hypothesen und Schlussfolgerungen .293 1 Diskussion der Hypothesen zu den Forschungsfragen.295 1.1 Beteiligte und Themen von ESG.296 1.2 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.301 1.3 Erfolgsfaktoren und Hemmnisse im ESG-Entstehungsprozess.307 1.4 Institutionelle Merkmale von ESG.310 1.5 ESG als Governance in der Stadtentwicklung.314 1.6 Fazit zur Leitfrage.319 2 Schlussfolgerungen und weiterer Forschungsbedarf .323 2.1 Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis.323 2.2 Weiterer Forschungsbedarf.330 G Verzeichnisse.335 1 Quellen.337 1.1 Literatur.337 1.2 Internet.357 1.3 Interviewpartner.358 2 Abkürzungsverzeichnis.365 3 Abbildungsverzeichnis.367 4 Tabellenverzeichnis.369 ; This PhD thesis deals with a concept of urban development which is at present in a pilot phase in Germany, the Local Property Owner Partnership (LoPOP). These are characterized by a voluntary collective development of the quarter at the initiative of the property owners. The demographic, economic and social structures lead to spatially differentiated changes which induce complex problems in urban development. Among others, this may result in a notable increase of vacant flats, an increasing demand for low-barrier flats or in investment backlogs of the public infrastructure. A large part of the up-coming investment tasks concerns private property and requires action by private property owners, e.g. in the development of living space. Attempts to activate proprietors via urban development funding have shown minor success up to now. Current urban development policy formulates the idea to reach a positive development of structurally weak quarters by a more intensified participation of private actors in collective approaches. In view of the missing of empirical data on voluntary action by private proprietors in the urban development, the PhD thesis investigates which factors determine the establishment of Local Property Owner Partnerships and characterize their institutional structure. Due to the small number of existing LoPOPs in Germany as well as to the limited number of scientific publications dealing with this subject, a comparative case study design was chosen. Fifty-six partially structured interviews were held in three heterogeneously distinctive LoPOPs in Dortmund, Essen and Görlitz. The transcribed interview data were processed by means of reconstructive content analyses and the results were formulated as hypotheses. The results of the thesis show that the subject of examination, LoPOPs, can be discussed with respect to actor-related and institutional theories as well as governance approaches. LoPOPs are defined as a dependent variable with respect to the individual interests and strategies of action of the property owners concerning their real estate management as well as to the governance requirements of state actors concerning the development of the quarter. Thereby, it has become apparent that one should make a distinction between the strategies of action of the state and the private actors. Both groups show three basic types of action strategies which have constructional and social as well as structural impacts on the quarter. The individual strategies of action of the proprietors are invest, wait and exit. With regard to the quarter, the municipal actors have the strategies develop, wait or retract at their disposal. Moreover, the data analyses discovered a path dependency between the individual management strategies of the proprietors and their action in the collective situation. The actors who are focusing on wait or on exit play the role of free riders. With regard to the proprietors who are willing to invest, three collective strategies of action may be noted: wait, individual effort and cooperation. As a central motive for choosing the collective strategy of action cooperation and, thus for commitment to participating in the LoPOP, the reduction of uncertainty could be identified. According to this, the preparedness for cooperation depends on the intensity of uncertainty in the management of the property and, thus, also on the degree of being affected by the above mentioned structural change. Whether the LoPOP is a suitable tool for the elimination of this uncertainty is closely connected with its institutional structure. LoPOPs are - taking into account the specific constellation of actors - characterized by high transaction costs, due to the low legal and social possibilities for sanctions. Therefore, a clear value of the projects and the common standards of the actors are all the more necessary for success. LoPOPs deal with the development of quarters and produce, as a private initiative, also public goods. This establishes the public interest in their development. The results of the thesis show that, due to the constellation of actors, interests and themes in voluntary LoPOPs, the state actors concentrate on the interaction form of the horizontal coordination. Therefore, LoPOPs can be referred to as a form of Urban Governance. Moreover, it becomes obvious that, when the mission statement of a voluntary, informal and private network of small proprietors shall be realised, on the one hand free riders cannot be avoided, on the other hand the public authorities are indispensable providing consulting and financial support. In comparison with traditional approaches of urban development funding, LoPOPs, as collective development approaches, need an intensive involvement of local actors in addition to the thematic debate during their preparation. The thesis terminates with conclusions for practice as well as needs for further research drawn from the generated hypotheses. The needs for further research refer inter alia to the evaluation of effects of the LoPOPs; the analysis of learning processes among the groups of actors in the development process and in the verification of the generated hypotheses in this work.:A Einleitung.23 1 Hintergrund und Problemstellung.25 1.1 Städte im Wandel der Zeit.25 1.2 Die Städtebauförderung im Wandel der Zeit.33 2 Gegenstand und Zielstellung der Untersuchung.37 2.1 Gegenstand der Untersuchung.37 2.2 Ziel und Fragestellung der Untersuchung.42 3 Aufbau der Arbeit.45 4 Grenzen der Arbeit.49 B Kollektives Handeln – theoretische Einordnung der zentralen Problematik.51 1 Über die individuelle Herausforderung, kollektiv zu handeln.53 1.1 Zum Charakter des Kollektivgutes.54 1.2 Kollektives Handeln als rationales Handeln.56 1.3 Kollektives Handeln als soziales Handeln.60 1.4 Zwischenfazit.65 2 Über die Befähigung zum kollektiven Handeln mittels Institutionen.67 2.1 Verwendung des Begriffs und Entstehung von Institutionen.67 2.2 Einflussfaktoren bei der Entstehung von Institutionen.72 2.3 Typen von Institutionen und ihre Interaktionsformen.78 2.4 Charakter von Institutionen und ihre Wirkungen.84 2.5 Zwischenfazit.87 3 Kollektives Handeln als Koordinations- und Kooperationsaufgabe des Staates.91 3.1 Das Verhältnis zwischen staatlichen und privaten Akteuren.91 3.2 Von Planung über Steuerung zu Governance.94 3.3 Wandel im Planungsverständnis in der Stadtentwicklung.101 3.4 Zwischenfazit.108 C Herangehensweise und Methodik .111 1 Wahl des Forschungsdesigns.113 2 Auswahl und Erhebung der Daten.117 2.1 Auswahl der Fallstudien .117 2.2 Auswahl der Interviewpartner .121 2.3 Erhebung der Daten.124 2.4 Wahl der Interviewart und Durchführung der Interviews.126 3 Auswertung der Daten.129 3.1 Erkenntnistheoretische Grundannahmen.129 3.2 Prozess der Analyse.130 3.3 Generierungen der Hypothesen.135 D Einführung in Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften (ESG) in Deutschland und die Fallstudien .137 1 Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften in Deutschland.139 1.1 Anlass für Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften in Deutschland.139 1.2 Entwicklungsstand von ESG in Deutschland .140 1.3 ESG als Regelungstatbestand der Bundesgesetzgebung.143 1.4 ESG als ExWoSt-Forschungsfeld.145 2 Fallstudie ESG Brunnenstraßenviertel in Dortmund .149 2.1 Strukturdaten der Stadt Dortmund.149 2.2 Strukturdaten des ESG-Standortes.151 2.3 Entstehung, Akteure und Inhalte der ESG.155 2.4 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.157 2.5 Institutionelle Merkmale der ESG.161 3 Fallstudie ESG Vogelheim in Essen .163 3.1 Strukturdaten der Stadt Essen.163 3.2 Strukturdaten des ESG-Standortes.167 3.3 Entstehung, Akteure und Inhalte der ESG.169 3.4 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.170 3.5 Institutionelle Merkmale der ESG.172 4 Fallstudie ESG Gründerzeitquartier in Görlitz .175 4.1 Strukturdaten der Stadt Görlitz.175 4.2 Strukturdaten des ESG-Standortes.180 4.3 Entstehung, Akteure und Inhalte der ESG.184 4.4 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.186 4.5 Institutionelle Merkmale der ESG.188 E Vergleichende Analyse der Daten und Generierung übergreifender Aussagen zu ESG….191 1 Zwischen Idealisten und Rationalisten: Akteursgruppen und Rollenbilder.193 1.1 Die Akteursgruppen in ESG.193 1.2 Rollenbilder der Akteure und ihre Rolle in der ESG.199 2 Zwischen öffentlich und privat: Themen und Projekte der ESG.205 2.1 Zur Wahrnehmung der Handlungssituation .205 2.2 Projekte der ESG.209 3 Investition versus Exit: Handlungsstrategien der Akteure.215 3.1 Handlungsoptionen der Eigentümer bzgl. der Immobilie.215 3.2 Handlungsoptionen der Eigentümer bzgl. der ESG.222 3.3 Handlungsoptionen der öffentlichen Hand.226 3.4 Zusammenspiel und Pfadabhängigkeit in der Strategiewahl .229 4 Zwischen Unsicherheit und Sicherung: Motivation der Immobilieneigentümer.239 4.1 Reduzierung von Unsicherheit als übergeordnetes Motiv.240 4.2 Steigerung von Macht und Einfluss durch ESG.243 4.3 Monetäre Vorteile durch ESG.246 4.4 Lösung eines Sachproblems durch ESG.249 4.5 Der Einfluss von Kontextbedingungen auf die Entstehung von ESG.251 5 Hemmnisse und Erfolgsfaktoren im Entstehungsprozess.257 5.1 Hemmnisse für die Entstehung einer ESG.257 5.2 Erfolgsfaktoren für die Gründung einer ESG.263 6 Zwischen strategischem Netzwerk und Gemeinschaftsorganisation: institutionelle Ausprägung bei ESG.271 6.1 Die Generierung von Nutzen durch ESG.271 6.2 Mit der Institution ESG verbundene Kosten.273 6.3 Normen und Diskontierungsraten der Akteure.279 7 Zwischen Anreiz und Zwang: Urban Governance und die Rolle des Staates.283 7.1 Zwischen Anreiz und Zwang: Steuerungsansätze in ESG.283 7.2 Urban Governance: Zur Rolle der öffentlichen Hand in ESG.289 F Diskussion der Hypothesen und Schlussfolgerungen .293 1 Diskussion der Hypothesen zu den Forschungsfragen.295 1.1 Beteiligte und Themen von ESG.296 1.2 Handlungsmotive und -strategien der Beteiligten.301 1.3 Erfolgsfaktoren und Hemmnisse im ESG-Entstehungsprozess.307 1.4 Institutionelle Merkmale von ESG.310 1.5 ESG als Governance in der Stadtentwicklung.314 1.6 Fazit zur Leitfrage.319 2 Schlussfolgerungen und weiterer Forschungsbedarf .323 2.1 Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis.323 2.2 Weiterer Forschungsbedarf.330 G Verzeichnisse.335 1 Quellen.337 1.1 Literatur.337 1.2 Internet.357 1.3 Interviewpartner.358 2 Abkürzungsverzeichnis.365 3 Abbildungsverzeichnis.367 4 Tabellenverzeichnis.369

Nach der Trennung von Kirche und Staat (1905), waren die französischen Städte nicht länger autorisiert, den Bau von neuen Kirchen zu finanzieren oder sich um die Instandhaltung derjenigen Kirchen zu kümmern, die diesen bis dahin unterstellt waren. Konfrontiert mit Kritik von Seiten der Katholischen Kirche, stufte der französische Staat während der Jahre 1905-1914 viele Kirchen als offizielle historische Monumente ein. Dadurch wurde den Städten erlaubt, ihre Kirchen unter dem Vorsatz der Erhaltung des nationalen Erbes instand zu halten. Ausgestattet mit einem hohen Maß an nationaler Größe, hatten Kirchen eine bedeutende Rolle in der Kriegspropaganda vieler kriegsführender Staaten gespielt. Im Gegensatz zur französischen Propaganda, waren die Kirchen scheinbar nicht vornehmlich durch die deutschen Armeen zerstört worden. Nach dem Krieg führte der französische Staat ein sehr komplexes System zur Entschädigung von Kriegsschäden ein. Im Jahr 1919 gründete der Kanoniker Émile Thouvenin eine Kooperative zum Wiederaufbau in jeder Gemeinde im Departement von Meurthe-et-Moselle. Mit der Unterstützung der Präfektur, rief er 1921 eine Kooperative ins Leben, welche dem Wiederaufbau der Kirchen in der Diözese Nancy galt. Dieses Unternehmen wanderte oft auf dem schmalen Grat zwischen dem Gesetz zur Trennung von Kirche und Staat und dem Gesetz über Kriegsschäden. Gleichwohl bestand das Anliegen dieser Initiative nicht darin, das Gesetz zu umgehen: In erster Linie war es darauf ausgerichtet, den Prozess des Ausgleichs von Zerstörungen und den der Bauzulassung für Projekte zum Wiederaufbau von Kirchen zu beschleunigen. Die Beteiligung von offizieller Hand hatte zusätzlich den Vorteil der Rückkehr der Kirchen in ihre Rolle als offizielle Institution. Während der Einweihungsfeiern von wiederaufgebauten Kirchen waren die zivilen und kirchlichen Eliten von Meurthe-et-Moselle beständig angehalten, den Geist des 'geheiligten Bundes' (Union sacrée) sogar während der antikirchlichen Phase des linken Flügels des Cartel des Gauches (1924-1925) zu bewahren. Darüber hinaus zeigte der Kanoniker Thouvenin mehr Interesse an finanziellen und institutionellen Fragen als an der Stilart der Kirchen. Einige von diesen sind Kopien der neuromanischen oder neugotischen Kirchen, die vor dem Krieg gebaut wurden während andere deutlich moderner wirken.:Volume 1: Introduction Première partie. La séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat et ses conséquences pendant l'avant-guerre. 1905-1914 I. Les églises à la veille de la loi de séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat II. Les conséquences de la séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat III. Catholicisme et patriotisme à la veille de la guerre Deuxième partie. Les églises pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919 I. La « passion » des églises du diocèse de Nancy II. Les premiers débats sur la reconstruction III. Le bilan des destructions Troisième partie. Le cadre institutionnel et les grandes étapes de la reconstruction des églises I. Les prémices de la reconstruction II. La coopérative de reconstruction des églises du diocèse de Nancy III. Les lieux de culte reconstruits en marge ou hors du cadre de la coopérative diocésaine IV. Le rôle des architectes et des entrepreneurs Quatrième partie. La loi sur les dommages de guerre et la loi de séparation I. La place des églises dans l'urbanisme II. L'application aux églises de la loi sur les dommages de guerre III. Le contournement de la loi de séparation Cinquième partie. « Le bouquet sur le faîte », la dimension symbolique des églises reconstruites I. Un style « première reconstruction » ? II. « Domine salvam fac republicam ». La construction des églises et la perpétuation de l'Union sacrée III. La réception et la postérité des églises Conclusion Sources Bibliographie Chronologie Notices biographiques Index des personnes Index des lieux Table des matières détaillée Volume 2: Annexes I. Chronologie des archives des dommages de guerre II. Les églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle entre 1905 et 1914 III. L'Eglise et les églises pendant la guerre IV. Le bilan matériel de la guerre V. L'organisation de la reconstruction VI. Les architectes et les entrepreneurs VII. L'application de la loi Cornudet du 14 mars 1919 VIII. La coopérative de reconstruction des églises IX. Le coût des églises reconstruites X. L'association diocésaine de Nancy Iconographie générale I. Cartes II. Les images de lieux de culte pendant la guerre III. Les églises provisoires IV. L'urbanisme dans les villages reconstruits V. Les chantiers de reconstruction VI. Les matériaux de construction VII. L'iconographie régionale et patriotique VIII. Les protagonistes de la reconstruction des églises IX. Les cérémonies de consécration X. Les mairies XI. Les églises construites dans les communes industrielles de l'arrondissement de Briey hors du cadre de la coopérative XII. Les églises, lieux de mémoire de la Première Guerre mondiale Catalogue des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle endommagées pendant la Première Guerre mondiale Première partie. Les églises gravement endommagées Deuxième partie. Les églises peu ou très peu endommagées Répertoire des architectes ayant participé à la reconstruction des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle Table des matières détaillée ; Après la séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat (1905), les communes françaises n'étaient plus autorisées à financer la construction de nouvelles églises ou à assumer les grosses réparations des églises qui leur appartenaient déjà. Face aux critiques des catholiques, l'Etat a classé de nombreuses églises comme monuments historiques pendant les années 1905-1914, permettant ainsi aux communes de les entretenir pour des raisons patrimoniales et plus cultuelles. Investies d'une forte dimension nationale, les églises ont joué un rôle très important dans la propagande de guerre des différents pays belligérants en 1914-1918. Contrairement à ce qu'affirmait la propagande française, les églises ne semblent pas avoir fait l'objet d'un acharnement particulier de la part des armées allemandes. À l'issue du conflit, l'Etat français a mis en place un système d'indemnisation des dommages de guerre très complexe. Pour compléter ce système, le chanoine Emile Thouvenin a fondé, en 1919, une coopérative de reconstruction dans chaque commune détruite du département de Meurthe-et-Moselle. Avec l'appui de la préfecture, il a créé, en 1921, une coopérative vouée à la reconstruction des églises du diocèse de Nancy. Cette coopérative œuvra souvent en marge de la loi de séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat et de la loi sur les dommages de guerre. L'initiative du chanoine Thouvenin n'avait cependant pas pour but de contourner la législation en vigueur : il s'agissait surtout d'accélérer le processus d'indemnisation des dommages et d'approbation des projets de reconstruction des églises. L'implication des autorités officielles dans la reconstruction des églises avait par ailleurs l'avantage de rendre à l'Eglise une partie de son rôle d'institution officielle. Lors des cérémonies de consécration des églises reconstruites, les élites civiles et religieuses de Meurthe-et-Moselle se sont constamment attachées à perpétuer l'esprit de l'Union sacrée, même pendant le Cartel des Gauches (1924-1925) marqué par un regain d'anticléricalisme. Par ailleurs, le chanoine Thouvenin s'est plus intéressé aux aspects financiers et institutionnels qu'au style des églises reconstruites : certaines d'entre elles sont des copies conformes des édifices néo-romans ou néogothiques d'avant-guerre, d'autres apparaissent résolument modernes.:Volume 1: Introduction Première partie. La séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat et ses conséquences pendant l'avant-guerre. 1905-1914 I. Les églises à la veille de la loi de séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat II. Les conséquences de la séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat III. Catholicisme et patriotisme à la veille de la guerre Deuxième partie. Les églises pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919 I. La « passion » des églises du diocèse de Nancy II. Les premiers débats sur la reconstruction III. Le bilan des destructions Troisième partie. Le cadre institutionnel et les grandes étapes de la reconstruction des églises I. Les prémices de la reconstruction II. La coopérative de reconstruction des églises du diocèse de Nancy III. Les lieux de culte reconstruits en marge ou hors du cadre de la coopérative diocésaine IV. Le rôle des architectes et des entrepreneurs Quatrième partie. La loi sur les dommages de guerre et la loi de séparation I. La place des églises dans l'urbanisme II. L'application aux églises de la loi sur les dommages de guerre III. Le contournement de la loi de séparation Cinquième partie. « Le bouquet sur le faîte », la dimension symbolique des églises reconstruites I. Un style « première reconstruction » ? II. « Domine salvam fac republicam ». La construction des églises et la perpétuation de l'Union sacrée III. La réception et la postérité des églises Conclusion Sources Bibliographie Chronologie Notices biographiques Index des personnes Index des lieux Table des matières détaillée Volume 2: Annexes I. Chronologie des archives des dommages de guerre II. Les églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle entre 1905 et 1914 III. L'Eglise et les églises pendant la guerre IV. Le bilan matériel de la guerre V. L'organisation de la reconstruction VI. Les architectes et les entrepreneurs VII. L'application de la loi Cornudet du 14 mars 1919 VIII. La coopérative de reconstruction des églises IX. Le coût des églises reconstruites X. L'association diocésaine de Nancy Iconographie générale I. Cartes II. Les images de lieux de culte pendant la guerre III. Les églises provisoires IV. L'urbanisme dans les villages reconstruits V. Les chantiers de reconstruction VI. Les matériaux de construction VII. L'iconographie régionale et patriotique VIII. Les protagonistes de la reconstruction des églises IX. Les cérémonies de consécration X. Les mairies XI. Les églises construites dans les communes industrielles de l'arrondissement de Briey hors du cadre de la coopérative XII. Les églises, lieux de mémoire de la Première Guerre mondiale Catalogue des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle endommagées pendant la Première Guerre mondiale Première partie. Les églises gravement endommagées Deuxième partie. Les églises peu ou très peu endommagées Répertoire des architectes ayant participé à la reconstruction des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle Table des matières détaillée ; After the separation of Church and State (1905), French towns were no longer authorized to finance the construction of new churches, or the major repairs of churches that already belonged to them. Faced with criticism from the Catholics, the French State classified many churches as official historical monuments during the years 1905-1914, thus enabling the towns to repair their churches for the purpose of preserving the nation's heritage. Invested with a strong national dimension, churches have played an important role in the war propaganda of the various belligerent countries. Contrary to French propaganda, the churches were apparently not destroyed by the German armies in particular. After the conflict, the French State established a very complex system of compensation for war damages. In 1919, the canon Émile Thouvenin founded a reconstruction cooperative in each municipality of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle. With the support of the préfécture, he created in 1921 a cooperative devoted to the reconstruction of churches in the diocese of Nancy. This cooperative worked often on the very edge between the Law of Separation and the Law on War Damages. This initiative's intention, however, was not to avoid the law: It was first of all created to accelerate the process of compensation for damages and the approval of projects for rebuilding churches. The involvement of the official authorities had the additional advantage of returning the Church to its role as official institution. During the consecration ceremonies of rebuilt churches, civil and religious elites of Meurthe-et-Moselle were constantly attached to perpetuate the spirit of the Sacred Union, even during the anticlerical phase of the Left-Wing 'Cartel des Gauches' (1924-1925). Furthermore, canon Thouvenin had shown more interest in the financial and institutional questions than in the style of churches. Some of them are copies of the Neo-Romanesque or Neo-Gothic churches built before the war while others seems definitely modern.:Volume 1: Introduction Première partie. La séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat et ses conséquences pendant l'avant-guerre. 1905-1914 I. Les églises à la veille de la loi de séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat II. Les conséquences de la séparation des Eglises et de l'Etat III. Catholicisme et patriotisme à la veille de la guerre Deuxième partie. Les églises pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. 1914-1919 I. La « passion » des églises du diocèse de Nancy II. Les premiers débats sur la reconstruction III. Le bilan des destructions Troisième partie. Le cadre institutionnel et les grandes étapes de la reconstruction des églises I. Les prémices de la reconstruction II. La coopérative de reconstruction des églises du diocèse de Nancy III. Les lieux de culte reconstruits en marge ou hors du cadre de la coopérative diocésaine IV. Le rôle des architectes et des entrepreneurs Quatrième partie. La loi sur les dommages de guerre et la loi de séparation I. La place des églises dans l'urbanisme II. L'application aux églises de la loi sur les dommages de guerre III. Le contournement de la loi de séparation Cinquième partie. « Le bouquet sur le faîte », la dimension symbolique des églises reconstruites I. Un style « première reconstruction » ? II. « Domine salvam fac republicam ». La construction des églises et la perpétuation de l'Union sacrée III. La réception et la postérité des églises Conclusion Sources Bibliographie Chronologie Notices biographiques Index des personnes Index des lieux Table des matières détaillée Volume 2: Annexes I. Chronologie des archives des dommages de guerre II. Les églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle entre 1905 et 1914 III. L'Eglise et les églises pendant la guerre IV. Le bilan matériel de la guerre V. L'organisation de la reconstruction VI. Les architectes et les entrepreneurs VII. L'application de la loi Cornudet du 14 mars 1919 VIII. La coopérative de reconstruction des églises IX. Le coût des églises reconstruites X. L'association diocésaine de Nancy Iconographie générale I. Cartes II. Les images de lieux de culte pendant la guerre III. Les églises provisoires IV. L'urbanisme dans les villages reconstruits V. Les chantiers de reconstruction VI. Les matériaux de construction VII. L'iconographie régionale et patriotique VIII. Les protagonistes de la reconstruction des églises IX. Les cérémonies de consécration X. Les mairies XI. Les églises construites dans les communes industrielles de l'arrondissement de Briey hors du cadre de la coopérative XII. Les églises, lieux de mémoire de la Première Guerre mondiale Catalogue des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle endommagées pendant la Première Guerre mondiale Première partie. Les églises gravement endommagées Deuxième partie. Les églises peu ou très peu endommagées Répertoire des architectes ayant participé à la reconstruction des églises de Meurthe-et-Moselle Table des matières détaillée

The aim of this report is to describe and analyze the embodiment of acceptance and recognition in discourses and practices which address cultural diversity in the Swedish educational system. In order to fulfil this general aim, we study how different categories of practitioners in the Swedish school system, such as teachers, headmasters and union representatives, and other stakeholders, such as civil servants, and representatives of political parties and the civil society, discuss and relate to the claims of recognition put forth by Muslim practitioners and/or policy measures designed to reach the fulfilment of those claims. Two cases are studied: the establishment of Muslim independent schools and the claims to dress veiled in public schools, out forth by Muslim youth. The cases are selected with consideration to a number of circumstances. First, the faith and belief practices of Muslim migrants have been debated on a large scale in Swedish media during the last decade, as in many other West European and North American countries. It is quite common that these practices has been put under scrutiny, and subjected to extensive critique. The attention paid to Muslim belief practices and institutions has also reached Muslim denominational schools and the practice of Burqa and Niqab. The establishment of denominational schools during the last two decades, whether Islamic or not, has also received a lot of attention, in mainstream media as well as in debates on education policy. For instance, a number of political parties have voiced demands to keep down the number of Islamic denominational schools. Second, Muslim migrants has, according to a number of studies, been subjected to direct and indirect discrimination. Whether this discrimination primarily is religious to its nature, or ethnic, and hence targeting their ethnic identity, is not always concluded, but the extensive negative attention mentioned above suggests that the scope of religiously motivated discrimination is either predominant or on the rise. The enactment of Muslim belief practices is not infrequently obstructed. For example, the construction of Mosques does seldom take place in silence; frequent and high-pitched voices of rejection and disapproval are common, and when the buildings once are completed, the congregations receive numerous threats and insults. The opposition is evident, and two mosques have been burned down. Moreover, women wearing burqa or niqab report being harassed in public. Apart from the lack of recognition and acceptance in religious matters, the prevalence of discriminatory mechanisms might also obstruct the access to welfare services and the entry to the labour market. This report consists of two cases studies, which relies solely on qualitative data. The main part of the empirical material consists of interviews with 13 persons – three teachers, three headmasters, two union representatives, two civil servants, one jurist, one imam and one representative of a political party. The interviews are used as a source for both cases. As additions to interviews, we have collected newspaper articles, memos from public authorities, bills introduced to the parliament, debates on commentary fields in web-edition of newspapers, et cetera. Being a minor study, it is necessary to make some reservations concerning the reliability of our material. Thus, it is difficult to determine whether or not it is possible to make generalizations from our material, thus asserting that the viewpoints found in our material are overlapping with or similar to the attitudes of other teachers, headmasters et cetera. In sum, a number of disadvantages with the establishment of Islamic denominational schools are expressed. They are allegedly divisive, both culturally and socially, and the quality of their instructions is supposed to be inadequate, in relation to the standards explicated in the national curriculum and syllabi. If the attitudes found in this study is spread all over Sweden, it could reasonable be said that Muslim schools are met by suspicion. Still, few calls for shutting down of these schools are voiced. It seems that the Muslim denominational schools are tolerated in a literal sense: it is accepted, sometimes pragmatically, but not liked. On the other hand, it could be said that the provision of a juridical and institutional space for religious minorities to establish denominational schools is part of politics of recognition; i.e. an educational policy which, under auspicious circumstances might provide the means for religious minorities to receive respect as equal and gain admission as normal. It must also be noted that the some of the objections to the existence of denominational schools implicitly and explicitly related to some central notions in Swedish educational policy. The notion of equivalence is a keyword in this context, and signifies on the one hand a demand for abidance by the national curriculum and syllabi, and on the other a priority of equalizing measures over freedom of choice. The equalizing and integrative objectives of the compulsory school project seem to be vital, but the quest for recognition of minority beliefs systems is circumscribed. Thus, the reproduction of "demos" is given priority over the recognition of "ethnos". As such, the notion of "equivalence" [likvärdighet] has been a keyword in Swedish educational policy since the 1980's, denoting equalizing ambitions as well as educational uniformity and compliance to steering documents. A number of objections to the practice of wearing Burqa or Niqab are put forth by our interviewees. In contrast to the media debate, the argument of gender equality was relatively downgraded. Rather, the interviewees focused on assumed problems with identification and communication. It was said that the abovementioned veiling practices obstructed the possibility of identifying the students at school, and also rendered the communication – and hence the instructions – at school more difficult. In comparison with the question of Islamic denominational schools, the non-tolerant stance was more manifest, although few explicit calls for a prohibition were made. Moreover, a specific discursive framing of the veiling practices could be discerned. The wearing of Burqa or Niqab was associated with phenomena such as mischief and the hidden, thus casting suspicion over the practice in question. As an instance of the everyday life, rather than an institutional arrangement, veiling practices could arguably be considered to be of less concern for educational policy than the establishment and maintenance of Islamic denominational schools. Still, the question of prohibition has gained a lot media attention during the last years, and brought the regulating dimension to the fore. And though our material contains few explicit calls for prohibition, several interviewees claimed that a teacher must see the face of the student in order to instruct and educate. And although the goal of equivalence was less relevant in this matter, the practice of veiling was questioned with reference to universal human rights, as the rights of the child. The right of the parent to exert influence in religious matter was questioned, since it could be regarded as a limitation of the freedom to choose direction to the walk of life. Thus, it seems like that the right to wear Burqa and Niqab in public schools are among the non-tolerable, although few explicit calls for prohibition can be discerned. So far, the material in our report, consisting of relatively limited set of qualitative data resonates with the broader tendency discerned by Orlando Mella, Irving Palm and Kristin Bromark (2011): the resistance in Sweden against the Burqa and the Niqab is compact; almost nine Swedes out of ten find it (totally or partly) unacceptable to wear Burqa and Niqab, respectively, at school or at work (Mella et al 2011:30), whereas seven out of ten find it (totally or partly) unacceptable to wear Burqa and Niqab at other public places. As noted above, the stress on equivalence consists of two distinct although related arguments. On the one hand, there is a demand for abidance by the law (here: steering documents such as national curriculum and syllabi), which among other things are paid attention to because Islamic schools are suspected not to follow these steering documents accordingly. This interpretation of "equivalence" is related to an understanding of the term which has become more and more frequent since the introduction of freedom of choice and independent schools in Swedish educational policy, and the decentralized system of governance of education in Sweden (Lindensjö & Lundgren 2002). In this context, where regulation is obtained through management by objective and evaluation, and responsibilities are spread between numerous responsible organizations, the goal of equivalence is equivalent (!) to abiding by the law. On the other hand, there is wish to maintain socially integrated educational environments, in which students from different ethnicities, classes and gender meets and interacts. Thus, it seems like the equalizing and integrative objectives which were central to the compulsory school project implemented during the heyday of the Scandinavian welfare regime (Esping-Andersen 1990) seem to be "alive and kicking". But the quest for recognition of minority beliefs systems, central to the policy of multiculturalism, is circumscribed. In so far, the arguments employed here gives priority to the reproduction of "demos" over the reproduction of "ethnos". It must also be noted that the freedom of choice, an important feature in the neoliberal turn of educational policy, does not seems to be so important for the interviewees in this particular matter. If we focus on the most elaborated objections in the report, we find arguments which 1) was presented as a response to the presumably universalist claims of freedom of religion, thus setting the professional considerations which are presented above in a more general, ethical context, and 2) focused on an ethical value of overriding importance, viz. the rights of the child. Emphasis is laid on the right of the child to "choose his own path", a wording which is used by several interviewees, which most of all seems to refer to the first paragraph in article 14 in the United Nations convention on the Rights of the Child, which aims at protecting "the right of the child to freedom of thought, conscience and religion". In the arguments of the teachers, the headmasters and the union representatives, this ethical principle makes it to possible to assert that children possess the freedom from the religion (as well as from other loyalties, or sets of ideas and beliefs) of their parents. Although not explicitly questioning the parents rights' to raise and guide their own children, they distinctly emphasize the autonomy of the child, and it's potential to choose something else than that which is given within the family. The emphasis on the rights of the child is regularly explicated in a specific discursive context. The right to "choose one's own path" is contrasted to the restrictions inherent in the religiosity of the parents. Religion is regularly depicted as the repressive force, and the secular mind-set as the entity in need of protection. The possibility of secular parents putting down religious inclinations among their children is never represented. Evidently, a discursive coupling of religion with repression and secularism with liberation may be discerned in the claims for freedom from religion. It may also be noted, that the impact from parental (Islamic) faith is the only aspect of upbringing which is questioned in this context. The arguments against tolerance or recognition of Islamic belief practices in this report are not primarily based on islamophobic or orientalistic discourses, but with reference to notions of equality. The interviewees stress the professional aspect of their opposition against veiling practices. They dissociate themselves from standpoints put forth in media, above all those who solely focus on the gender aspect of complete veiling practices. Instead, their emphasis on the professional educator dimension entails a focus on communication and identification. These acts of discursive positioning might be seen as an effort to "maximize the intertextual gap" between their own argument and the discourse in media, which to a fair-sized extent was articulated by radical right-wing populists. This dilemma is solved by the rhetoric of equivalence, which offers a way to reject claims of recognition in tandem with the defence of values as diverse and important as social justice, the rule of law and the freedom of the individual (child). Thus, the non-tolerance of religiously motivated veiling practices could be motivated with values which is central to diverse but culturally dominant ideological universes, such as socialism and (neo-)liberalism. ; Accept Pluralism

Zusammenfassung Die vorliegende Untersuchung beschäftigt sich mit der Rolle von Hausgärten für die Ernährungssicherung der Menschen in Zambia und Zimbabwe, Strategien der Bewirtschaftung und der (agro)-ökologische Funktion dieser Anbausysteme. Hierbei werden physisch-geographische, sozioökonomische, kulturgeographische und historische Aspekte berücksichtigt. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf urbane und periurbane Bereiche Lusakas, die Südprovinz und Nordwestprovinz Zambias, sowie die Masvingoprovinz im Süden Zimbabwes. In die Untersuchung wurden hauptsächlich die niederen Einkommensschichten einbezogen, für welche die Eigenproduktion von Nahrung ein Grundelement der Lebenssicherung ist. Zur Anlage eines Hausgartens gehört eine gewisse Dauer der Sesshaftigkeit und ein Grundstock an Ressourcen, wie z.B. Land, Wasser und Saatgut. In der Praxis wurden die Hausgärten bisher sowohl in Zambia wie auch in Zimbabwe meist übersehen, d.h. dass sich weder die Forschung noch der landwirtschaftliche Beratungsdienst damit beschäftigt bzw. diese Aktivität unterstützt haben. Die Hausgärten in den wechselfeuchten Tropen des südlichen Afrika sind von außerordentlicher Wichtigkeit für die Überlebenssicherung der Bevölkerung sowohl in städtischen und randstädtischen Gebieten als auch in den ländlichen Räumen. Der große Vorteil der Hausgartenbewirtschaftung für die Ernährungssicherung und Entwicklung liegt in der eigenverantwortlichen Produktion von Nahrungsmitteln in der Nähe der Wohnhäuser. Diese Produktion ist durch eine hohe Energieeffizienz gekennzeichnet und ist an die Bedürfnisse der Familien angepasst. Der Hausgarten kann, je nach Situation, mehr oder weniger intensiv bewirtschaftet werden, und wirkt somit als Puffer für die Ernährungssicherung. Die Bewirtschaftung eines Hausgartens kann, wie besonders die Ergebnisse aus Zimbabwe zeigen, eine Antwort auf zunehmende Gefährdung (vulnerability) des Haushaltes sein. Nimmt diese Gefährdung ab, geht auch die Hausgartenaktivität zurück. Dies kann sich dadurch äußern, dass der Hausgarten vorübergehend gar nicht mehr bewirtschaftet wird oder dass nur kleine Flächen weiter bewirtschaftet werden. Familien mit mehreren Hausgärten können sich vorübergehend auf die Bewirtschaftung eines einzigen beschränken. Wenn die vulnerability z.B. durch Missernten verstärkt wird, nimmt auch die Hausgartenaktivität wieder zu. Zur Veranschaulichung von Entscheidungs- und Bewirtschaftungsstrategien von Haushalten wurde das Hausgartenmodell entwickelt. In seiner Anwendung auf die verschiedenen Räume ermöglicht das Modell eine Analyse der verschiedenen Faktoren, die die Hausgartenaktivität beeinflussen. Die vorliegende Untersuchung kommt zum Ergebnis, dass die gartenbauliche Aktivität stark von der sozialen Stellung der Haushalte abhängig ist. Den vorliegenden Daten zufolge zeigt die Bevölkerung der ärmsten Stadtviertel die geringste Beteiligung sowohl im Gartenbau als auch im Regenfeldbau. Dies zeigt deutlich, dass die ärmste Bevölkerungsschicht, die in sehr dicht besiedelten Vierteln wohnt, kaum Zugang zu Ressourcen hat, da beide Formen der Landwirtschaft eng mit dem Zugang zu Ressourcen im städtischen Umfeld verknüpft sind. Eine hohe Grundgefährdung des Haushaltes (baseline vulnerability), von der im vorliegenden Falle vor allem die städtische Bevölkerung in den low-income, high density compounds und die sogenannten shifters von Lusaka betroffen sind, lässt die Anlage von Hausgärten also nicht zu. Als weitere stark gefährdete Gruppe wurden die frauengeführten Haushalte (female headed households) im Kabompo-Distrikt der Nordwestprovinz Zambias identifiziert. Auch diese Gruppe ist wenig an der Bewirtschaftung von Hausgärten beteiligt. Das heißt, dass der Hausgarten mit seiner Pufferfunktion für die Ernährungssicherung nur für Familien mit einem gewissen Lebensstandard von Bedeutung ist. Die Dauer der Sesshaftigkeit an einem Ort ist ein Indikator für relativ stabile Lebensumstände. Neuankömmlinge betreiben weniger Gartenbau als bereits länger etablierte Familien, wie SANYAL (1985) für Lusaka und KLUG (1989) für Accra (Ghana) zeigen konnten. Limitierende Faktoren für die Anlage von Hausgärten sind die Verfügbarkeit von Gartenland, Wasser, Arbeitskraft und Saatgut. Die Intensität des Anbaus wird durch den Bedarf an Nahrung und die Verfügbarkeit von Märkten bestimmt, ist aber durch die vorher genannten Faktoren eingeschränkt. "Typische" Hausgärten sind in der Regel nur im innerstädtischen Bereich und zwar dort anzutreffen, wo sich im direkten Hausbereich oder in der Nähe eine Wasserquelle (in Form eines Wasserhahns oder eines Wasserloches) befindet. In den untersuchten ländlichen Gegenden und im periurbanen Bereich Lusakas sind die Hausgärten oft in einiger Entfernung von den Wohnstätten angelegt. Dies begründet sich vor allem mit dem Problem der Wasserversorgung in der Trockenzeit. Nur dort, wo permanent Wasser zur Verfügung steht, befinden sich Hausgärten. Eine Ausnahme hiervon stellen die natürlichen Grasländer (dambos) dar. Sie eignen sich in besonderer Weise für den ganzjährigen Anbau von Gemüse. Der Bevölkerungsdruck und die marktorientierte Produktion führen jedoch, vor allem im periurbanen Raum Lusakas, zu starker Übernutzung der dambos. Dadurch wird die Pufferfunktion natürlicher Grasländer für die Ernährungssicherung langfristig gestört. Die Größe der Hausgärten ist in den verschiedenen Räumen deutlich unterschiedlich. Am kleinsten sind sie im urbanen Raum, gefolgt von den ländlichen Räumen Zambias und Zimbabwes. Der periurbane Raum bildet, mit relativ großen Gärten, eine Ausnahme, da hier stärker marktorientiert produziert wird. Die Rollenverteilung der Geschlechter im Gartenbau scheint abhängig von der Zugehörigkeit zu bestimmten ethnischen Gruppen. Im Süden des Landes, bei den Tongas, sind hauptsächlich die Frauen für den Hausgarten zuständig, während in der Nordwestprovinz mehr Männer Hausgärten bewirtschaften. Insgesamt sind jedoch weit mehr Frauen als Männer für die Bewirtschaftung der Hausgärten verantwortlich. Es bestehen deutliche Unterschiede zwischen den Anbauzielen von Frauen und Männern. Die Frauen produzieren i.d.R. stärker für die Ernährung der Familie, während die Männer mehr marktorientiert anbauen. Dies äußert sich auch in der Wahl unterschiedlicher Kulturpflanzen. Die Frauen sind bei der Standortvergabe für die Gärten in Zambia benachteiligt. Die Gartenarbeit wird besonders für die Frauen im ländlichen Raum zusätzlich erschwert, da die Wasserquellen weiter als bei ihren Männern vom Garten entfernt liegen. Zusätzlich müssen diese Frauen etwas weitere Wege zu ihren Gärten zurücklegen als ihre Männer. Die Standortwahl ist für die Anlage eines Gartens von elementarer Bedeutung. Die Gärten im ländlichen und periurbanen Raum werden durch die jeweiligen traditionellen Orts- oder Gebietsvorsteher (chiefs) vergeben, sind also nicht individuelles Eigentum. Geeignete Gartenstandorte sind begrenzt verfügbar, vor allem in Abhängigkeit von der Wasserversorgung. Einige Beispiele zeigen exemplarisch, wie die Nutzung verschiedener Standorte organisiert ist. Insbesondere im Lusitugebiet im Süden des Landes sind die besten Gartenstandorte meist belegt. Infolgedessen zwingt der große Bevölkerungsdruck die Bauern auf weiter vom Wohnhaus oder der Wasserquelle entfernte Standorte auszuweichen. Diese Distanz ist einer der limitierenden Faktoren bei der persönlichen Entscheidung, einen Hausgarten anzulegen. Zu weite Wege und zu großen Arbeitsaufwand bei der Bewässerung verhindern dies. Ein Beispiel hierfür sind die Gärten am Karibasee. Der stark schwankende Seespiegel des Stausees verhindert in vielen Fällen die Anlage von Hausgärten, weil entweder die Wege zum Wasser zu weit werden oder weil die Gärten bei steigendem Wasserspiegel überflutet werden. Die Gärten im urbanen Raum sind Beispiele für das enorme genetische Potential der Hausgärten. Die Berechnungen der Artenvielfalt zeigen, dass kleine Hausgärten im urbanen Raum insgesamt eine höhere Artenvielfalt aufweisen als die größeren, eher marktorientierten Gärten im periurbanen Bereich. Aber auch im ruralen und periurbanen Raum heben sich die Hausgärten hinsichtlich ihrer Artenvielfalt von den sonst weitverbreiteten Monokulturen deutlich ab. In sehr vielen Gärten wurden Nützlinge beobachtet. Dies zeigt, dass die kleinen Flächen Rückzugsnischen für diese Organismen darstellen. Einflussnahme staatlicher Beratungsdienste auf die Hausgartenbewirtschaftung kann sich allerdings negativ auf die Artenvielfalt auswirken, wie Beispiele aus Südzimbabwe belegen. Im Beitrag des Hausgartens zur Erhaltung der genetischen Artenvielfalt (Biodiversität) liegt wohl eine seiner wichtigsten ökologischen Funktionen. In den Städten, die auch in Entwicklungsländern durch vegetationsfreie Zonen geprägt sind, übernehmen die Hausgärten die wichtige Funktion der Begrünung, die, sofern sie Fruchtbäume beinhalten, insbesondere in der Nähe der Häuser für eine Regulation des Mikroklimas sorgen. Der unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstatus von Zambia und Zimbabwe zeigt seine Auswirkungen bis auf die Hausgartenebene. Die Verfügbarkeit und der Zugang zu Ressourcen und der allgemeine Lebensstandard ist in Zimbabwe deutlich besser als in Zambia. Dies äußert sich z.B. darin, dass in Zimbabwe 95% der Kleinbauern ihr Saatgut kaufen, während dieser Anteil im ländlichen Raum Zambias nur 30% beträgt. Ähnlich verhält es sich mit der Verwendung chemischer Pflanzenschutzmittel in Hausgärten. In Zimbabwe werden diese von allen Kleinbauern verwendet, während dies in Zambia insgesamt nur von 60% der Haushalte praktiziert wird, wie auch immer man dies bewerten mag. Problematisch ist die Nutzung ehemaliger Mülldeponien als Standort für Hausgärten. Hier muss mit Bodenkontamination, vor allem durch Schwermetalle gerechnet werden. Dies konnte beispielhaft für einen solchen Standort nachgewiesen werden. Im Vergleich zu periurbanen und ländlichen Standorten sind die städtischen Hausgärten insgesamt stärker mit Schwermetallen belastet. Die Hausgartenproduktion ist durch eine hohe Energieeffizienz gekennzeichnet und ist an die Bedürfnisse der Familien angepasst. Sie kann deshalb als ein Modell nachhaltiger Wirtschaftsweise begriffen werden. Der Hausgarten trägt in vielfacher Weise zur Ernährungs- und Lebenssicherung von Familien bei. Neben seiner wichtigsten Funktion, nämlich der Nahrungsproduktion und -diversifizierung, kann er zusätzliches Einkommen und z.B. über Tauschhandel und Geschenke weitere Vorteile für die Familien schaffen. Die soziale Bedeutung des Hausgartenanbaus, besonders für Frauen, ist nicht zu unterschätzen und bedarf weiterer Beachtung durch die Wissenschaft. Die Fruchtbarkeit der Gartenböden ist insgesamt gut. Dies zeigen z.B. die engen C/N-Verhältnisse in den meisten Gärten. Standortvergleiche mit Regenfeldern bzw. ungenutzten Flächen zeigen, dass sich die bodenchemischen Eigenschaften in Hausgärten deutlich positiv von den anderen Standorten abheben. Die Bewertung der Wirtschaftlichkeit von Hausgärten ist problematisch und bedarf der Diskussion. Der Wert des Hausgartens liegt natürlich zum einen in seinem Beitrag zur Ernährungssicherung, zum anderen sind aber die Aspekte der Erhaltung der Artenvielfalt, der Bodenfruchtbarkeit und sein Beitrag zu kleinen Stoffkreisläufen, vielleicht gerade wegen der Schwierigkeit der Quantifizierung dieser Faktoren, bisher meist übersehen worden. Die Verbesserung der Nahrungsvielfalt und - qualität muss neben der Gesamtproduktion aus Hausgärten als wichtiger Beitrag zur Ernährungssicherung gewertet werden. Trotz der relativ geringen Gesamtproduktion in den urbanen Gärten, die hauptsächlich auf die Knappheit von Ressourcen (Land und Wasser) zurückzuführen ist, ist hier die Diversifizierung der Nahrung und die geschmackliche Bereicherung des Speiseplans als außerordentlich wichtig einzustufen. Die Berücksichtigung umweltökonomischer und sozialer Aspekte sind bei der Bewertung der Hausgartenaktivität deshalb unumgänglich. ; Abstract African Homegardens - Self Management of Sustainable Production Systems and Strategies of Food Security in Zambia and Zimbabwe This book emphasises the importance of homegardens for food security of the Zambian and Zimbabwean population. Homegardening is part of the entire farming system, which is different in urban, periurban and rural areas by various reasons. In the urban context, becoming more important recently, homegardening is part of the urban microfarming system, consisting of many agricultural activities within the cities, including urban forestry. The "typical" homegardens (small production units near the house with mainly subsistence oriented production) are only to be found in cities, especially near water sources. The study areas are located in Lusaka as well as in the peri-urban fringe of Lusaka and rural areas of Southern and North-Western Provinces of Zambia and the Masvingo Province in Southern Zimbabwe. Especially in rural areas homegardens are very often far away from the homestead, nearly invisible and overlooked components of the households strategies for food security. Therefore there is need for a new, more flexible definition of homegardens. In this book the homegarden is consequently defined as a permanent or semi-permanent component of an entire small holder production system, managed by family members mainly, but not exclusively, for self-consumption and the creation of income. Homegardens are considered to represent models of sustainable agricultural production systems for many different reasons. Their contribution to recycling of organic waste, high soil fertility, high species diversity and manifold contributions to the social welfare of the people are some if these aspects. A homegarden - model was designed which shows the interrelationship between the political, cultural and physical environment, the household and its decision-making and the results of the household activity with respect to homegardening. This model is applicable to any environment and helps to understand why some families do homegardening while other don't. The model can assist to understand at least some of the factors influencing this activity. The household itself is based in the centre of the model. Internal and external factors, e.g. labour availability, access or "entitlement" to resources, education, occupation, etc. determine the vulnerability of the households and its decision making. The relationship between urban food production, food security and the urban environment has been largely neglected in the past. In Lusaka, as in many other tropical cities, gardening and cropping receive very little support from local authorities. Indeed, city councils often prohibit these activities. Production of staple foods prevails in the wet season, and vegetable production in the dry. Both activities largely depend on the access to resources like water and land. Within the high- and medium-density squatter quarters, vulnerability in terms of food security differs. In the Zambian case, it was found that dry-season cultivation is not practised by the most vulnerable households but rather by those which have access to essential resources for this activity. In Lusaka, garden size decreases with increasing population density. The walking distance to sources of water is much further in the high-density areas, making homegardening more difficult there. Access to both land and water is lowest in the high-density, low-income compounds in Lusaka. In peri-urban and rural areas the natural grasslands are of essential importance for food security by providing good farming and gardening conditions all year round. Near the urban centre of Lusaka the grasslands are heavily used for the production of cereals, vegetables and fruits. The proximity to the town causes structural changes in the periurban fringe of Lusaka. The over-utilisation of the natural grasslands leads to a disturbance of their buffer function for food security. Over-exploitation of soils, destruction of the natural vegetation cover and over-utilisation of water resources, affect the local population directly by limiting and changing their landuse possibilities. The provision of household food security becomes more unstable because the production in household based subsistence homegardens and staple food production are negatively influenced by the structural changes of the area. The market-oriented gardening involves the loss of species diversity and implies the use of pesticides in the gardens. Intensification of landuse in peri-urban areas and especially the year-round use of dambos can even be subject to commercial farms with advanced irrigation technology. If these plans are realised, a completely new view of the hydrological events and effects has to be taken. Homegardening obviously contributes to household food security in all the examined areas both directly by providing food and indirectly by generating income. The buffer-function of homegardens for food security gets obvious for the Zimbabwe case studies. In years of good harvests homegardening gets less important for the families - which means the planted area decreases or only one of several homegardens is used for vegetable production. In years of drought and food shortages homegardens become very important for food security and the planted areas increases. There are significant differences between the role of women and men in urban household food security. Women are more involved in agriculture and gardening in all compounds of Lusaka as the men are. In rainy season the production of staple foods is prevalent, while in dry season the people concentrate on vegetable production. Women are the major actors in urban homegardening but injured with respect to income generation and access to resources and markets. Income creation through gardening is one possibility for women to achieve more independence within the frame of the family. Additionally gathering contributes to food and income in urban, peri-urban and rural areas. 40 % of the members of the survey in Lusaka Town still practise gathering to create additional food or income. Eighty per cent of the households in peri-urban and rural areas, which where included in the survey, still practise gathering. But the urban population shows, due to vanishing plant resources, lowest involvement in the gathering activity. The genetic potential of urban homegardens is very high. Calculation of species diversity has proved that small gardens show higher diversity as the large gardens in the peri-urban areas. But also in peri-urban and rural areas, homegardens show significant higher species diversity as market oriented monocultures. The contribution of homegardens to the maintenance of species diversity seems to be one of its most important ecological functions. It would be misleading to compare homegarden-productivity with conventional agricultural production systems. The highly individual character of homegardening and the flexible handling of this production system its different from staple food production and plays a different key role in the families. It's contribution to the social welfare and economic independence especially of women and children has been completely neglected in the past. It's role in the informal economic sector has not been considered until now. There is urgent need for appropriate support of homegardening in the future. This book tries to give some ideas how to implement appropriate measures and how to establish awareness for this important activity

Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi ile birlikte, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kendisini büyük bir güven boşluğunun ve "stratejik önem" tartışmasının içerisinde buldu. Soğuk Savaş boyunca Sovyet yayılmacılığına karşı Batı'nın ileri karakolu fonksiyonunu üstlenmiş olan Türkiye, artık bu önemini yitiriyor muydu? Uğruna binlerce evladını Kore'de feda etmeyi göze alacak kadar önem ve değer atfettiği NATO'nun güvenlik şemsiyesi, artık kapanıyor muydu? Batı "kullanma süresi bitmiş" edası ile Türkiye'yi bir köşeye atacak ve ilgisini esirgeyecek miydi? Ve nihayet, cadı kazanını andıran coğrafyasında Türkiye, terrörizm, fundemantalist saldırılar, ayrılıkçılık, risk ve belirsizlik gibi Soğuk Savaş sonrası dünyanın temel sorunları ile başbaşa mı bırakılıyordu? Bu güven bunalımı ve yalnızlık pisikolojisi öyle boyutlara ulaştı ki, Türkiye, ekonomik getirilerinin yanında, bu bunalımdan kurtulmak ve bölgede istikrarı sağlamak için, Karadeniz Ekonomik İşbirliği (KEİ) örgütünün kurulmasında öncülük görevini üslenmeyi bir çözüm yolu olarak gördü.Ancak bu endişe ve öngörülerin hiçbiri gerçekleşmedi. Çünkü, Türkiye'nin imdadına, yine hem dert kaynağı hem de zenginlik nedeni olan jeopolitik konumu yetişti. NATO'nun Soğuk Savaş sonrasında değişen ve risk ve belirsizlik kavramını esas alan yeni stratejik konsepti içerisinde; biri, Doğu Avrupa'dan başlayarak Rusya üzerinden Asya'ya uzanan, ve diğeri, Kuzey Afrika üzerinden Orta Doğu ve Türkiye'yi de içine alarak Kafkaslar'a uzanan belirsizlik ve istikrarsızlık yaylarının tam merkezinde kalan Türkiye, önemi Soğuk Savaş dönemine göre bir kat daha artmış olarak ortaya çıktı. Balkanlar'da 1990'lı yılların başından itibaren meydana gelen gelişmeler ve Orta Asya'daki 200 milyar varillik Hazar petrolleri ve doğal gaz kaynakları, ve bu kaynaklara hakim bağımsızlığını yeni kazanmış Orta Asya Türk Cumhuriyetlerinin üzerindeki Türk nüfuzu, Türkiye'yi bölgede vazgeçilmez bir stratejik ortak haline getirdi. İşte bu durum, Türkiye'de en yetkili ağızlarca "Adriyatik'ten Çin Seddine Türk dünyası ve Türk nüfuz alanı" sözleri ile dile getirildi. Böylece Türkiye, korkulanın aksine, elinde birçok stratejik kozu bulunduran bir bölgesel güç olma yoluna girmiş bulunuyordu.Ortaya çıkan bu yeni konjonktür, herkesten çok, büyük bir imparatorluktan nispeten sınırlı ve küçük bir devlet haline dönüşmüş olmanın sıkıntılarını ve psikolojisini yaşayan Rusya'yı rahatsız etti. Çünkü, en üst seviyeden ifade edilen Adriyatik'ten Çin Seddi'ne uzanan bu bölge Rusların tarihi nüfuz bölgelerini, ve 1993 tarihli Rus Askeri Doktrini'nde ifade edildiği gibi "arka bahçelerini", yani Kafkasları kapsıyordu. Ve bu rahatsızlığa Stratejik değere sahip Hazar petrollerinin hangi yoldan dünya pazarlarına ulaştırılacağı mücadelesi eklenince, Soğuk Savaş döneminde karşılıklı sinir harbi şeklinde cereyan eden mücadele, 19. Yüzyılda İngiltere ile Rusya arasındaki mücadeleye benzer şekilde "Büyük Oyun"a dönüştü. Bu "Büyük Oyun"dan galip çıkabilmek için, Türkiye'nin çok hassas ve dengeleri kollayan bir politika izlemesi gerekmektedir. Bu bağlamda, önceleri Kafkasları Ruya'nın "arka bahçe"si olarak gören Amerika Birleşik Devletleri 1997 Baharından itibaren politika değiştirerek, Kafkasları ABD'nin hayati çıkarlarının bulunduğu bölge olarak tanımlamaya ve Hazar Petrollerinin dünya pazarlarına ulaştırılmasında Bakü-Ceyhan seçeneğini resmi olarak desteklemeye başladı. Açıkça ifade ettiği diğer bir gerçek ise Türkiye'yi Kafkaslarda stratejik ortak olarak gördüğü idi. Bu durum Türkiye'nin Rusya karşısındaki durumunu güçlendiren önemli bir gelişme oldu.Soğuk Savaş sonrasında Türkiye ile Rusya arasındaki mücadelenin kızışmasına yardımcı olan diğer önemli bir unsur, NATO'nun 1994'ten itibaren karara bağladığı "Genişleme " stratejisi oldu. NATO doğuya doğru genişleyecek ve Rusya'yı, Soğuk Savaş dönemindeki "çevreleme" politikasına benzer şekilde kıskaca alacaktı. Bu gelişme, Rusya'nın çok büyük tepkisini çekti ve tekrar Soğuk Savaş dönemine dönme tehditlerine ve Rusya'nın dünyayı tekrar bloklaşmaya götürebilecek, Çin, Hindistan, İran ve Ermenistan gibi ülkelerle bir takım stratejik işbirliği ve itifak arayışlarına neden oldu. Hatta Rusya, NATO'nun bu stratejisinin bir parçası olarak gördüğü ve de nüfuz alanı konusundaki mücadelesinden de dolayı, Türkiye'yi direkt tehdit edecek tarzda ülkeyi bölmeyi içeren PKK yanlısı stratejiler benimsedi. Nitekim 1998 Temmuzundan itibaren Suriye'den çıkarak Rusya'ya giden terörist başı APO'nun Rusya'da gördüğü himaye, ve Moskova yakınlarındaki terörist eğitim kampı ve Kürt evi bu stratejinin sonraki yansımaları niteleğinde idi. Bu stratejinin diğer bir kolu ise Türkiye etrafında oluşturulmak istenen "Ortodoks Çevreleme" politikasıdır. Kosova krizi konusunda Rusya ve Yunanistan'nın takındıkları tavır, ve Rusya'nın büyük krize neden olan S-300 füze bataryalarını Güney Kıbrıs Rum Kesimi'ne ısrarla teslim etmeyi isteyerek, Türkiye'yi doğrudan suçlaması ile adadaki işgalci kuvvetlerden bahsetmesi ise, Rus stratejisinin diğer yansımalarıdır.Tarih ders alınacak en güzel kaynaktır. Tarihsel süreç, yönetimde hangi rejim bulunursa bulunsun, Rusya'nın yüzyıllar boyunca hiç değişmediğini ve "sıcak denizlere inme" diye özetlenebilecek tarihi ihtiraslarını her fırsatta gerçeklemeye çalıştığını gösteriyor. Ve yine tarihi tecrübe, Rusya'nın Batılı büyük devletler tarafından Avrupa'dan ve Balkanlar'dan her atıldığında ve doğuya sürüldüğünde, Rusların bir süre sonra doğuda güçlenerak tekrar batıya ve yaşamsal çıkarlarının bulunduğuna inandıkları Balkanlara döndükleri, ve bu her geri dönüş sonrasında Boğazlar ve Anadolu toprakları üzerinde Rus taleplerinin ortaya çıktığı görülüyor. Tamamı ile Türk devletinin Ruslara karşı hayatta kalabilme mücadelesi şeklinde geçmiş bulunan Ondokuzuncu yüzyıl ile, Yirminci yüzyılda meydana gelen olaylar gözönüne alınarak yapılan Türk-Rus mücadelesi için mukayeseli bir araştırma, sürekli birbirine benzer gelişmelerin meydana geldiğini göstermekte ve yaşananlardan pek ders alınmadığı anlaşılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, 1856 Paris Anlaşması ile ortaya çıkan konjonktür ile, Soğuk Savaş sonrasında ortaya çıkan konjonktür birbirine çok benzemektedir. Paris Anlaşması'ndan sonra doğuya sürülen Rusya'nın 20 yıl gibi kısa bir süre sonra tekrar Batıya döndüğünü, ve Avrupa'daki çekişmelerden ve oluşan dengelerden yararlanarak, 1877-1878 Türk-Rus harbi ile Osmanlı Devleti'ne en ağır yenilgiyi tattırdığını ve devleti parçalama aşamasına getirdiğini görüyoruz. O nedenle, NATO'nun doğuya genişlemesi Rusya'nın tekrar geri dönmesini olanaksız hale getirecek fırsatlar sunarken, Soğuk Savaş sonrası ortaya çıkan konjonktür ise Türkiye'nin bir bölgesel güç olmasını sağlayacak stratejik avantajlar doğurmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, ondokuzuncu ve yirminci yüzyıllarda meydan gelen olaylar arasındaki şaşırtıcı benzerliği ortaya koyarak benzer hatalara düşülmesini önlemek ve NATO'nun doğuya genişlemesi ve Soğuk Savaş sonrası konjonktür ile su yüzüne çıkan fırsatların değerlendirilmesi mevzuunda perspektif verebilmektir.ABSTRACTWith the end of the Cold War, Turkish Republic found itself at the center of such debates as a great security vacuum and "strategic significance". Was Turkey, which functioned for years as the forward post for the western interests against the Soviet expansionism during the Cold War, losing its significance any more? Was the NATO's security umbrella, to which Turkey attached so great importance that it even sacrificed thosands of Turkish troops in Korean War in 1950, pursing up now? Would the West put Turkey aside and treat it in such a manner that "its expiry date had come", and also refrain from granting its concern on Turkey? And finally, would the West leave Turkey alone with such questions of the post Cold War world as terrorism, fundamentalist attacks, apartheid, risks and instability in geography of turmoil? This security crisis and the psychology of loneliness reached to such a degree that, Turkey regarded the leading role in foundation of organisation of the Black Sea Cooperation (BSC) as the sole solution to its problems. None of these worries and considerations, however, came true, because Turkey's geopolitic position, which has always become the matter of either prosperity or cause of questions for Turkey, came to its help this time. Within NATO's new strategic concept renewed after the end of the Cold War, which considered the concepts of risk and instability as its principles to NATO's worldwide policy, Turkey remained at just the center of two arcs of uncertainities, the first of which extended from Eastern Europe to Asia through Russia, and the later of which extended from Sothern Europe and the Balkans to the Caucasus through the Northern Africa, the Middle East and Turkey. Thus, Turkey appeared in the world scene as its significance increased twofold comparing to that during the Cold War. The developments in the Balkans beginning from early 1990s, 200 milliard-barrel oil reserves and natural gas resources in the Central Asia, and the Turkish influence over the newly independent Turkic republics made Turkey the inrelinquishable strategic partner in the region. And this situation had been expressed by top-level authorities in Turkey by, "the Turkic world and Turkish zone of influence from the Adriatic up to Chinese great Wall". And Turkey turned out to be a regional power, which gets hold of many strategic trumps at hand, in contrast to what was anticipated in the beginning.This new conjecture, which has emerged following the end of the Cold War, rose greater unrest in Russia than in any other state, which was experiencing the difficulties and psychology of a state having shrinked from a huge empire to a relatively small and slight restricted power, because the zone, which had been described by top autorities in Turkey as the Turkish zone of influence, also involved the Russian ancient sphere of influence and the Caucasus, the Russian "near abroad", as defined in the new Russian military doctrine in 1993. And when the struggle on through which route the strategically significant Caspian oil will be transported to the world markets, is to be added to this unrest in Russia, the fight between Russia and Turkey, which took place in a form of "mutual war of nerves" during the Cold War, has been transformed into a contention similar to "the Great Game" between Russia and Great Britain in the nineteenth century. Turkey needs to pursue a very delicate and balance monitoring policy against Russia, in order to accomplish becoming winner in this new "Great Game" in twentieth century. In this regard, the US, which initially regarded the Caucasus as the Russian "near abroad", changed its policy starting from 1997 Spring and began stating that the Caucasus was also the region, where the American vital interests laid and has also given start to a direct support the Bakü-Ceyhan alternative as from this date. Another American confession was that they deemed Turkey as their strategic partner in the Caucasus, which mostly enhanced Turkey's position in its struggle against Russia.Another reason contributing to the increase in tension between Turkey and Russia after the end of the Cold War had been the NATO's eastward enlargement strategy, which was resolved in 1994 Brussel Summit. NATO would expand eastward and contain Russia in such a fashion similar to the "policy of containment" during the Cold War years. These developments called for great reactions from Russia, and caused some Russian searches of strategic alliance and cooperation with such states as China, India and Iran. In fact, Russia saw Turkey as a crucial part of this NATO strategy and adopted PKK prone strategies, as a response to Turkey's increasing influence in the Caucasus and its contribution to Chechnya, which aimed to divide the state's integration. As a matter of fact, the Russian protection to terrorist leader APO in Moscow after it had been forced to abandon Syria in July 1998, terrorist training camps near Moscow and Kurdish House in Moscow were all the reflections of the Russian policy against Turkey. Another branch of this strategy was the "Orthodox containment" around Turkey. The Russian and Greek policy in Kosovo crisis, and Russian insistence on delivery of S-300 missiles to Southern Cyprus, by accusing Turkish forces in Northern Cyprus of being illegal intruders in the island are also the other reflections of this Russian strategy.History is the most correct way of taking lessons. Historical cource indicates that Russia has never changed for centuries, and has always tried to realise its ancient goal of "gaining access to warm seas" in summary, on every occasion, no matter which ideology or regime has been in power in Russia. Again, the historical experiences show that after Russia had been driven eastward by European big powers, Russia has always turned back to the Balkans after a while, where they believed their vital interests existed, by having summed up its strength in the East. It is also seen that Russian demands on Turkish Straits and Anatolia mostly coincide with the Russian return to Europe and to the Balkans from the East. When we carry out a comparative study on the Turko-Russian fight in history, particularly by taking the events in the nineteenth century, which all went by with Turkish struggles of survival against Russians, and developments in twentieth century into consideration, we easily see that very similar events occurred in history, but unfortunately no lessons from the progressing occurences had been taken. In this respect, the conjecture appeared immediately after the Paris Agreement in 1856 mostly resembles to the conjecture, which has come out following the disintegration of the former Soviet Union in early 1990s. Russia turned back to the West and to the Balkans in just 20 years after it had been driven eastward following Paris Agreement. Russia inflicted the greatest losses and defeat on Turks in 1877-1878 Turkish-Russian War, and brought the Ottoman State on the verge of disintegration. For that reason, while NATO's eastward enlargement offeres chances for making Russia's return unlikely, the post Cold War conjecture, on the other hand, bear some strategic advantages, which would provide Turkey to become a regional power in its geography.The aim of this study is, first of all, trying for prevention of repitition of the same failures as in history, by bringing out the bewildering resemblance between the events in nineteenth and twentieth centuries and secondly giving partially perspective on evaluation of the opportunities, having emerged after the end of the Cold War and NATO's eastward expansion strategy.