Suchergebnisse

The portability of social benefits is gaining importance given the increasing share of individuals working at least a part of their life outside their home country. Bilateral social security agreements (BSSAs) are considered a crucial approach to establishing portability, but the functionality and effectiveness of these agreements have not yet been investigated; thus important guidance for policymakers in migrant-sending and migrant-receiving countries is missing. To shed light on how BSSAs work in practice, this document is part of a series providing information and lessons from studies of portability in four diverse but comparable migration corridors: Austria-Turkey, Germany-Turkey, Belgium-Morocco, and France-Morocco. A summary policy paper draws broader conclusions and offers overarching policy recommendations. This report looks specifically into the working of the Austria-Turkey corridor. Findings suggest that the BSSA between Austria and Turkey is broadly working well, with no main substantive issues in the area of pension portability and few minor substantive issues concerning health care portability and financing. Process issues around information and automation of information exchange are recognized and are beginning to be addressed.

Nigeria is a country of immense natural resources and potential, but the government's capacity to deliver public goods has generally been weak. It was against this backdrop that Nigeria faced the arrival within its borders of the deadly Ebola virus disease in July 2014. Despite assurances that the Nigerian government was prepared to respond to an outbreak of Ebola, the country was caught unaware and forced to mount an emergency response. Yet despite these serious concerns, the spread of Ebola was successfully contained in Nigeria. This case study seeks to understand why Nigeria's Ebola response was so successful despite the challenging context. The case study will focus on institutional architecture and political will, taking an exploratory qualitative approach to examine the institutional dynamics and motivations among various stakeholders involved in the country's response. The aim is to distill lessons that may be applied to other emergency response initiatives, as well as elsewhere in the health sector and in other areas of service delivery. A proactive communication strategy is required to build a broader coalition of support, and demand-side actors such as nongovernmental organizations play a helpful role.

"Es el excremento del Diablo. Nos estamos ahogando en el excremento del Diablo" --Juan Pablo Pérez Alfonso, Fundador OPEPDos mil millones de personas, un tercio de la humanidad, vive en países vinculados a la extracción de recursos naturales. La mayoría de éstos son países en desarrollo cuyas economías dependen de las exportaciones de los mismos. UNCTAD estima que en 95 de 141 países en desarrollo al menos la mitad de sus exportaciones son commodities – y el 80% en promedio para el África Subsahariana.Las estadísticas de la última década para estos países han sido muy alentadoras. Los precios de los commodities se han más que duplicado entre el año 2000 al 2011 gracias el rápido crecimiento de China e India y al alto consumo de los Estados Unidos. Esto significa que cientos de miles de millones de dólares han sido transferidos a los cofres de los países exportadores de recursos naturales. En África, la industria del petróleo a invertido más de 20 mil millones de dólares en exploración y producción y otros 50 mil millones serán invertidos en los próximos años, las cifras más altas de la historia en el continente. Ver tasas de crecimiento anual del 5% o más en países desvastados por guerras como Sudán es algo común en estos días. A primera vista, esto debería despertar euforia en países como los latinoamericanos que se han visto beneficiados con los picos históricos en los precios del petróleo, el cobre y la soja, entre otros. De hecho, muchos de los países se encuentran en un contexto histórico inusual para la región de superávit doble (primario y fiscal) y con un crecimiento económico promedio que no tiene paralelos en las últimas décadas. De hecho, las exportaciones en Chile y en Venezuela se han multiplicado por diez en la última década. Sin embargo, aún con este maná de recursos, 700 millones de personas viven con menos de 2 dólares en la semana en los países exportadores de recursos naturales, representando la mitad de los pobres del mundo. (1) Es impactante el hecho de que 33 de los 50 países menos desarrollados (según el Índice de Desarrollo Humano) son países ricos en recursos naturales. En el caso de nuestra región, ésta continúa siendo la más desigual del mundo y todavía 150 millones de latinoamericanos viven con menos de 2 dólares por día. La "maldición de los recursos" (2) es un término que intenta explicar este fenómeno que no es más que una tragedia humana para los países en desarrollo. Recordemos que Venezuela tenía el PBI per cápita más alto de la región a principios de los años 1970 y hoy tiene la mitad de su población bajo nivel de pobreza. Más paradójico aún es el hecho que simultáneamente países con escasos recursos naturales han logrado desarrollarse. Al mismo tiempo que América Latina perdía posiciones en desarrollo relativo en las últimas décadas, los Tigres Asiáticos, pobres en recursos naturales, crecían sostenidamente y mejoraban la calidad de vida de su población mediante la exportación de productos industriales. Esta "paradoja de la abundancia", tal como Terry Lynn Karl la ha descripto, que parece condenar a millones a la pobreza y la violencia no es un debate nuevo en América Latina. Surge y resurge en cada momento de la historia, renovando esperanzas y acumulando decepciones. Desde la explotación colonial, pasando luego la inserción en la economía mundial como agro-minero-exportadores, el cepalista centro-periferia, hasta el actual boom, han sido todos debates sobre el desarrollo latinoamericano donde los recursos naturales han estado en el centro de escena. Lo que sucede es que la gran mayoría de los países exportadores de recursos naturales no son sólo pobres, sino que muchas veces son hoy más pobres que antes. El estándar de vida en la República Democrática del Congo, Libia, Irán o Papúa Nueva Guinea es menor hoy de lo que era una generación atrás. De los 18 países que tienen menor Índice de Desarrollo Humano hoy que en 1990, 15 de ellos son exportadores netos de recursos naturales. Muchas veces, estos países son más pobres que sus vecinos no tan "bendecidos" o, por lo menos, igual de pobres pero menos pacíficos y democráticos, como es el caso de Nigeria comparado a Ghana. A pesar de ello, algunos países han sido notablemente exitosos. Botswana con sus diamantes ha sido uno de los países de mayor crecimiento en el mundo en las últimas cuatro décadas logrando pasar de ser uno de los países más pobres de África - y el mundo – con solo 12 kilómetros de calles pavimentadas a ser un país de ingreso medio alto más alto que Mexico o Turquía. También Chile y Malasia han logrado evitar la maldición diversificando sus economías y mejorando la calidad de vida de sus ciudadanos. Tales casos no son la excepción e implican que los recursos naturales no son necesariamente una maldición. Desde mediados de los 1990s el debate de los expertos en el tema ha ido alejándose progresivamente de las cuestiones estrictamente económicas y aceptando que el desafío que presenta la abundancia de recursos naturales más que ser un problema estrictamente de fiebre holandesa (3), sino también de índole político. Estudios han demostrado una importante correlación entre abundancia de recursos naturales con democracias débiles, corrupción, clientelismo y guerra civil. (4)Mirando más en detalle, obervamos cómo funciona la "maldición": cuando la economía de un país está concentrada en un recurso tipo minería o petróleo, al estar concentrado geográficamente y requerir la intervención de muy pocos recursos humanos para su extracción – relativos a su peso económico – sucede independientemente de la economía del resto del país. Otra característica es que estos recursos van en gran medida a las arcas del Estado mediante regalías (o explotación directa). Es así como crea incentivos concretos para desencadenar una feroz lucha política por la captura de los mismos. Más importante aún, los gobiernos de turno no tienen la necesidad de colectar impuestos de sus ciudadanos ya que todas sus necesidades financieras están ya cubiertas. Es así como, rompiendo el contrato fiscal de la democracia, los gobernantes tampoco tienen muchos incentivos para cumplir con los derechos de los ciudadanos. El resultado será, casi ineludiblemente, burocracias poco eficientes, limitados controles ciudadanos y, en definitiva, democracias más débiles cuando no dictaduras. Es decir, que los países sufran o no de la maldición tiene que ver con qué es lo que hacen con estos recursos, básicamente cómo los gobiernos logran sobreponerse a los desafíos y oportunidades provenientes de tales recursos. Evitar la maldición es una cuestión de buen gobierno y depende en gran medida de la calidad de sistema político para evitar el mal uso de los recursos, el atropello de las grandes empresas explotadoras y cuidar el medio ambiente y a la población.Si bien es imposible hacer un vademécum de medidas a tomar para evitar la "maldición", países tan dispares como Chile, Malasia o Botswana nos enseñan algunos puntos en común en sus esfuerzos para evitarla. Manteniendo estables el tipo de cambio real de sus monedas y así evitar la apreciación nominal – uno de los síntomas principales de la fiebre holandesa. y Bancos Centrales fuertes han sido claves en este proceso. Fundamental ha sido como estos países han complementado estas políticas monetarias con políticas fiscales eficientes. Por un lado, para generar ahorro y evitar los impactos de las subidas y derrumbes estrepitosos de los precios que normalmente sufren los commodities y, por el otro, de carácter redistributivos para aumentar los ingresos de los sectores no ligados a la exportación. El caso de las políticas activas para ayudar a los Bumiputra en Malasia brindándoles mejores servicios de salud, educación, vivienda y créditos productivos es el más claro ejemplo. Otro punto en común son los esfuerzos realizados para diversificar la economía más allá de sus recursos naturales. Mediante las políticas activas del New Economic Policy, Malasia se convirtió en la década del 80 en el primer exportador de semiconductores del mundo, Chile en los últimos años ha logrado exitosamente diversificar su canasta exportadora al salmón, vino y otros productos; y, aunque más limitadamente, Botswana ha protegido y expandido su sector agropecuario y de servicios. Es importante notar que las principales empresas explotadoras de los recursos son estatales como es el caso de CODELCO en Chile y PETRONAS en Malasia o con amplia participación del gobierno como es el caso de los diamantes en Botswana.Finalmente, y quizás sea el aspecto menos estudiado, es que estos tres casos han invertido fuertemente en la calidad institucional de sus Estados. Muchas veces saliendo de situaciones difíciles tales como la guerra civil de Malasia en los años 60 o Chile luego de la dictadura de Pinochet, los gobiernos se han preocupado por institucionalizar el poder político e incluir a otros actores al sistema. La Concertación en Chile, las políticas consensuales de los Tswanas en Botswana y la alianza multiétnica del Barisan National son ejemplos concretos de políticas inclusivas que brindan estabilidad y evitan grandes conflictos, tan comunes en países como Nigeria o Papúa Nueva Guinea. De la misma manera, la inversión en la calidad técnica del servicio civil, el bajo nivel de corrupción y la fortaleza de los sistemas judiciales son notables. Observar lo que han hecho los países que han, aparentemente, logrado escapar de la maldición de los recursos no sólo es importante porque muchos son países en desarrollo, sino también porque puede brindar herramientas claves para ver fallas de la economía global y sacar de la pobreza a gran parte de la humanidad. Un tercio de África vive en Egipto, Nigeria y Sudán, otros 300 millones viven en Venezuela, Irán e Indonesia. Es decir, un uso socialmente eficiente de los recursos podría sacar de la pobreza a no menos de 500 millones de personas.(1) Cálculos propios utilizando la medida de 2 dólares diarios de las bases del Banco Mundial (World Bank Environmental Accounting Project).(2) Sachs y Warner 1995(3) La teoría dice que cuando un recurso natural tiene un incremento sostenido en su precio, arrastra trabajo y capital de otros sectores de la economía, principalmente la industria, y, por otro lado eleva los precios de los productos no exportables. Entonces, cuando cae el precio del recurso exportado, dado que el resto de la economía se ha contraído al menos en términos relativos, la economía local se encuentra peor que si el boom nunca hubiera ocurrido. Para un artículo reciente al respecto, ver Bresser Pereira, 2008(4) Ver Ross 2001 y 2004, Sachs y Warner 1995, Leite y Weidmann 1999*El autor es Director de Asuntos del Sur www.asuntosdelsur.org Es politólogo de la Universidad de Buenos Aires. Posee un MSc de la Universidad de Oxford y un Master of Public Affairs del Instituto de Estudios Políticos de Paris (Sciences Po) donde también es candidato a doctor.Twitter: @MatiasFBianchi .

Worldwide, Lao PDR has been identified among 57 countries with a critical shortage and skewed distribution of its health workforce, especially in remote and rural areas (Guilbert 2006, World Bank 2015). Healthcare education is provided by the public sector through nine public health training institutes in the country: The University of Health Sciences (UHS) in Vientiane Capital provides medical related programs including medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, medical technology, nursing basic sciences and post graduate studies, with the other institutions located at provincial levels: three Regional Public Health Colleges, four Provincial Public Health Schools and one Nursing School. The annual output from these institutions is approximately 2,000 (Department of Organization and Personnel (DOP), 2013). This study focuses on supply-side policies to determine the key challenges and policy implications regarding improved availability and retention of staff in remote areas. This possibly stems from, among other reasons, the following: (a) limited government quotas to recruit and place health workers in rural areas (i.e. in 2013 1,045 recruitment quotas were allocated to MOH, of which 882 (84.4 percent) were given to provinces, districts and health centers nationwide); (b) health workers'preference to work in urban areas with better income and professional career development opportunities; and (c) low self-confidence of new graduates to work independently in rural areas which is attributable to insufficient clinical practice during training, due in part to the excessive number of student intakes to training institutes. The shortage of middle and high level health workers at primary and secondary health care facility levels leads to a major gap in access to quality health care services between urban and rural areas.

The point of this paper is to emphasize the importance and role of leadership for African growth, development, and poverty reduction. It is also an attempt to project a more objective assessment of leadership issues during the first three to four decades of African independence. Agreeing on shared responsibilities for Africa's failures in its early years will enable all who want to take part in the continent's renewal to focus on the partnership that is now needed to close a sad chapter in Africa's history, and open a new one. The core elements of such a partnership have evolved in the last decade, and this paper argues passionately for the political will, in Africa and outside, for their realization.

2007/2008 ; L'inizio di secolo 21 a rivelato al mondo intero l'inizio di una guerra di piccoli dimensioni. La geopolitica e un gigante formato da una serie di 2 giocatori di scacchi , di cui questi giocatori cercano di ottenere vantaggi di posizione. In questo gioco e cruciale di conoscere le regole attuali che governano questi movimenti. I cavalieri non può muoversi in diagonale. Dal 1945 fino al 1989, il gioco principale sulla scacchiere e stato tra gli Stati Uniti e l'Unione Sovietica, è stato chiamato "La Guerre Fredda". Oggi, il gioco e tra l'Unione Europea e Russia , e metaforicamente è stato chiamato "La Guerre Fredda del Gas". La sicurezza energetica europea confronta una serie di sfide per quanto riguarda la dipendenza dell'Unione Europea delle risorse energetiche russe e della necessità di diversificazione dei mezzi di trasporto su le risorse energetiche, si fa riferimento principalmente a gas naturale. Lo scopo di questa tesi di dottorato e quello di indagare la situazione attuale, a partire da l'idea che ci sono gravi preoccupazioni in Europa per quanto riguarda il fatto che la Russia potrebbe utilizzare le sue esportazioni di energia come arma politica per poter finalizzare la sua supremazia politica . Questa tesi si concentra sull'identificazione di una soluzione per quanto riguarda le maggiori preoccupazioni dei europei - la sicurezza dell'approvvigionamento energetico, iniziando a sviluppare nuovi vie di acceso alle risorse energetiche. Per una migliore comprensione, ho pensato la mia tesi come una scacchiera, avendo come scommessa - il sviluppo di nuovi gasdotti, con due giocatori principali (l'Unione Europea e la Russia), un giocatore chiave - La Regione del Mar Nero - e, naturalmente, con una soluzione. Le principale domande di questa ricerca sono: Nell'Unione Europea allargata può essere vero che la Russia potrebbe tentare di utilizzare le sue esportazioni di energia come un'arma politica per raggiungere la supremazia? Per vincere sarà utilizzato il prezzo dell'energia per ottenere questo vantaggio? Per poter rispondere a queste due domande se deve prima capire le relazioni tra l'Unione Europea e la Russia, e qual è il ruolo che il Mar Nero svolge in questo problema. Questo tipo di ricerca proporre un quadro teorico d'analisi, avendo come metodo di analisi, un metodo quantitativo ( di contenuto ) e un metodo qualitativo ( le discussioni informali con gli esperti di questo settore ). Per poter essere più precisa, per quanto riguarda l'ipotesi della tesi, ho avuto alcune discussioni informale con gli esperti del settore energetico e dei affari europee, in Europa, della zona del Mar Nero e della zona Caspio, paesi che sono direttamente coinvolti nel problema energetico, per discutere e analizzare l'impatto che ha la politica estera energetica russa, che se trova in pieno sviluppo sul Europa e sulla sicurezza europee, a partire dalla crisi del gas provocata dalla Russia, che ha avuto un impatto reale, influenzando considerevole l'economie europee a partire dal 2006 fino ad oggi. Il mio punto di vista è che la Russia cercherà attraverso vari mezzi di consolidare la dominazione come Leader Mondiale, usando i mezzi che gli ha - il prezzo d'energia, e il mio parere e che l'unico modo per risolvere questo problema e di cominciare a diversificare l'accesso alle risorse energetiche, sviluppando una strategia in piano energetico che collegano l'Europa dal bacino del Mar Caspio attraverso la regione del Mar Nero. Se questa strategia avrà successo, l'Europa sarà in grado di ridurre l'influenza della Russia e di creare un clima sicuro dal punto di vista energetico. Per quanto riguarda il metodo di analisi quantitativo, la teoria è basata sulla lettura di alcuni libri di riferimento dal settore energetico e quello di relazioni internazionali, con la partecipazione a conferenze e seminari sia in Romania e all'estero, compreso uno stage di formazione alla Direzione di Energia e Trasporti della Commissione Europea , il monitoraggio delle notizie e degli articoli di stampa di questo settore ( Mediafax ,Journal of European Public Policy , Euractiv , Eurobserver , Eupolitix , CNN , BBC , Euronews ). A partire da una ricca esperienza in questo settore energetico e da una cooperazione transfrontaliera, la mia tesi desidera sottolineare l'importanza di una sicurezza energetica europea in quello che riguarda l'approvvigionamento dell'Europa con l'energie. Nei seguenti capitoli di questa tesi ho studiato alcuni aspetti guardando la dipendenza energetica europea nei confronti della Russia e il ruolo dalla regione del Mar Nero, come un ponte di accesso alle fonti alternative di energia, diverse da quelle russe. Il primo capitolo inizia con due opinioni sulla sicurezza energetica e economica europea,che rivela la vulnerabilità dell'Europa, pero anche il suo potenziale che si divide tra l'Europa e gli stati dell'Eurasia Centrale. La tesi discuterà del ruolo di Gasprom sia nella politica interna e nella estera russa, che rivela una cattiva immagine della diplomazia energetica russe. Seguendo questa rotta, il obiettivo si muove da sud a est. Un capitolo parla del ruolo determinato che lo ha la regione del Mar Nero come un ponte di accesso nella sicurezza energetica europea , seguita da capitoli destinati a rivelare il ruolo specifico della Turchia in questo problema. Nel piano secondario, due progetti specifici di infrastrutture sono studiati - Nabucco e Il Gasdotto South Stream, finendo con una soluzione su un gasdotto Trans-Caspian. La tesi si conclude con l'indicazione di una strategia sulla diversificazione delle vie d'accesso energetiche. In questo momento, possiamo dire che lo scopo di questa ricerca è stato quello di definire una possibile soluzione per poter uscire da sotto la dominazione russa, quella di sviluppare una strategia comune al livello europeo sulla diversificazione del accesso alle risorse energetiche dalla regione Caspio al Mar Nero in Europa. In questo senso, la strategia energetica europea si prevede di continuare a raggiungere di tali obiettivi promuovendo nuove rotte di trasporto sicuro e al sviluppo economico territoriale, trasformando l'Europa più sicura nel accesso alle risorse energetiche. L'Unione Europea detiene in questo momento tutti gli strumenti di una politica estera per promuovere la stabilità politica e la riforma economica, per il sviluppo e il rafforzamento della democrazia e delle legislazioni nazionali, e aumentare i diritti e le libertà umane nei paesi della regione del Mar Caspio. Il più importante, le relazioni europeo - Mar Caspio , dovrebbero essere estese per quanto riguarda le dimensioni bilaterale e regionale dal punto di visto economico e commerciale e al livello diplomatico. L'ultimi eventi che sono stati sulla scacchiera energetica fornisce una vera e propria importanza alla regione del Mar Caspio per esercitare una notevole importanza come uno centrale geo-strategico, e all'Unione Europea per poter esercitare il ruolo del Leader Mondiale nella regione . Comunque per rendere reale ( per effettuare ) questo compito difficile, l'Europa deve rispettare alcuni consigli per poter formulare una strategia energetica comune nella zona del Mar Caspio , come :  di eliminare gradualmente la dominazione Gasprom da Azerbaijan .  di offrire supporto economico e politico allo scopo di costruire il progetto Nabucco e di costringere alla costruzione di un gasdotto Trans-Capian , intervenire sul mercato per assicurare la diversità e di impedire il monopolio della fornitura delle risorse energetiche verso l'est d'Europa .  di garantire la stabilità e la sicurezza nei paesi di transito e di risolvere il conflitto di Nagorno Karahbak , e imporre dei impegni più grandi sul processo di Minsk  di pensare seriamente come negoziare con Turkmenistan, mettendo nella bilancia l'apertura energetica con una generosa offerta, pero senza un coinvolgimento troppo grande sulle riforme politiche e economiche. Questo farà una chiamata alla diplomazia e tatto, e alla superiorità tecnologica e tecnica del ovest di poter pagare. Come una conclusione finale, l'Ovest , incluso l'Unione Europea e gli Stati Uniti, deve ripensare il più rapido possibile le sue politiche energetiche e non-energetiche nei confronti di Russia . Cosi come possiamo osservare in questa tesi , l'Ovest detiene veramente il vantaggio economico e politico di poter costringere la Russia per diventare più trasparente e commerciale nei confronti delle sue politiche energetiche estere . Non può più permettere a Mosca di minacciare la sicurezza energetica d'Europa , avendo la possibilità insieme al entrata dalla Romania e Bulgaria nell'Unione Europea in gennaio 2007 di sviluppare nuove rotte sul accesso alle risorse di gas dalla zona Caspio attraverso il Mar Nero in Europa. ; The beginning of 21st century revealed to the world the beginning of a small war proportion. Geopolitics is a gigantic series of two player chess games, in which the players seek positional advantage. In these games it is crucial to know the current rules that govern the moves. Knights are not allowed to move diagonally. From 1945 to 1989, the principal chess game was the one between the United States and the Soviet Union and it was called the "Cold War". Nowadays, the chess game is between European Union and Russia and it is called metaphorically the "Gas Cold War". European energy security is facing a set of serious challenges connected to Europe's dependence on Russian energy and the need for diversifying energy supply sources. Now days, European Union and Russia arrived at a crossroad regarding their agreements on energy matters. The target of this PhD is to explore the current situation, leaving from the fact that are serious concerns in Europe that Russia may try to use its energy exports as a political lever in order to settle its supremacy on the political board. This thesis focuses on finding a solution towards the European's major concern – energy security of supply, by start building new routes of gas supply. For a better understanding, I structured my paper like a chase board, with a stake – new routes of gas supply, with two major players – European Union and Russia, one key actor – The Black Sea Region and of course with a solution. The main research questions of this thesis are: In the enlarged European Union it could be true that Russia may try to use its energy exports as a political lever in order to settle its supremacy? And, in order to be successful it will use the energy price to obtain the leverage? To answer these questions a first step is to understand the relations between EU and Russia and the role that, the Black sea region plays in this meter. The research proposes a theoretical framework, using a quantitative analyze method (analysis of content) and a qualitative analyze method (informal discussions with experts from this area). In order to be more precisely with my thesis assumption, I carry out some informal discussions with experts from energy and international affairs area, from Europe, Black sea and the Caspian region, countries who were involved in the energy case, to discuss and to analyze the impact of Russia's increasingly assertive foreign energy policy on Europe and European security, started from the gas crises launched by Russia that have a real affect on Europe economy from 2006 till nowadays. My point of view is that Russia will try through different ways to consolidate its dominance as a Global leader, using its most convenient means – the "energy price" and my believes were that the only way to solve the problem is by start building a diversification supply strategy that could link Europe to the Caspian basin through the Black sea region. If this strategy will succeed, Europe will be able to reduce the Russian influence and to create a safer life climate. Regarding the quantitative analyze method, the theoretical framework was foundated by reading some record books in the international relations and energy field, by participating to conference and seminars in Romania and outside the country, including a stage at the European Commission on energy matters, monitoring the news and the press articles in this field (Mediafax, Journal of European Public Policy, Euractiv, Eurobserver, Eupolitix, CNN, BBC, Euronews). Starting from the successful work experience in the energy field and cross-border cooperation, my thesis aims to deepen the understanding of the European Union energy security of supply. In the fallowing chapters of my thesis, I studied several aspects of Europe's energy dependence on Russia, and the role of the Black Sea region as a source of alternative supplies. The first chapter begins with two overviews of Europe's economic and energy security, which show Europe's vulnerability, but also the potential lying in the complementarities between Europe and the states of Central Eurasia. The paper then proceeds to discuss the role of Gazprom in both Russian domestic and foreign policy, respectively, which provide a disturbing picture of the emerging Russian energy diplomacy. Following this, the focus shifts south and east. A chapter puts forward the role of the emerging Black Sea region as a hub in European energy security, followed by chapters devoted to the specific role of Turkey. Subsequently, two specifically important infrastructural projects are studied – the Nabucco and the South stream pipelines, ending with a pipeline solution as a Trans-Caspian pipeline. The paper final concludes with the outlining of a supply diversification strategy. At this point we can say that the aim of this paper-study was to define what might be a solution to get out under the Russian dominance and to offer as a possible solution the developing of a common European energy supply strategy from the Caspian region thorough the Black Sea into the European Union. In this sense, the EU energy supply strategy is expecting to contribute to achieving these objectives by promoting new safe routes of supply and a balanced and sustainable development of the territory, making European Union safer concerning its energy supplies. The EU holds all the foreign policy instruments required to promote political stability and economic reform, develop and straighten democracy and the rule of law, and enhance the respect of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the countries of the Caspian region. Most importantly, the EU-Caspian relations need to be further expanding in the bilateral and regional dimensions of economy and trade, as well as at diplomatic level. The last events that occurred in the energy chess board had give a real chance to the Caspian region to exert its importance as a significant geo-strategic pivot, as well as to the EU to play a global role in the region. However, making this a reality is fraught with difficulty and Europe must respect some recommendations in order to formulate a common energy strategy in the Caspian area, such as:  move swiftly to thwart Gazprom's overtures to Azerbaijan.  give the political and economic backing to get Nabucco built and push for the creation of the trans-Caspian, intervening in the market to ensure diversity and prevent a monopoly of supply to Eastern Europe.  ensure stability of transit countries, push to resolve Nagorno Karahbak, greater commitment to the Minsk process.  think seriously about how to deal with Turkmenistan, balancing energy overtures with generous but not overbearing support for political and economic reforms. This will require concerted diplomacy and reassertion of western technological and technical superiority and ability to pay. As a final conclusion, the West, including the EU and the United States, needs to quickly rethink its energy and non-energy policies towards Russia. As we can see in this paper, the West does have the economic and political leverage to force Russia to become more transparent and commercial in its foreign energy policies. It cannot allow Moscow to threaten the energy security of Europe anymore, having the possibility since the accession of Romania and Bulgaria to the EU in January 2007 to develop new routes of gas supply from the Caspian area through the Black sea into Europe ; XX Ciclo

n/a ; Timeline of key events: March 2011: Anti-government protests broke out in Deraa governorate calling for political reforms, end of emergency laws and more freedoms. After government crackdown on protestors, demonstrations were nationwide demanding the ouster of Bashar Al-Assad and his government. July 2011: Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States (LAS), paid his first visit to Syria, after his assumption of duties, and demanded the regime to end violence, and release detainees. August 2011: LAS Ministerial Council requested its Secretary General to present President Assad with a 13-point Arab initiative (attached) to resolve the crisis. It included cessation of violence, release of political detainees, genuine political reforms, pluralistic presidential elections, national political dialogue with all opposition factions, and the formation of a transitional national unity government, which all needed to be implemented within a fixed time frame and a team to monitor the above. - The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was formed of army defectors, led by Col. Riad al-Asaad, and backed by Arab and western powers militarily. September 2011: In light of the 13-Point Arab Initiative, LAS Secretary General's and an Arab Ministerial group visited Damascus to meet President Assad, they were assured that a series of conciliatory measures were to be taken by the Syrian government that focused on national dialogue. October 2011: An Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria was set up, including Algeria, Egypt, Oman, Sudan and LAS Secretary General, mandated to liaise with Syrian government to halt violence and commence dialogue under the auspices of the Arab League with the Syrian opposition on the implementation of political reforms that would meet the aspirations of the people. - On October 26, the Ministerial Committee held discussions in Damascus with President Assad. - The establishment of the Syrian National Council (SNC) in Istanbul, the first opposition coalition of different groups, but failed to gain international recognition because of deep divisions. November 2011: Syrian government agreed to implement a new Arab Action Plan (attached) endorsed by LAS Ministerial Council to end all acts of violence, release detainees, withdraw Syrian military and armed forces from cities, and ensure freedom of movement for journalists and observers throughout the country. -LAS Ministerial Council suspended the membership of Syria (November 16), and imposed economic sanctions (November 27) and some member states withdrew their ambassadors from Damascus, as it failed to comply with the Action Plan. December 2011: Negotiations with Damascus were resumed and an agreement is finally reached on the implementation of the Action Plan. LAS Observer Mission was deployed in Syria to monitor the implementation of the plan (December 24). - The Mission later submitted a report (attached) covering the period from 24 December 2011 to 18 January 2012 in accordance with the mandate conferred by the protocol concluded between the Syrian government and LAS. The report was divisive among the members of the Arab League, as it blamed both the regime and the opposition for the violence. January 2012: LAS Ministerial Council adopted resolution 7444 (attached) which called on the Syrian President to immediately hand over power to his deputy in order to begin the process of a political transition, which would include negotiations with the opposition, the formation of a national unity government, and the holding of elections. The resolution also, requested the Chair of the Arab Ministerial Committee and the Secretary General to brief the United Nations Security Council on the developments and get it to endorse the plan. - On January 22, Saudi Arabia withdrew its monitors, followed by the other GCC members on January 24. - On January 28, the Secretary-General of LAS announced the suspension of the activities of the observer mission, given the serious deterioration of the security situation. - On January 31, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, Chair of the Arab Ministerial Committee and Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States briefed the Security Council (attached) on Arab efforts and called on the council to adopt a draft resolution submitted by Morocco, supporting Arab League resolution 7444 (which called on the Syrian President to hand over power to his deputy) February 2012: - On February 4, Russia and China vetoed a draft Security Council resolution (attached), tabled by Morocco (the Arab member of the Security Council) and others. - On February 12, the Arab League adopted its resolution 7446 (attached), practically "transferring the file" to the United Nations Security Council. - On February 16, the issue was taken to the General Assembly, which adopted its Resolution 66/253, calling-among other things- for the appointment of a Special Envoy. - On February 23, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan was appointed as the Joint Special Envoy (JSE) of the United Nations and the League of Arab States on the Syrian crisis, to facilitate a peaceful Syrian-led and inclusive political solution. - On February 24, and upon the initiative of President Sarkozy of France, the first meeting of the Group of Friends of the Syrian People was held in Tunis, with the participation of more than 60 countries and representatives from the United Nations, the League of Arab States, the European Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab Maghreb Union and the Cooperation Council for the Arab Gulf States to discuss the worsening situation in Syria. The group noted the Arab League's request to the United Nations Security Council to issue a resolution to form a joint Arab-UN peacekeeping force following a cessation of violence by the regime, and called on LAS to convene a meeting of all disparate opposition groups to agree on a clear statement of shared principles for a transition in Syria. The meeting recognized the SNC as a legitimate representative of Syrians seeking peaceful democratic change. Text of the Conclusions of the Meeting. March 2012: The SNC formed a military council to organize and unify all armed resistance. - The JSE, Kofi Anan, submitted a six-point peace plan to the UN Security Council (which the council adopted in April in its resolution 2042), that called for commitment to a Syrian-led political process, achieve an effective United Nations supervised cessation of armed violence in all its forms by all parties, ensure provision of humanitarian assistance, intensify the release of arbitrarily detained persons, ensure freedom of movement for journalists and respect the freedom of demonstrating peacefully. It was later approved by the Syrian government, and the opposition remained skeptical. April 2012: United Nations Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS) was established by United Nations Security Council resolution 2043 (attached) initially for a 90-day period, to monitor a cessation of armed violence in all its forms by all parties and to monitor and support the full implementation of the Joint Special Envoy's six-point plan on ending the conflict in Syria. June 2012: The Action Group for Syria, with the participation of the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and the League of Arab States, the Foreign Ministers of China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, United States, Turkey, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar and the European Union High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, chaired by the JSE, met in Geneva and adopted the Geneva Final Communique (attached) which called for the establishment of a transitional governing body, with full executive powers, as part of the agreed principles and guidelines for a Syrian-led political transition. July 2012: The Syrian Opposition meeting was held under the auspices of LAS in Cairo, and reached an agreement on a national compact and a detailed transition plan. The two documents complemented the guidelines and principles laid out by the Action Group in Geneva. August 2012: UNSMIS mandate came to an end owing to an intensification of armed violence and use of heavy weapons. - Prime Minister Riad Hijab defected, and US President Obama's first direct threat of force against Syria, if Assad's regime deploys or uses chemical or biological weapons, calling such action a "red line" for the US. - Joint Special Envoy, Kofi Annan announced his resignation because of the Security Council failure to reach binding resolutions; Lakhdar Brahimi succeeded Annan as the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations and the League of Arab states for Syria (JSR). September 2012: Egypt hosted the high level preparatory meeting of the regional Quartet on Syria on September 10, which included Turkey and Saudi Arabia key backers of the Syrian Revolution, and Iran the major supporter of al-Assad regime, in an initiative to bring together regional powers to voice their positions on how to end the Syrian conflict. - On September 17, the Quartet's ministerial meeting took place in Cairo; Saudi Arabia opted out while Iran proposed a peace plan which called on all parties to cease violence and stop all financial and military support to the opposition, and suggested the deployment of observers from the quartet's nations to Syria. The participants failed to reach an agreement. October 2012: a four-day ceasefire attempt was announced towards late October, in respect to Eid al-Adha Holiday, which was breached on the first day in Homs, Aleppo and Damascus. November 2012: National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces (SOC) was formed in Qatar, responding to repeated calls from their Western and Arab supporters to create a cohesive and representative leadership, it excluded Islamist militias. December 2012: US, Britain, France, Turkey and Gulf states formally recognized SOC as "legitimate representative" of the Syrian people. January 2013: the Emir of Kuwait hosted the first pledging conference on Syria, international donors pledged more than $1.5bn to help civilians affected by the conflict in Syria. March 2013: LAS Ministerial Council adopted resolution 7595 (attached) to recognize SOC as the "sole legitimate representative" of the Syrian people and called on the SOC to establish an executive body to take up Syria's seat. April 2013: Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, leader of the Islamic State, released a recorded audio message announcing Jabhat al-Nusra as an extension of al-Qaeda in Iraq and Syria. The leader of al-Nusra, Abu Mohammad al-Joulani, refused the merger. Divisions among the jihadists emerged. - Hezbollah's involvement deepened when it led the ground assault on Al-Qusayr, a Sunni town in Homs province by the Lebanese border. August 2013: The Assad regime was accused of using chemical weapons in Eastern Ghouta to kill hundreds of civilians. The government denied using chemical weapons. President Obama sought congressional authorization for the use of force. September 2013: UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2118 (attached) requiring the Syrian regime to dismantle its chemical weapons arsenal by mid-2014, and avoid military strikes. December 2013: US and Britain suspended "non-lethal" support for rebels in northern Syria after reports Islamist rebels seized some bases of Western-backed Free Syrian Army. January 2014: the Geneva II Conference on Syria was held in Montreux on January 22, and attended by 37 states, 4 organizations and both Syrian parties. Iran was invited by SG Ban Ki- Moon on January 19, the Opposition declared its refusal to attend if Iran was not excluded, the US viewed Iran's invitation "as conditioned on Iran's explicit and public support for the full implementation of the Geneva Communique"; Iran refused any preconditions to the talks, and refused to endorse the Geneva Communique specially the transitional governing body. February 2014: two rounds of negotiations to discuss: 1- ending violence and 2-combating terrorism, 3-transitional governing body, national institutions, and 4- national reconciliation and national debate. The Syrian government refused to discuss a transitional government and insisted on discussing combating terrorism. The talks came to a halt. May 2014: JSR Brahimi announced his resignation because of the lack of progress and failure to agree on an agenda. - Iran proposed a political settlement of four points; a comprehensive cease-fire at national level, forming a national unity government consisting of the regime and the internal Syrian opposition, by transferring presidential powers to the government whereby the government will enjoy wide-ranging powers in years to come, and preparation for presidential and parliamentary elections. - Syrian rebels withdrew from the Old City of Homs, under an Iranian brokered deal and facilitated by the UN, after three years of Syrian government bombardment and siege. June 2014: President Assad held presidential elections, he was re-elected for another seven-year term allegedly winning 88.7% of the votes. July 2014: UN Secretary-General announced the appointment of Staffan de Mistura as his Special Envoy for Syria (SE)- NOT as a joint envoy with LAS. August 2014: US-led coalition began its airstrikes against the Islamic State in Iraq and expanded its strikes to Syria the following month, focusing on the city of Raqqa. September 2014: SE held his first round of consultations with concerned capitals, since taking up his office, it included his a visit to Damascus where he met with President Assad, senior officials and the tolerated internal Syrian opposition. October 2014: SE focused on establishing a series of local ceasefires, "freeze zones", starting with Aleppo, which aimed at the de-escalation of violence and allowance of the return of normalcy to it. February 2015: SE briefed the Security Council members on the 17th, announcing Syria's willingness to halt all aerial bombardment over Aleppo for a period of six weeks. It was not clear when would the freeze go into effect, reporting that a date would be announced from Damascus. June 2015: Egypt hosted the second Syrian Opposition meeting in Cairo, which excluded the National Coalition and announced a new road map to resolve the crisis which did not abolish Assad's government. July 2015: SE announced that his office would facilitate intra-Syrian working groups to generate a "Syrian-owned framework document" on the implementation of the Geneva Communiqué. Main themes of the groups were Safety and Protection for All, Political and Constitutional Issues, Military and Security Issues, and Public Institutions, Reconstruction and Development. September 2015: Russia conducted its first airstrikes against IS in Syria. The US and the Syrian Opposition claim it is targeting rebel-held areas instead. October 2015: First meeting of International Syria Support Group (ISSG) took place in Vienna, it included China, Egypt, the EU, France, Germany, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Jordan, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United Nations, and the United States. They agreed on a nine-point plan, but still had substantial divisions on the future of Assad. It was the first time Iran and Saudi Arabia were brought to the same table. November 2015: Second meeting of the ISSG was held in Vienna adding LAS to its members. They set a time frame to prepare for a parallel ceasefire and political process by January 2016 that would lead to credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance within six months, followed by the drafting of a constitution and elections within 18 months. Jordan was tasked to develop a list of groups and individuals identified as terrorists, and Saudi Arabia to hold a meeting to unify the Syrian opposition and prep for the talks with the government. December 2015: - Syrian political and armed opposition factions met in Riyadh, to agree on a common position to negotiate with Syrian government, and resulted in the formation of the High Negotiating Committee (HNC). The main Kurdish group was excluded, while Islamist hardliners such as Jaysh Al-Islam and Ahrar Al-Sham were present. - The Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) joined the follow-up meeting of the ISSG in New York, Saudi Arabia and Jordan briefed the group on their tasks. There was no agreement on the list of identified terrorists, especially with Russia's insistence on adding Ahrar Al-Sham to the list, which is considered pivotal to the unified Opposition bloc. - UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2254 (attached) which reaffirmed the road map set out by the ISSG and urged the Support Group to apply pressure on the Syrian parties to put an immediate end to the indiscriminate use of weapons against civilians, and allow unimpeded access to humanitarian aid convoys. January 2016: the SE sent out invitations to the Syrian participants, in accordance with the parameters outlined in Security Council resolution 2254, to start on the 25th with proximity talks and had expected to last for six months. The HNC requested assurances of goodwill from the government as precondition to beginning of talks, such as release of prisoners or lifting of sieges. February 2016: Talks were delayed and lasted two days before they were suspended for three weeks. - The ISSG met on the margins of the Munich Security Conference and decided that humanitarian access will commence same week of meeting to besieged areas, and an ISSG task force would elaborate within one week modalities for a nationwide cessation of hostilities. - The US and Russia announced the adoption of the terms for a cessation of hostilities in Syria, and proposed that the cessation of hostilities commence at 00:00 (Damascus time) on February 27, 2016. The cessation of hostilities does not apply to "Daesh", "Jabhat al-Nusra", or other terrorist organizations designated by the UN Security Council. - The Security Council endorsed the announcement in its resolution 2268 (attached). March 2016: SE announced March 9 set as target date of resumption of talks in Geneva. On March 14, SE resumed the intra-Syrian proximity talks in Geneva, which mainly discussed procedural matters to reach a shared list of principles and relied on Security Council resolution 2254 as its agenda. - SE briefed the Security Council on the cessation of hostilities which lowered overall levels of violence and more than 238,000 people had been reached with humanitarian aid. - On the same day, President Putin announced the withdrawal of most Russian forces from Syria, after it had largely fulfilled their objectives in Syria, and SE stated that it would have a positive impact on the negotiations. - On March 17, the PYD announced the establishment of a federal system in Kobane, Afrin and Cizire cantons in northern Syria, and its Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria-Rojava (DFNS) announced its final declaration. Both the Syrian government and other opposition affiliates denounced the plan, as well as the United States. - On March 24, the SE ended the first round by submitting a paper on the commonalities between the Syrian sides regarding the future of Syria and would help structure the next round that would address political transition. - Syrian government forces retook Palmyra from the Islamic State, with Russian air assistance. April 2016: The SE paid visits to Amman, Beirut, Damascus and Tehran ahead of the new round of talks. - The third round of proximity talks were set to start on April 13, which coincided with the parliamentary elections in the government-controlled areas in Syria. The SE met with the High Negotiations Committee delegation (Syrian Opposition) in Geneva and was expected to meet with the Syrian Government delegation within the following days. - During the 13-27 April round of negotiations, the SE developed a Mediator's Summary that identified eighteen points necessary to move forward on political transition arrangements. - on April 28, airstrikes in Aleppo on al-Quds hospital supported by both Doctors Without Borders and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which killed dozens of civilians and medical personnel. May 2016: The Security Council adopted unanimously resolution 2286 (attached) which called for the protection of civilians and medical facilities during armed conflict. - On May 4, the US-Russia brokered a 48-hour ceasefire in which helped reduce the violence, and was later extended for another 72 hours. - On May 9, France held a ministerial Friends of Syria meeting in "Paris Format", attended by the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, the European Union, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Jordan, and issued a statement that called on the resumption of negotiations, unimpeded access of humanitarian assistance and the implementation of international law obligations to the protection of civilians. - Later on the same day, the United States and Russia issued a joint statement on Syria to reconfirm their commitment to intensify their efforts to implement a nationwide ceasefire and promote humanitarian assistance in accordance to security council resolution 2254. - On May 17, the fourth meeting of the ISSG took place in Vienna and reaffirmed its determination to strengthen the cessation of hostilities, to ensure full and sustained humanitarian access in Syria, and to ensure progress toward a peaceful political transition. Australia, Canada, Japan, the Netherlands and Spain joined the group. June 2016: The SE announced that the time is not yet right for a resumption of the intra-Syrian talks because of the escalation of violence in Aleppo, Idlib, Latakia and other rural areas around Damascus, but the intention is to begin an official third round as soon as possible. - Riad Hijab, the Coordinator of the Opposition High Negotiations Committee, proposed a nationwide truce throughout the month of Ramadan. - On June 16, Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria announced that 16 of the 18 besieged areas have been reached since the humanitarian taskforce started in late February. - On June 21, the SE briefed the United Nations General Assembly on the situation in Syria regarding the cessation of hostilities and humanitarian assistance access, as for the resumption of talks, it is yet to be decided and the OSE currently holds technical meetings with the parties on core issues. July 2016: - On July 6, the Syrian army declared a three-day nationwide "regime of calm" in respect to Eid al-Fitr holidays nonetheless pro-regime forces continued to engage in clashes and airstrikes across the country, particularly near the flashpoints of Damascus and Aleppo City. - On July 14, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss a proposal for bilateral military cooperation in the Syria; The proposal calls for the establishment of a 'Joint Implementation Group' (attached) based in Amman, Jordan to "support deliberate targeting" of Syrian Al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra and "maximize independent but synchronized efforts" against ISIS in Syria, according to a draft memorandum leaked by the Washington Post. - On July 25, Stephen O'brien, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, briefed the security council (attached) on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Aleppo due to the escalation of violence over the Castello Road, the last access route in and out of eastern Aleppo, and the continuous attacks on medical facilities. O'brien called on the security council not to allow turning Aleppo into another besieged area where 250,000 to 275,000 people reside, and called to establish a weekly, 48-hour humanitarian pause to enable humanitarian aid deliveries across borders. - On July 28, the Russian Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu announced, right after the Syrian government announced it has cut off the Castello Road and encircled the city of Aleppo, setting up three humanitarian corridors in Aleppo City to allow in food and medical aid, and help people flee the besieged city; the fourth corridor would be established in northern Aleppo near the Castello Road to allow the withdrawal of armed insurgents, and appealed to the Syrian government to provide guarantees to the amnesty provided to rebels to lay down their weapons. - On the same day, Abu Mohammed al-Julani, Jabhat al-Nusra's Leader announced split from al- Qaeda and mentioned that its new name would be Jabhet Fateh al-Sham, in order to get the group off the terrorist list and "to remove the excuse used by the international community – spearheaded by America and Russia – to bombard and displace Muslims in the Levant: that they are targeting al-Nusra Front, which is associated with al-Qaida". - On July 29, the SE commented on the Russian initiative in a press stakeout, that it should take into consideration a few improvements such as putting the 48-hour humanitarian pause into place on a sustainable basis irrespective of the humanitarian corridors; and suggested "to actually leave the delivery of aid through corridors to the UN and its partners"; and stressed that civilians should leave voluntarily, and given the option of leaving to areas of their own choice. August 2016: - On August 1, a Russian helicopter was downed near Saraqeb, in rebel-held Idlib province, on its way back to Russia's main air base in Hmyeim in the western province of Latakia, killing the five Russian military personnel on board. The downing of the helicopter marked the single deadliest event for Russia since its air campaign began in Syria on September 29, 2015. No group claimed the shooting down of the helicopter. - Since then, Russian warplanes conducted retaliatory airstrikes against several small opposition-held areas in the vicinity of Saraqeb. Syrian rebels accuse Russia of using incendiary munitions while conducting airstrikes against Idlib City on August 7, suggesting that Russia intended to achieve punitive and deterrent effects against opposition forces in the province. - In the early weeks of August, rebel forces launched a major assault, known as the "battle for Aleppo", on government-held southwestern towns of Aleppo City, to break the siege, and control supply lines in the south connected to eastern Aleppo. They claimed breaking the siege and capturing Ramouseh Artillery Academy, parts of the cement plant and Khan Touman-Ramouseh road. Intense fighting between warring parties continues to claim control over previously lost vicinities. - On August 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin met with Turkish President Recep Tayip Erdogan in St. Petersburg, after the Turkish President officially apologized for the downing of a Russian military aircraft on June 27, 2016, and announced during a press conference that they discussed lifting of Russia's ban on imports of Turkish products, resumption of charter flights, the Turkish Stream project, Syrian settlement, and anti-terrorism efforts. - On August 10, Lieutenant-General Sergei Rudskoi, a senior Russian Defence Ministry official, announced a daily three-hour ceasefires in Aleppo, starting August 11, to allow humanitarian convoys enter the city safely, and would run from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. local time. - On August 16, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced that Russian aircrafts took off from Iranian airbase Hamedan to carry out airstrikes on ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra-held facilities in the provinces of Aleppo, Idlib and Deir ez-Zour. - On August 18, the SE adjourned the HTF meeting as humanitarian convoys could not reach any of the besieged towns during the month, and called for at least a 48 hour humanitarian pause in Aleppo to deliver UN humanitarian assistance, through the Castello Road, to all parts of Aleppo City. - Also, on August 18, the Syrian government forces, unprecedentedly, launched strikes against Kurdish forces in Hasakeh in Northern Syria, after pro-government National Defense Forces (NDF) were engaged in clashes with the military wing of the Kurdish Workers Party, known as Asayish. The Syrian government claimed that "Asayish had escalated their acts of provocation attacking state establishments, stealing oil and cotton, disrupting examinations, carrying out abductions, and causing a state of chaos and instability, in addition to targeting positions of the Syrian Arab Army which required a suitable response by the Army as it targeted the sources of artillery fire and the gatherings of armed elements responsible for these criminal actions." - On August 19th, while the Kurdish fighters pushed back government forces and their allies, the Pentagon threatened to shoot down Syrian government aircrafts as they pose a threat to the US Special Forces deployed in the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) area. - On August 21, it was announced that a truce agreement had been reached between YPG and NDF, through Russian mediation, to start on August 21, 2016 at 17:00, which involved evacuating the wounded and transporting them to hospitals in Qamishli, and restore the situation to how it was prior to the clashes and hold talks on August 22 to resolve the remaining unresolved issues. - On August 22, most likely the ceasefires agreement failed as fighting escalated. - On August 24, Turkey and the International Coalition Air Forces launched "Operation Euphrates Shield" offenses to support the Free Syrian Army aligned with U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces SDF against IS militants in Jarablus, in northern Syria. - On August 26, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, addressing a joint press conference after their meeting in Geneva, announced that they failed to reach a breakthrough deal on military cooperation and a nationwide cessation of hostilities in Syria, saying they still have issues to resolve before an agreement could be announced. - On August 27, Kurdish militias targeted Diyarbakir airport in southeast Turkey, near the borders with Syria. Turkey retaliated by warplanes and artillery on targets held by Kurdish-backed forces the following day, despite US pentagon's criticism of the fighting. September 2016: - On September 4, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildrim announced that Turkish military forces and Ankara-backed Free Syrian Army (FSA) had successfully purged the border region, from Azaz to Jarablus, from "terrorist organizations." - On September 9, the US and Russia reached a deal which called for a nationwide ceasefire in Syria, and unimpeded humanitarian access to all besieged areas starting on September 12th. If sustained for seven continuous days, the U.S. and Russia would establish a Joint Implementation Center (JIC) in order to share intelligence and coordinate airstrikes against both ISIS and Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (formerly Jabhat al-Nusra). - On September 21, the cessation of hostilities deal was implemented with regular violations, while the Syrian government continued to block humanitarian access to opposition-held districts of Eastern Aleppo City despite the agreement. - On September 17, the US-led coalition accidentally launched an air strike on Syrian government forces in Deir ez-Zour. - On September 19, a UN humanitarian convoy was shelled near Urum al-Kubra near Aleppo, killing 20 humanitarian aid workers and drivers, and destroying 18 out of 31 trucks. The US blamed Russia and the Syrian government for the attack; the latter declared unilaterally the end of the ceasefire agreement. - On September 20, the UN temporarily suspended its humanitarian aid to Syria after the attack, while international powers failed to reach a consensus to restore the ceasefire during an acrimonious UN Security Council Meeting on September 21st as well as two separate meetings of the International Syria Support Group on September 20 and September 22. - On September 22, the Syrian government announced a new military offensive in the rebel-held eastern Aleppo, and further escalation in a bombing campaign by Russian and Syrian airstrikes that had already intensified the day before. - On September 25, the Security Council Meeting discussed the recent escalation of violence in Aleppo after the Syrian government announced its intention to retake all of Aleppo City, and the SE called on the Security Council to "to press for a cessation of violence, and for the protection of civilians, and the civilian infrastructure; secondly to press for weekly 48-hour pauses in the fighting to ensure that the United Nations and its partners can reach eastern Aleppo, without preconditions from either the Government or the Opposition; and thirdly to press for medical evacuations of urgent cases." - On September 27, the Syrian government launched a large scale ground offensive in eastern Aleppo, and state media announced that it recaptured the central district of Al-Farafirah northwest of the Aleppo Citadel. - On September 29, the YPG set conditions to participate in operations to seize IS-held Raqqa City: the US provides arms to the YPG, recognizes its autonomy of the Federation of Northern Syria, and ensures that the Syrian Kurds are officially invited to participate in peace talks. October 2016: - On October 1, continuous airstrikes in eastern Aleppo damaged a major hospital codenamed M10, which was partially closed because of the raids. - On October 2, Stephen O'brien, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, urged warring parties and their supporters to bring about a cessation of all hostilities, a medical evacuation system for eastern Aleppo, and regular unimpeded humanitarian access to eastern Aleppo, and he reiterated his plea to the Security Council for a 48-hours weekly humanitarian pause in fighting, at the very least. - In an official statement, the Syrian Army offered amnesty to fighters and their families to leave Aleppo under guarantee of safe passage to other rebel-held areas, after the Syrian regime forces recaptured strategic areas on the northern outskirts of the city. - On October 3, the EU announced an emergency humanitarian initiative for Aleppo, in cooperation with the United Nations and civil society organizations, in order to facilitate the urgent delivery of basic life-saving assistance to civilians in eastern Aleppo, and ensure medical evacuations with focus on women, children and the elderly. The EU has mobilized 25 million euros to support its humanitarian partners' response to cover medical, water and sanitation, and food assistance in Aleppo. The HNC issued a statement welcoming the European initiative to protect civilians in Aleppo. - The Security Council began negotiations over a draft resolution, circulated by France and Spain, which demanded all parties to the Syrian conflict "implement and ensure full implementation of cessation of hostilities, including an end to all aerial bombardments", and called on the US and Russia to "undertake joint efforts to stabilize the situation in Syria, with special measures for the Aleppo region", as well as the UN Secretary-General to propose options for a UN-supervised monitoring mechanism of the ceasefire and to "take further measures" in case of non-compliance of any party, without invoking chapter 7 of the UN Charter. The French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault headed to Moscow and Washington to push for a vote on the draft resolution. - The United States suspended talks with Russia on trying to end the violence in Syria and accused Moscow of not complying with its commitments under the ceasefire agreement and would withdraw all personnel that were dispatched to prepare for military cooperation with Russia. - On October 4, Prince Zeid Ra'ad, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, warned over the use of incendiary weapons in Syria, and demanded bold initiatives such as limiting the use of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Russia rejected Zeid's call. - The Russian Defense Ministry declared its deployment of S-300 missile system to its Tartus naval base in Syria. - On October 6, the SE offered in a press conference to escort up to 1000 al-Nusra fighters to bring an end to the bombardment by Russian and Syrian forces to Idlib or anywhere else of their choice. While the Russian Defense Ministry announced it would shoot down US-led coalition jets if the US launches airstrikes against pro-government forces in Syria, after American officials had discussed using limited airstrikes to force government forces to halt its raids on Aleppo. - On October 7, Russia called for a Security Council emergency meeting to hear the SE's briefing (attached) on the situation in Aleppo, while the Russian Parliament ratified Moscow's deal with Syria on its "indefinite" deployment of forces. - On October 8, the Security Council held a meeting on Aleppo, and voted on the Russian-drafted resolution calling for the revival of the ceasefire deal, without mention of ending military fights in the city, and on the French-drafted resolution. The French draft received eleven votes in favor, China and Angola abstained, while Russia and Venezuela voted against. The Russian text only received four votes in favor of China, Egypt and Venezuela, Angola and Uruguay abstained, while the remaining nine council members voted against. - On October 9, France announced its intention to call the ICC for war crimes investigation in Syria, and shall contact the ICC Prosecutor on how to launch these investigations, putting into consideration that the only way is through the Security Council referral, which had been vetoed before by Russia in May 2014. - On October 13, the Deputy Special Envoy for Syria Ramzy Ezzeldin Ramzy confirmed the Syrian Government's approval of the October aid plan and for convoys to reach 25 of 29 besieged and hard-to-reach areas across Syria, but not to eastern Aleppo and three parts of the rural Damascus province. - On October 15, US Secretary of State John Kerry hosted a meeting on Syria in Lausanne, with the participation of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and seven foreign ministers from the region, from Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, Jordan and Egypt, with the presence of the SE. The meeting failed to reach a joint statement on how to end the bombardment of Aleppo or on the aid delivery to the besieged towns. - On October 16, the UK's Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson held a meeting with his US, French and German counterparts and "like-minded" Gulf Arab states on the Syrian conflict in London. The UK and the US announced their consideration of imposing more sanctions against Russia and the Syrian Government to halt their ongoing raids on Aleppo. - On October 17, the European Council condemned the Syrian regime and Russia for their deliberate and indiscriminate bombardment of civilians and infrastructure in Eastern Aleppo, and called for a monitored cessation of hostilities, lift of sieges, and a nationwide sustainable humanitarian access. - On October 18, the Russian Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu announced the cease of Russian and Syrian airstrikes on Aleppo to hold an 8-hour humanitarian pause on October 20th, in order to allow civilians and medical evacuations through six humanitarian corridors, and expected militants would withdraw with their weapons through two corridors, one via the Castello Road and the other near the souq al-Hai area in the south of the city. It was later announced that the eight-hour pause will be extended to eleven hours for four days. The armed opposition groups (AOGs) rejected the proposal in a joint statement claiming that "the initiative came at the same time as forced displacement operations are being carried out by the Assad regime in the Damascus suburbs of al-Mouadamiya, Qudsiya and al-Hama, and before that in Daraya." - On October 20, in conclusion of the EU summit, the EU failed to reach an agreement on imposing sanctions on Russia for the escalation of violence in Aleppo, and stated that "the EU is considering all available options should the current atrocities continue." The unilateral ceasefire took effect, and the Syrian Army declared that it would last for three days while artillery exchanges erupted around a crossing point near the rebel-controlled Bustan al-Qasr district shortly after the pause began. The Secretary-General and the SE briefed the General Assembly in an informal session on the situation in Syria, in response to an initiative led by Canada, after the Security Council failed to take action to end the aerial bombardment on Aleppo and revive peace efforts. - On October 21, the United Nations Human Rights Council held a special session on the deteriorating situation of human rights in Aleppo, upon the request of Britain (letter attached) that was submitted on behalf of a core group of 11 Western and Arab states. The Council adopted a resolution by a 24 in favor vote, seven against and 16 abstentions. It urged "the immediate implementation of the cessation of hostilities, and demanded that the regime and its allies put an immediate end to all aerial bombardments of and military flights over Aleppo city. The Council demanded that all parties, in particular the Syrian authorities and its supporters, promptly allowed rapid, safe, unhindered and sustained humanitarian access, including across conflict lines and borders." The Council further "requested the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic to conduct a comprehensive, independent special inquiry into the events in Aleppo, and identify all those responsible for alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law. It further requested the Commission of Inquiry to support efforts to ensure that perpetrators of alleged abuses and violations be held accountable, and to provide a full report of the findings of its special inquiry to the Human Rights Council no later than its thirty-fourth session." - On October 22, the humanitarian pause expired without any evacuations made and without further renewal despite the UN request. No medical evacuations had been made as no security guarantees had not been granted as requested by the UN. - On October 23, Turkey intensified its strikes targeting IS militants and Kurdish YPG forces in the town of al-Bab, in an attempt to sweep them away from its borders. The Turkish-backed FSA gained control over three areas of Tuways, al-Gharz and Tlatinah south of Akhtarin in northern Aleppo two days later. - On October 25, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov stated Moscow's willingness to restore the ceasefire in Aleppo and that the Western-backed opposition forces should be separated from terrorist groups in order to be able to move forward; after the UN had blamed all parties for the failure of evacuating injured people in Eastern Aleppo during the three-day ceasefires and called for "a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire so that life-saving humanitarian activities, including medical evacuations, can resume," meanwhile the Syrian Ambassador to Moscow ruled out any opportunity to restore the ceasefires. - On October 26, a school in the village of Haas, in rebel-held Idlib, was hit by a raid of airstrikes, causing the death of twenty-two children and six teachers. The UN Secretary-General called for an immediate investigation on this attack, as it could amount as war crimes if deliberate. Russia denied its responsibility and claimed that the damage was not consistent with an airstrike. - On October 27, Virginia Gamba, the head of the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism, presented the mechanism's findings to the Security Council. The report indicated that of the nine cases the JIM investigated, the Syrian regime used chlorine gas against civilians in three cases and the IS used mustard gas in one case. In the remaining five cases, the JIM investigated allegations that the government dropped chlorine bombs in rebel-held areas. While the JIM could not make a conclusive determination in three of these five cases, it was able to establish that government airstrikes had occurred and the presence of a toxic substance, but it was unable to fully determine the link between the two, or the actors responsible. Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin questioned the JIM's findings, and expressed reservations over the US-draft resolution to extend the mandate of the mechanism for another year, which would end on 31 October 2016. - The EU added ten top Syrian officials to its sanctions list who are held responsible for "violent repression against the civilian population in Syria." - On October 28, Syrian rebels relaunched Aleppo counter-attack aiming to break the siege imposed on Eastern Aleppo. The factions included the FSA and Jaish al-Fath targetting government-held Western Aleppo. - Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem met with his Russian and Iranian counterparts in Moscow to discuss counterterrorism, the cessation of hostilities and improvement of humanitarian operations, and the resumption of the intra-Syrian talks. The three ministers held a joint press conference following their meeting. - On October 30, SE condemned Syrian rebels for the indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas in Western Aleppo, raising the number of casualties in the last 48 hours. - On October 31, the Security Council extended the mandate of the UN-OPCW JIM until November 18, 2016. November 2016: - On November 1, in a teleconference with the leaders of the Russian Armed Forces, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu mentioned that Russia had halted air strikes on eastern Aleppo for 16 days, following western criticism over a Russian-Syrian government assault that killed civilians and destroyed infrastructure. - On November 2, DM Shoigu announced that it would enforce a 10-hour humanitarian pause in Aleppo on November 4, to allow civilians and fighters to exit the city through eight safe corridors. - On November 4, despite the announced unilateral ceasefire in Aleppo, there were no sign of civilians or fighters leaving the city, and opposition fighters vowed to continue fighting to break the siege. - On November 6, the SDF declared the launch of Operation "Wrath of the Euphrates" in the IS capital of Raqqa, which aimed at surrounding and isolating the city as an initial phase, in coordination with the US-led coalition airstrikes. The SDF had rejected any Turkish role to liberate the city. - On November 8, the Russian Defense Minister Shoigu announced that the first attack from the Admiral Kuznetsov, the aircraft carrier, and heavily armed escort ships were to bomb rebel positions in Aleppo. - On November 10, Jan Egeland, Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, declared in a press stakeout following the weekly HTF meeting that Eastern Aleppo had run out of food rations, and that the UN had proposed an initiative of four elements which included delivery of food and medical supplies, medical evacuations and access for health workers. - On November 11, the OPCW Executive Council condemned all parties for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, after voting on a US-tabled text in a closed session. The text was supported by 28 members, including Germany, France, the United States and Britain; it was opposed by Russia, China, Sudan and Iran, and there were nine abstentions. - On November 15, Russia launched its "major operation" targeting the IS and Jabhat al-Nusra's positions in Idlib and Homs provinces. Heavy airstrikes and barrel bombs pounded Eastern Aleppo after the pause declared by Russia and the Syrian Government on October 18. It is considered the first mission operated from the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov. - The Third Committee of the UN General Assembly adopted a draft resolution tabled by Saudi Arabia on the human rights situation in Syria, by a vote of 116 in favor, to 15 against with 49 abstentions. It called upon the Syrian regime and the IS to cease using chemical weapons, and stop their attacks on civilians. - On November 17, the UN Security Council adopted the US-draft resolution to extend the mandate of the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism to 18 November 2017. - On November 20, Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem held talks with the SE in Damascus, on the latest escalation of violence, the targeting of medical facilities and infrastructure, and the humanitarian initiative in Eastern Aleppo. The UN proposal of the withdrawal of al-Nusra fighters while maintaining the opposition's local administration of Eastern Aleppo; the proposal was rejected by the Syrian Government and called it a violation of "national sovereignty". - On November 23, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean Ayrault announced that France would hold a meeting on Syria early December 2016. - On November 24, Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria briefed the press on the HTF meeting and the assistance deliveries of the month of November, not being able to reach besieged areas because of the absence of government approvals for convoys to enter and the escalation of violence. Egeland stated that the UN had received written approvals of the AOGs in eastern Aleppo and Russian support of the UN four-point plan, and still waiting for the government's approval. - On November 27, the rebels in Khan al-Shih town, in the outskirts of Damascus, handed in their weapons, as part of a local agreement with the Syrian government to withdraw to rebel-held Idlib province, so as government siege would be lifted. It was the only town not under government control on a major supply route from Damascus to Quneitra, in southern Syria. - On November 29, Egypt, New Zealand and Spain put in blue their draft resolution calling to put an end to all attacks on Aleppo, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access for the period of 7-days with consideration of further extension. The draft was later vetoed on 5 December by Russia and China, Venezuela voted against, and Angola abstained. It is Russia's sixth veto on a Syria draft resolution, and China's fifth veto. - After the Acting High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Kim Won-soo briefed Council members during Syria's chemical weapons consultations; the P3 announced they would circulate a draft resolution to impose sanctions on Syria for its use of chemical weapons against its own population. - On November 30, upon the request of France and the UK to hold an emergency meeting on Aleppo, SE Staffan de Mistura, USG Emergency Relief Coordinator Stephen O'brien and UNICEF Regional Director Geert Cappelaere briefed the Security Council on the situation in Aleppo, who agreed on the growing number of civilians fleeing eastern Aleppo and the dire need for safe humanitarian access. December 2016: - On December 1, ten AOGs announced the formation of 'Jaysh Halab' in Eastern Aleppo, in an attempt to unite their efforts to lift the siege and restore the districts where the pro-government militias took over in northeast and east Aleppo. It was led by Abu Abdul Rahman Nour, a senior commander in 'Jabhat al-Sham'. While Jan Egeland, Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, and the SE briefed the press on the humanitarian situation in Aleppo after the HTF meeting; they mentioned that over 400,000 IDPs are in west Aleppo, and UN convoys reached reached all towns under the Four-Towns Agreement, including Madaya, al-Foua and Kafraya, and Zabadani, and that the December Plan was yet to be approved by the Syrian government. - On December 3, the Syrian armed forces and its supporting militias advanced into east Aleppo, taking over 60 percent of the city that was once under rebel control since mid-2012. More than 80,000 civilians fled the area since the beginning of the regime's offense on November 15. - On December 7, AOGs called for a five-day ceasefire in Aleppo, and medical and civilian evacuations without mentioning the withdrawal of their fighters as demanded by Moscow and Damascus. Meanwhile, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Germany to discuss the evacuation of opposition-held districts of Eastern Aleppo, and no agreement was reached. While leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the UK and the United States released a joint statement on the situation in Aleppo calling for an immediate ceasefire and the resumption of political negotiations. - On December 8, the SE briefed the Security Council in closed consultations after the Russian announcement that it paused its operations in eastern Aleppo to allow the evacuation of civilians. Jan Egeland had said, after the weekly HTF meeting, that the co-chairs are "poles apart" on a united humanitarian diplomacy. IS launched a major offensive on Palmyra, seizing a number of gas fields in the north and few mountains in the south. - On December 9, the General Assembly adopted the Canadian-drafted resolution A/RES/71/130, which calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the implementation of resolutions 2268 and 2254. The resolution passed by a vote of 122 to 13, with 36 abstentions. Russia, Iran and China opposed the resolution. - On December 10, Paris hosted a meeting of "like-minded" counterparts on Syria; it brought together US Secretary of State John Kerry, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson and Turkish Foreign Affairs Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, along with Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. They discussed the humanitarian situation, and called for a ceasefire and a post Aleppo plan, as Syrian government forces neared victory over rebels there. - On December 11, ISIS recaptured the city of Palmyra in Eastern Homs Province forces despite heavy air support provided by Russia. - On December 13, the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon briefed the Security Council on the situation in Aleppo, the growing number of IDPs and allegations of torture and executions. Meanwhile, AOGs agreed to evacuate their remaining positions in eastern Aleppo after the Syrian government recaptured the city and following an agreement between Russia and Turkey. The evacuation was initially scheduled to take place on 14 December, but was delayed after Iran called for simultaneous evacuations from the besieged Shi'a-majority towns of Fu'ah and Kafraya in Idlib Province. - On December 15, the LAS held an emergency meeting at the level of representatives, based on Qatar's request, and adopted resolution 8105 condemning the attacks on civilians in Eastern Aleppo. - On December 19, the Security Council unanimously adopted the French-drafted resolution 2328 which demanded that the UN and other relevant agencies to carry out adequate and neutral monitoring of evacuations from eastern Aleppo, ensure the deployment of staff members for this purpose, and emphasized that the evacuations of civilians must be voluntary and to final destinations of their choice. Also, the LAS Ministerial Council welcomed resolution 8106 reiterating the necessity to establish a full cease-fire in Aleppo in accordance with the Security Council resolution 2328, and condemned terrorism in all its forms and crimes committed against civilians by ISIS, Fateh al- Sham Front, and that actions of both the Syrian regime and other militant groups may amount to war crimes. - Following the adoption of resolution 2328, the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria announced "the intention of the United Nations to convene the intra-Syrian negotiations mandated by Security Council resolution 2254 in Geneva on 8 February 2017." - On December 20th, the foreign and defense ministers of Russia, Turkey and Iran held parallel trilateral meetings in Moscow, despite the assassination of the Russian Ambassador to Turkey Andrey Karlov on December 19, and adopted the "Moscow Declaration" by which they agreed to act as guarantor powers for a peace accord between the Syrian government and the opposition. - On December 21, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution establishing a mechanism to assist in the investigation of serious crimes committed in Syria since 2011. The resolution received 105 votes for, with 52 abstentions, and 15 votes against (Algeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Burundi, China, Cuba, DPRK, Iran, Kyrgyzstan, Nicaragua, Russia, South Sudan, Syria, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe). The UN Secretary-General submitted the report of the UN Headquarters Board of Inquiry that was established to investigate the humanitarian convoy incident in Urum al-Kubra on 19 September 2016., which stated that there is no enough evidence to conclude that the convoy was deliberately attacked. - On December 22, the Syrian army announced its full control over Aleppo, after the evacuations of the remaining rebel fighters. Evacuations had faced many delays because of Iran's demands to evacuate 1500 individuals from the opposition-besieged towns of Zabadani and Madaya. On the following day, the Russian military deployed a battalion to clear the city from improvised explosive devices. - On December 23, USG Stephen O'brien briefed the Security Council, upon the request of France, "on the modalities of the evacuation of civilians and delivery of humanitarian aid in East Aleppo." Meanwhile, Syrian government forces bombed the water pumping station during its raid on opposition-held Wadi Barada, disrupting water supply to Damascus. - On December 26, Kazakhstan accepted the Russian proposal to host peace negotiations between the Syrian government and opposition forces to find a solution to the Syrian crisis, in January 2017. - On December 27, the Russian and Turkish foreign ministers agreed to implement a nationwide ceasefire in Syria, separate moderate opposition groups from UN designated terrorist groups, and prepare for the Astana talks. - On December 28-30, the DFNS met in the city of Rmeilan to approve the draft constitution, known as the social contract, which was adopted on January 29, 2014 to form its administrative system and prepare for elections. Kurdish leaders voted to drop the word "Rojava" from the official name to include other ethnic and religious components in northern Syria. - On December 29, Russia and Turkey submitted the countrywide ceasefire plan to the warring parties, which had taken effect at midnight on 30 December 2016 Damascus time. - On December 31, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2336 in support of the Russian- Turkish agreement and the meeting to be held in Astana on 23 January 2017. January 2017: - On January 2, the Russian and Turkish air raids targeted IS militants in northern Syrian city of al-Bab; while 10 rebel factions threatened they would suspend talks regarding Astana until the ceasefire is fully implemented because of "major and frequent violations" in the rebel-held areas of Wadi Barada and Eastern Ghouta near Damascus. - On January 5, the SE welcomed the nationwide ceasefire, and the Security Council resolutions on Aleppo and Astana talks, in a press briefing after the weekly HTF meeting. Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, voiced disappointment over the government's denied aid access to 5 out 21 locations including places in Rural Damascus, Homs and Hama. - On January 6, the Russian military started to cut down on its presence in Syria, Military Chief Valery Gerasimov mentioned that the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov would be the first to withdraw from the Mediterranean. - On January 8, Syrian government airstrikes resumed on Wadi Barada after failing to reach an agreement with opposition groups to repair the damaged water springs. Later on January 14th, the retired army officer Ahmad al-Ghadban who negotiated the deal to restore the water was killed amid heavy clashes between rebels and pro-regime forces. Both sides accused each other. - On January 12, the US imposed sanctions on 18 senior Syrian officials who were connected to the development and use of chemical weapons including chlorine gas against civilians. It marked the first time the US sanctioned Syrian military officials. While Russia and Turkey signed an agreement to coordinate their airstrikes against terrorists in Syria. - On January 13, the Syrian state television accused Israel of targeting Mezzeh Airbase outside of Damascus. - On January 14, IS launched a major offensive against pro-regime forces (Hezboallah) in Deir al-Zor Province, cutting the communication between the military base and the city. - On January 16, the High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini will host an international conference on the future of Syria in Brussels, which "aims to identify with regional partners common ground on the post-conflict arrangements and examine the scope for reconsciliation and reconstruction of Syria." - On January 19, an agreement was reached in Wadi Barada, allowing regime maintenance teams to enter the area to fix the water pipes and grant rebels amnesty or safe passage to opposition-held Idlib. - On January 20, IS militants destroyed Palmyra's Tetrapylon with only four of sixteen columns still standing, and the facade of its Roman Theatre. The UNESCO condemned the act as a new war crime. - Russia and Syria concluded a bilateral agreement on expanding and modernizing of the Russian Naval Facility in Tartus. The agreement extends the current lease for the next forty-nine years with automatic extensions and permits the simultaneous deployment of up to eleven warships to the port. - On January 23-24, indirect talks between the Syrian government and opposition were held in Astana; the delegations refused to sign the joint declaration issued by Russia, Turkey and Iran, on setting up a "trilateral mechanism" to monitor and enforce the ceasefire. The new US administration was invited, despite Iran's objection, and was represented by its ambassador to Kazakhstan. The UN SE was present, and hoped Astana talks would support the intra-Syrian negotiations to be held in Geneva in February. - On January 24, the Russian delegation shared its draft of the Syrian Constitution with the Syrian delegations, and advocated the creation of a Constitutional Committee consisting of members of both delegations. - On January 23-24, Finland and UN agencies hosted the Helsinki Conference on Supporting Syrians and the Region, which launched the 2017-2018 Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan (3RP). - On January 25, the US President Donald Trump called for establishing safe zones for refugees in Syria, after suspending visas for Syrians and other middle eastern states. President Trump later held telephone conversations with Saudi King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz and United Arab Emirates Armed Forces Deputy Supreme Commander Mohammed bin Zayed on January 29 to seek their support for his unidentified initiative. - On January 28-30, 1100 opposition fighters and 750 civilians evacuated Wadi Barada to Idlib Province, after reaching a reconciliation deal with pro-regime forces. The Syrian Forces reached Ain Fijeh spring to restore water to Damascus. - On January 30, the US delivered armored vehicles, medium and heavy weapons to SDF, in an attempt to isolate IS in al-Raqqa City. - On January 31, the SE briefed the Security Council in a closed session on the outcomes of the Astana talks and the upcoming intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, which was pushed to February 20. He mentioned if the Syrian opposition could not form an inclusive delegation by 8 February, he would select its representatives himself. The Council members welcomed the International Meeting on Syria in Astana, in a press statement. February 2017: - On February 6, high-level experts from Russia, Iran, Turkey, Jordan and the UN held their first technical meeting in Astana to discuss the implementation of the ceasefire mechanism, and cooperation on humanitarian issues; they agreed on the Concept Paper on the Joint Group. The Joint Group held its first meeting and managed to identify all areas controlled by IS and Jabhat Fatah al-Sham; the participants received two draft documents prepared by the Russians to be discussed in future Joint Group meetings, which are the Protocol to the Agreement on the mechanism to record violations of the cessation of hostilities in Syria announced on December 30, 2016 and the Procedure for imposing sanctions on violators, as well as the Regulation on Reconciled Areas. - On February 7, Amnesty International released its report (attached) on mass executions of as many as 13,000 detainees at Saydnaya Military Prison. Syrian authorities rejected the accusations. - On February 9, Russian airstrikes mistakenly kill three Turkish soldiers and injured eleven others near al-Bab city held by Turkish Armed Forces as part of Operation Euphrates Shield. Both sides agreed to strengthen their coordination. - On February 10-11, the HNC met in Riyadh and formed a delegation of 21 members, headed by Nasr al-Hariri; it included one representative each from the Cairo and Moscow groups. The HNC stated (Arabic statement attached) that the goal of the negotiations was a political transition under U.N. auspices in which Assad had no role in the future of the country. - On February 12, Turkish President Recep Erdogan stressed that the Operation Euphrates Shield aims to establish a five-thousand square kilometer 'safe zone' that includes Al-Bab, Manbij, and al-Raqqa City in Northern Syria. The safe zone would require the implementation of a no-fly zone, mentioning that he had discussed the issue with both the U.S. and Russia. - On February 13, the SE sent out invitations to the Syrian delegations for the intra-Syrian negotiations set to begin on February 23. - On February 15-16, the second round of talks took place in Astana a day later than scheduled; the opposition delegation was represented by only 9 armed groups from 14 groups which attended the first meeting; no direct meetings between the Syrian delegations were held and it ended without a final statement. The three guarantor states agreed to the Concept Paper on the Joint Group of the trilateral mechanism to observe the ceasefire, share information regarding the investigation of violations and promote confidence-building measures such as the release of detainees and abductees. - On February 17, a meeting between the "like-minded" states on Syria was held on the margins of the Bonn G20 Summit, and discussed Syria peace talks in Geneva. - On February 18, Turkey offered the US two proposals for an offensive against IS in al-Raqqa City that excludes the YPG. The preferred proposal calls for the insertion of opposition groups backed by Turkey into Tel Abyad in Northern al-Raqqa Province in order to advance against al- Raqqa City through a twelve-mile-wide corridor through terrain currently held by the SDF. The second proposal calls for opposition groups in Operation Euphrates Shield to advance more than one hundred miles from Northern Aleppo Province to Western al-Raqqa Province. - On February 21, the US CIA froze assistance to the FSA and its affiliated factions fighting in Northwestern Syria, after they came under an attack from Hay'at Tahrir al-sham HTS (successor of Jabhat Fateh al-Sham) in January. The aid included salaries, training, ammunition and in some cases guided anti-tank missiles. - On February 23, a fourth round of the intra-Syrian talks commenced in Geneva with no expectations of a breakthrough; the SE reiterated that that resolution 2254 sets the framework of the negotiations, which calls for the establishment of credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance, and sets a timeline for drafting a new constitution and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. A day before in the ISSG Ceasefire Task Force meeting (CTF), Russia had called on the Syrian Government to halt aerial bombings during the discussions. - The Opposition groups backed by the Operation Euphrates Shield fully seized al-Bab in Northern Aleppo Province, after three months of clashes. - On February 24, the SE shared a paper on procedural issues, in bilateral meetings with the Syrian parties. The HNC held the Cairo and Moscow platforms responsible for the delay of direct talks, as they participated separately. - While Iraq conducted its first cross-border airstrikes against IS in Deir ez-Zour Province on the Syrian-Iraqi Border. The F-16 airstrikes were coordinated with the Syrian Government through a joint intelligence-sharing unit in Baghdad that includes Iraq, Syria, Russia, and Iran. Also, The U.S. provided intelligence in support of the operation. - On February 25, HTS claimed responsibility of a suicide attack on the State Security and Military Intelligence Offices in Homs City, killing at least forty pro-regime officers including Military Intelligence Branch Chief Brig. Gen. Hassan Dabul, so as to undermine the ongoing peace talks. The attacks prompted heavy airstrikes on al-Waer District, the Opposition's last strong-hold in the city. The HNC condemned the terrorist attack as per the Government's ultimatum. - On February 28, the UN Security Council voted on the French-British draft resolution which sought to ban the sale or supply of helicopters to the Syrian Government, and to blacklist 10 government and related entities involved in the production of chemical weapons. Nine countries voted in favor; Bolivia voted against the text, while Ethiopia, Egypt and Kazakhstan abstained. Russia casted its sixth veto backed by China. Britain and France had circulated the text in mid- December 2016, in response to the OPCW report findings proving government use of chlorine gas in three cases of the nine investigated cases. It was put on hold to asses US policy on Syria, the US later became a co-penholder after its unilateral sanctions on 18 Syrian senior officials on January 12. March 2017: - On March 1, the Independent Commission of Inquiry on Syria issued its report on the violations committed by warring parties in the last battle of eastern Aleppo, and considered the targeting of vital civilian infrastructure, withholding the distribution of humanitarian aid, and the use of civilians as human shields and forced evacuation agreements amount to war crimes. - On March 2, the Syrian forces backed by Russian airstrikes and Shi'a militias recaptured the city of Palmyra for the second time after heavy clashes. - On March 3, the fourth round of talks concluded with a political agenda for the upcoming round, which comprises of three baskets addressing the establishment of credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance, drafting a new constitution, and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. A fourth basket was added upon the request of the Syrian Government to address "strategies of counter terrorism, security, governance and also medium-term confidence building measures." - On March 6, Russia announced a ceasefire in Eastern Ghouta until March 20, despite the continuation of airstrikes and mutual shelling. - On March 7, the US-allied SDF agreed to handover six villages near Manbij, on the frontline with Turkey-backed rebels to Syrian government control, under a Russian-brokered deal, in an attempt to stop further Turkish incursion. - On March 8, the SE de Mistura briefed the Security Council on the course of the talks, which aims to address the aforementioned baskets in parallel, and concluded that "nothing is agreed until everything is agreed unless the sides decide otherwise." The Syrian groups are invited to resume talks on March 23. - Meanwhile, Russian, US, Turkish high-level military officials met in Antalya to discuss additional coordination measures and "operational de-confliction of military operations" in northern Syria. - On March 13, a Russian-brokered agreement was reached to evacuate rebel fighters from Homs city, which would be carried out within six to eight weeks, between 10,000-15,000 people were expected to leave Homs in weekly batches. The neighborhood was besieged by regime forces since 2013. - On March 14, the EU unveiled its plan in Syria "in contributing to a lasting political solution under the existing UN-agreed framework and in helping to build resilience and stability in the country, as well as supporting post-agreement reconstruction once a credible political transition is underway." - On March 14-15, the third round of talks was held in Astana, even though the AOGs had called for the postponement of the meeting to assess the commitment to the declared ceasefire in Eastern Ghouta. Invitations were sent to the United Nations, the United States and Jordan. On March 14, preliminary consultations were held while a plenary meeting was due on March 15. The results of the intra-Syrian consultations were expected to be discussed. Talks failed to reach any significant agreement, and the three guarantor states issued a joint statement, and scheduled the next high-level meeting in Astana on May 3-4, 2017 and agreed to hold preliminary expert consultations on April 18-19, 2017 in Tehran. - On March 15, two suicide bombs targeted Damascus on the sixth war anniversary; one of them hit the main judicial building, and both killed 74 people and wounding a hundred other. It was later claimed by Fateh al-Sham Front. - On March 18, rebels began to evacuate al-Waer neighborhood in Homs City, to the opposition-held northern town of Jarablus on the borders with Turkey. - On March 20, the EU imposed sanctions against four Syrian high-ranked military officials related to the use of chemical weapons. The ban includes assets freeze and travel ban, and it is considered the first time the EU blacklists military officials. - On March 21, the US-led coalition dropped the SDF fighters on the southern side of the Euphrates to to cut the Aleppo - al-Raqqa Highway. the SDF launched an operation to seize the Tabqa Dam west of al-Raqqa City on March 22 with extensive support from the US. - On March 22, a US-led coalition strike on a center for displaced families in al-Mansoura town held by ISIL in northern Raqqa, killed 33 people. Earlier this month, the coalition declared that its raids in Syria and Iraq unintentionally killed at least 220 civilians. - On March 23-31, the fifth round of talks in Geneva was held despite of the escalation of fighting in Damascus and Hama; the SE shared non-papers with all Syrian sides with some political principles reached during the five rounds, and received their comments and amendments. - On March 24, Russia proposed a draft resolution on the use of chemical weapons in Syria and Iraq, that was reviewed in April 2016 and the UN Security Council did not support it. It was co-authored by China and Russia. Meanwhile, the Human Rights Council adopted a resolution condemning the indiscriminate attacks against civilians, forced displacement of populations, and called to hold all those responsible to account. - On March 27, the second phase of evacuations from al-Waer neighborhood took place, moving 466 citizens and 129 fighters. Meanwhile, the UN SE briefed the LAS Ministerial Council on the recent developments of the Geneva intra-Syrian talks and the Astana process. - On March 28, Russia condemned the US-led coalition airstrikes on the Tabqa Dam, and accused it of trying to "completely destroy critical infrastructure in Syria and complicate post-war reconstruction as much as possible." It further claimed that the coalition destroyed four bridges over the Euphrates river. - On March 29, the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres addressed the annual Arab Summit, which was held in the Dead Sea, Jordan. He appealed to the Arab leaders to set aside differences and end the Syrian war. - An agreement was brokered by Iran and Qatar to swap Shi'ite citizens from the two pro-government towns of al-Foua and Kafraya, in the northwestern province of Idlib besieged by rebel fighters, with Sunni fighters and their families from the opposition-held towns of Zabadani and Madaya besieged by pro-government forces. The agreement was due to start on April 4 and would last 60 days; it included a ceasefire in the areas south of Damascus, aid deliveries, and the release of 1,500 prisoners held by the government. - On March 31, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson disclosed during his visit to Ankara that "longer-term status of President Assad will be decided by the Syrian people" and defeating ISIL is its priority, while U.S. Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley said the priority was no longer "getting Assad out"; it was later reiterated by the White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer's briefing. April 2017: - On April 3, the European Foreign Affairs Council chaired by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini took place in Luxembourg, and adopted the EU Strategy on Syria. It held the Syrian regime responsible for the violations against human rights, and reaffirmed that "there can be no lasting peace in Syria under the current regime." - On April 4-5, the EU and its co-sponsors hosted the Brussels Conference on Supporting the future of Syria and the region. The co-chairs declaration took note of UN appeals requesting $8 billion in 2017 to cover the required needs inside Syria and its neighboring countries, and announced pledges raised worth about $11 billion for humanitarian aid programs. - On April 4, an alleged chemical attack on Khan Shaykhun in the province of Idlib was carried out during a Syrian government air raid on the city, which claimed the lives of at least 72 civilians. Russia denied its responsibility and claimed that Syrian airstrikes targeted a rebel chemical weapons warehouse which leaked poisonous gas. While the implementation of the evacuation deal of 30,000 people from the four towns of Kafraya, al-Foua, Madaya and Zabadani was delayed because of reservations of their residents. All 16,000 residents of al-Foua and Kafraya are expected to leave under the deal. - On April 5, the UN Security Council was briefed on the attack by the Acting High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Kim Won-soo on the reported use of chemical weapons in Khan Shaykhun. The US, UK and France had informally circulated a draft resolution which demands that the Syrian government must provide the JIM and the FFM with flight plans and logs of April 4, the names of all helicopter squadron commanders and provide access to air bases where investigators believe chemical attacks may have been launched. Russia criticized the text, and produced its own draft; it did not condemn neither the attack nor the Syrian government, but rather expressed deep concern over the alleged "incident with chemical weapons" and called for a full-scale investigation. Later on April 6, the ten elected members (E10) of the Security Council met at ambassador level to express their frustration for not being included in the negotiating process and discussed an alternative text which would substitute language in the P3 draft on the Syrian government's obligation to provide information on its activities with agreed language from resolution 2118. Neither resolution were tabled for a vote. - On April 6, the US waged retaliatory airstrikes against al-Shayrat airbase outside of Homs, where the chemical attack was launched. 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles had hit the airfield in Syria. The missiles were aimed at Syrian fighter jets and other infrastructure. - On April 7, Bolivia called for a Security Council briefing after the US airstrikes, and Russia announced its suspension of "the Memorandum of Understanding on Prevention of Flight Safety Incidents in the course of operations in Syria signed with the US." - On April 11, the White House released a declassified report drawn up by the National Security Council which confirmed that the Assad regime used sarin gas on its own people, and accused Russia for shielding for its allies. - On April 12, the Security Council held a meeting to vote on the P3 revised draft resolution (4th draft), which incorporated the language from resolution 2118 proposed in the E10 draft; after the SE had provided the council with his monthly briefing on the assessment of the intra-Syrian talks held in Geneva. Ten members voted in favor of the text, China, Ethiopia and Kazakhstan abstained, while Bolivia joined Russia in voting against it. It is Russia's eighth veto against a Syria-related resolution. - On April 14, the evacuation of residents from the Shi'ite towns of al-Foua and Kafraya (besieged by opposition groups) began and their convoys headed towards the government-held Aleppo; meanwhile rebel fighters and their families left the town of Madaya (besieged by government forces) and headed towards Idlib. While the evacuation from Zabadani was delayed and expected to begin later the day. The four towns agreement began with the exchange of thirty prisoners and nine bodies on April 12. The evacuations resumed after a suicide attack that targeted a government loyalties convoy killing some hundred people including women, children and rebel fighters on April 15. - On April 19-20, over 2000 opposition fighters and civilians were evacuated from the besieged towns of Zabadani and Madaya in exchange for the evacuation of nearly 8000 pro-regime fighters and civilians from the besieged towns of al-Foua and Kafraya in Idlib Province. - On April 24, the US sanctioned 271 Syrians employed by the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center, related to the development of chemical weapons. The sanction froze the individuals' assets and prohibited US companies to conduct business with them. May 2017: - On May 3-4, military experts from the three guarantors held technical consultations ahead of the two-day fourth round of the Astana process, with the participation of the Director of the UN Mine Action Service Agnes Marcaillou. The SE de Mistura and Nawaf Uasfi Tel, Political Adviser to Jordan's Foreign Minister attended as observers, and the US was represented at a higher-level (for the first time) by US Assistant Secretary of State for Middle East Affairs Stuart Jones. - Despite the Syrian Opposition delegation suspended their participation in opposition to the ongoing bombardments across Syria, the three guarantors signed the Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation areas in Syria, setting up four "de-escalation zones" in Idlib, parts of Homs, Eastern Ghouta, and parts of Deraa and al-Quneitra provinces in southern Syria. The Syrian government welcomed the Russian initiative while the Opposition rejected Iran's involvement as a guarantor. - On May 5, Russia sought UN endorsement to the agreement reached in Astana, and circulated a draft resolution calling on member states to contribute to the implementation of the Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation zones in Syria. The resolution failed to pass for a vote on May 8, as western member states had reservations on the draft. - On May 6, Riad Seif was elected as the sixth president of the SOC, beating Khaled Khoja with 58 votes from the 102 member coalition. He would replace the current head Anas al-Abdeh, who was elected in March 2016. Also, Abdulrahman Mustafa and Salwa Ktaw were elected as vice presidents. - On May 8, the evacuation process of the government-besieged Damascus suburb of Barzeh began, around 1,022 people, including 568 rebels, headed towards Idlib and northern town of Jarablus near the Turkish borders; the second convoy of 700 rebels moved on May 12. While Walid al-Muallem, the Syrian Foreign Minister, rejected any international forces under UN supervision to monitor the de-escalation zones deal. Meanwhile, the White House approved providing arms to Kurdish fighters as support to their operation to retake al-Raqqa City, despite Turkey's strong opposition. - On May 16, the FFM's report confirmed the use of sulfur mustard in the attack on Aleppo on Sept. 16, 2016, and was made public. The report was raised to the UN Security Council on May 5. The FFM, also, confirmed in its report, regarding its investigation of the April 4 attack on Khan Shaykhun, the use of sarin-gas or a sarin-like substance. The FFM is only mandated for indicating whether chemical weapons were used, while the JIM is mandated to determine responsibility for the attacks. - While the US Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctioned ten additional entities for providing support to the Syrian regime. - On May 16-19, the UN SE held the sixth round of the Intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, which ended without covering the four baskets of the agenda, only focusing on the constitutional issues. The SE shared a proposal with the parties to establish "a Technical Consultative Mechanism on Constitutional and Legal Issues;" the proposal would identify "options for the process of constitutional drafting, and for the conduct of a national conference/national dialogue, and identify for review specific options for ensuring a sound constitutional and legal basis for any framework agreed in Geneva embodying a package and including providing for credible, all-inclusive, non-sectarian governance," and that is through UN-facilitated expert-level meetings with both Syrian sides. - On May 18, while the EU Parliament adopted a resolution pertaining the EU Strategy on Syria, which the European Council for Foreign Affairs had passed on 3 April 2017; the US-led coalition's airstrikes destroyed a pro-Syrian regime convoy of the Iraqi Shi'ite militia of Kata'ib Imam Ali, that advanced along the Damascus-Baghdad Highway towards al-Tanf base (where the US, UK and Jordan train fighters of Jaysh Mughawir al-Thawra against IS in Eastern Syria). - On May 20-21, the evacuation of nearly 3000 people, some 700 fighters and their families, was completed from al-Waer district, the last opposition-held district in the province of Homs. According to Talal Barazi, Governor of Homs, more than 14,000 people had left al-Waer in several phases since the "reconciliation deal" began to be implemented in March. Among them were some 3,700 rebels, allowed to leave with their light weapons. Russia later deployed 50 to 150 Military Police into the district. - On May 22, the SE briefed the Security Council on the latest developments, and on the last round of the Intra-Syrian talks. He commended the Astana process for the reduction of violence in the agreed de-escalation areas, and urged its guarantors to finalize their agreement addressing the subjects of detainees, abductees and humanitarian demining. The SE asserted that the rounds' focus on legal and constitutional issues does not rule out "the principle of parallelism" in addressing the agenda, and that a new consultative process at a technical level was introduced to discuss relevant constitutional and legal matters. - On May 25, NATO leaders agreed in Brussels to become full members of the Global Coalition against ISIS; the organization would not engage in combat operations, but would provide air refueling to the Coalition's aircrafts, capacity building through the deployment of special forces to train local partners, and would establish an intelligence information cell to ensure information-sharing on foreign fighters. - On May 29, the final convoy of fighters and their families moved from the opposition-held besieged district of Barzeh in Damascus to Idlib Province; estimately more than 4000 fighters and civilians were evacuated from Barzeh and Eastern Ghouta under the Russian-brokered deal. - On May 30, the US delivered its first shipment of arms to the Kurdish-led SDF, which had advanced against IS in the eastern outskirts of al-Raqqa, seizing eight villages and taking control over the Ba'ath Dam. - On May 31, Russia's Grigorovich-Class Frigate Admiral Essen and Kilo-Class Submarine Krasnodar launched four cruise missiles targeting IS near Palmyra; it targetted arms depots of fighters relocating from al-Raqqa to Eastern Homs. Russia had notified the US, Turkey, and Israel of the strikes-On June 2, EU High Representative Federica Mogherini met with newly-elected President of the Syrian Opposition Council (SOC), Riad Seif, and Syrian Interim Government (SIG) Prime Minister, Jawad Abou Hatab, to discuss the political process and EU support for Syrian resilience. Both parties reiterated their commitment to the UN-led Geneva process. June 2017: -On June 4, pro-government forces gained control of Maskanah city, the last remaining ISIS stronghold in Aleppo governorate. The advances brought pro-government forces within 10 km of Raqqa's provincial border. -US-backed SDF captured a hydroelectric facility (Baath Dam) from ISIS militants, securing the final of three major dams along the Euphrates river. -On June 5, pro-government forces captured the areas of al-Alb, Bir Dahlon and Sharot Dahlon in Eastern Homs governorate, reportedly capturing over 6,000 sq km of ISIS-held territory. -On June 6, US-backed SDF announced the launch of the fifth phase of the campaign to capture Raqqa, ISIS' self-declared capital, with forces advancing from the north, east and west and the US-led Coalition supporting the offensive with air and artillery strikes. - The US-led Coalition conducted airstrikes against pro-government forces advancing near al- Tanf, a de-confliction zone in southeastern Syria. This marks the second strike in the area in less than a month, amid escalating tensions between the US and Iran-backed forces over control of Syria's southeastern frontier. - On June 8, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov met with the UNSE de Mistura in Moscow to discuss "the consolidation of the cessation of hostilities, the fight against terrorism, the continuation of the political settlement on the basis of UN Security Council Resolution 2254," according to the Russian Presidential Envoy for the Middle East and North Africa and Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov. The consultations were held prior to the fifth round of the Astana Process, which was set to take place in June, but was later postponed till the month of July. -On June 9, during a press briefing in Geneva at the conclusion of a meeting of the humanitarian task force set up by the International Syria Support Group (ISSG), the SE declared that the time was not right to resume the UN-led intra-Syrian talks. -On June 13, the WFP delivered food to more than 80,000 displaced people in seven hard-to-reach areas in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor governorates in northern Syria, where regular deliveries of humanitarian assistance had been suspended for over three years. -On June 14, Chairman of the CoI, Paulo Pinheiro, expressed concern for the "staggering loss of civilian life" caused by US-led Coalition airstrikes as part of the Raqqa campaign, stating that airstrikes had led to the displacement of 160,000 civilians. He also stressed that the Astana agreement had led to a reduction in violence in just one of the four zones outlined in the memorandum. -On June 15, during a briefing to Council members, UN High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Izumi Nakamitsu, noted that "some progress" had been made in the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013) on the elimination of chemical weapons in Syria. However, she highlighted the continued lack of safe access to two above-ground stationary facilities scheduled for destruction under OPCW supervision. -Pro-government forces targeted the opposition-held neighborhoods of Jobar and Eastern Ghouta in the first major attack since the announcement of four "de-escalation zones" at the Astana talks in May. Syrian Armed Forces seized the Arak gas field in the region of Badiya, which had been captured by IS since 2015; the SAF declared that it recaptured 20 percent of the Badiya region. -On June 16, the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria declared that it had facilitated a meeting of technical experts from three opposition groups: the High Negotiating Committee, the Cairo Platform and the Moscow Platform as part of a technical consultation process announced at the end of the sixth round of intra-Syrian talks. The meetings focused on the timeline and process for drafting a new constitution. -On June 17, the SE announced that the seventh round of intra-Syrian talks would begin in Geneva on July 10, with further rounds tentatively planned for August and September. -The Syrian government declared a 48-hour ceasefire in the southern city of Daraa. The agreement, reportedly brokered by Russia, the US and Jordan, comes after an escalation in violence between pro-government forces and AOGs in Daraa. -On June 18, US-led coalition forces shot down a piloted Syrian government aircraft in southern Raqqa province. According to the Coalition statement, the aircraft was downed after it displayed hostile intent and advanced on coalition forces. The Russian Ministry of Defense (MOD) released a statement following the incident claiming that the US shot down the Syrian jet while it was conducting an offensive against ISIS, and accusing the US of failing to use the "de-confliction channel". The MOD statement announced that Russia was cutting off participation in the de-confliction channel pending an investigation and that all kinds of airborne vehicles operating in combat mission zones west of the Euphrates River would be tracked by Russia as air targets. -Iran launched several ballistic missiles targeting ISIS positions in eastern Syria, reportedly carried out in retaliation for a terrorist attack in Tehran two weeks prior. This was Iran's first missile attack abroad in 15 years and its first in the Syrian conflict, representing an escalation of its role. -On June 19, the Syria Institute and PAX published the Sixth Quarterly Siege Watch Report, covering events from February to April 2017. -On June 20, an American fighter jet downed an "Iranian-made" armed drone in southern Syria after it "displayed hostile intent" when it approached coalition forces stationed at a base located in a de-escalation zone. It marked the second time in a month that the US had shot down an armed drone near Tanf camp. -On June 21, after opening a new front to the south of Raqqa, US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) came within several kilometers of fully encircling the city after having already surrounded Raqqa to the north, east and west. - Turkey deployed reinforcements to the towns of Azaz and Marea in northern Syria, held by turkey-backed Syrian opposition forces, in preparation of anticipated battles with its rival Kurdish forces. - French President Emmanuel Macron, contradicting previous French policy, that France sees "no legitimate successor" to Assad and no longer considers his departure as a precondition to resolve the ongoing conflict. On July 5, the president met with Riad Hijab, Head of the HNC, to reiterate France's support to the Syrian Opposition. -On June 22, Turkish and Russian troops were deployed to Syria's northern Idlib province as part of a de-escalation agreement brokered by Russia, Turkey and Iran in May. - WFP announced that the first aid convoy had reached 15000 civilians in the city of Qamishli by land route, since it had been inaccessible in 2015, and humanitarian aid was sent through air drops instead. -On June 24, the Syrian government released 672 detainees in a move it said was aimed at bolstering the reconciliation process. -On June 27, the SE briefed the Council on the situation in Syria, expressing his readiness to facilitate direct talks between the Syrian government and opposition either at a formal or technical level. -On June 28, OPCW-JIM published its sixth report updating the SC on the status of its review of two cases identified by the FFM concerning incidents reported in Umm Hawsh in Aleppo Governorate in September 2016 and Khan Shaykhun in Idlib Governorate on April 4, 2017. -On June 29, OCHA head Stephen O'brien briefed the Council on the humanitarian situation in Syria, noting that despite a reduction in violence in some areas of the country, humanitarian convoys remained unable to reach civilians in besieged and hard-to-reach places due to bureaucratic restrictions. O'brien also detailed the Secretary-General's monthly report on the situation in Syria, released June 23, that highlighted the Astana memorandum signed by Iran, Russia and Turkey in May and the escalation of anti-ISIS operations in Syria. -The OPCW released a report on progress in the elimination of the Syrian chemical weapons program, verifying the destruction of 25 of the 27 chemical weapons production facilities previously declared by the Syrian government. However, the OPCW continues to express consideration that the initial declaration was incomplete. July 2017: -On July 1, Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) launched a strike against pro-government positions near al-Baath in Quneitra governorate in response to two stray artillery shells fired from Syria that landed in the Golan Heights. This is the fifth Israeli strike on pro-government positions near the area of al-Baath within a week. -On July 3, the UNSC appointed Catherine Marchi-Uhel to head the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism, the UN legal team tasked with collecting and preserving evidence of the most serious crimes committed in Syria since 2011 to be used by national courts or an international tribunal. The Mechanism was established by the General Assembly on December 21, 2016 despite fierce resistance from Russia, which had previously used its veto status to block criminal investigations into the conflict. -The Syrian Army announced the suspension of all combat operations in the southern governorates of Daraa, Suweida and Quneitra for four days ahead of upcoming peace talks in Astana, Kazakhstan. It is the second unilateral ceasefire by the Syrian Army; it had announced a ceasefire in Daraa along the border with Israel on June 17. -On July 4-5, the fifth round of Astana talks co-sponsored by Russia, Iran and Turkey, convened in the Kazakh capital. The talks failed to finalize details on the boundaries and monitoring mechanisms of the four safe zones agreed to during the fourth round of Astana talks in May. In a joint statement, the guarantors welcomed the establishment of an expert-level joint working group tasked with finalizing the operational and technical parameters of the de-escalation zones, and scheduled the next Joint Working Group meeting in Tehran, on August 1-2. -On July 6, Edmond Mulet, head of the three-member leadership panel of the OPCW-JIM briefed Security Council members on the June 28 report of its investigations into the culpability for chemical attacks in Syria and urged the international community to allow the Mechanism to conduct its work in an independent and impartial manner. -On July 7, the United States, Russia and Jordan reached a ceasefire and "de-escalation" agreement for southwestern Syria to take effect July 9. The specificities of an enforcement mechanism and the precise boundaries of the ceasefire zone. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated that the ceasefire would cover the areas of Daraa, al-Suweida and Quneitra governorates without providing exact boundaries. The ceasefire agreement in southwestern Syria is separate from the Astana memorandum, and was reached during the meeting between US President Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Hamburg. The SG welcomed the ceasefire announcement, calling it a significant step towards reducing violence and humanitarian access in Syria; while Israel voiced its objections on the deal. -On July 10, the seventh round of UN-led intra-Syrian talks convened in Geneva. The UN-sponsored talks were scheduled to focus on four points: drafting a new constitution, combating terrorism, governance and elections. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov expressed hope that the talks would help solidify de-escalation zones created through the Astana process. The SE stated that de-escalation zones can be beneficial but must only be interim measure to avoid the partition of Syria. The Geneva talks ended July 14 with no apparent progress. Representatives of the HNC accused the Syrian government of refusing to enter into serious negotiations. The SE noted that there had been "no breakthrough, no breakdown" during the talks and expressed hope that recent international momentum would push the parties face-to-face for substantive discussions. -On July 11, SOHR reported that it had "confirmed information" that ISIS leader Abu Bakr al- Baghdadi had been killed in the eastern province of Deir Ezzor. US-led Coalition Spokesperson Colonel Ryan Dillon could not confirm the report, nor could various media sources or Iraqi or Kurdish officials. -On July 12, following the opening of a land route connecting Aleppo to Hasakah governorate, WFP announced that it had successfully delivered food aid to two locations in the Raqqa governorate for the first time in three years. -On July 13, Brett McGurk, US Special Envoy for the Global Coalition fighting ISIS, revealed that Russia had expressed willingness to deploy military police to monitor compliance and prevent violations of the recently implemented ceasefire in southwestern Syria. -On July 14, Russia's parliament approved an agreement between Russian and Syrian officials that provides for the long-term deployment of Russian aircraft and personnel to Syria. Defense Minister Nikolay Pankov said the deal will help legalize Russia's military activities in Syria "within an international framework". -France proposed the creation of a contact group comprised of permanent members of the UN Security Council and regional actors to support UN efforts to formulate a political road map after the conflict ends. -On July 17, the EU added 16 scientists and military officials to the list of those targeted by sanctions against the Syrian regime due to their suspected involvement in a chemical attack against civilians in April. - The Syrian army, backed by Iranian-militias managed to seize oil fields of Wahab, al Fahd, Dbaysan, al-Qseer, Abu al Qatat and Abu Qatash and several other villages in the southwest of Raqqa province, while Russian strikes targeted the town of Sukhna, the gateway to Deir ez-zour. - The Turkish state-run Andalou Agency exposed ten US military locations in northern Syria, giving exact numbers of US and French special forces stationed there. The US-led Coalition against ISIS condemned Turkey for "leaking sensitive military information shared between two allies." -On July 19, it was made public that President Donald Trump ended a covert CIA program that provided arms and training to Syrian rebel groups. The program was a central feature of the Obama Administration's policy in Syria. -On July 20, 150 fighters from the Turkey-backed Euphrates Shield operation had crossed from Turkey through Bab alhawa to support Ahrar al-Sham in its fight against Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), dominated by the Fateh al-Sham faction formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra, in Idlib. -On July 21, the SG submitted to the Security Council the forty first report on the humanitarian situation in Syria for the period from 1 to 30 June 2017, highlighting the approximately 20,000 people displaced across northeast Syria in June due to the Raqqa offensive. According to the report, the Syrian government removed medical supplies sufficient for more than 84,000 treatments. -Hezbollah and the Syrian Army launched a joint offensive against militant groups in the town of Arsal and the western Qalamoun mountain range along the Lebanon-Syrian border, an area purported to hold over 3,000 militants, including al-Qaeda-linked insurgents and members of ISIS. -On July 24, 14 heads of mission in Geneva signed a letter addressed to Security Council President, Chinese Ambassador Liu Jieyi, raising "serious concerns" about the implementation of seven Security Council resolutions on humanitarian access and urging Liu to raise the issue at the upcoming Council meeting. The signatories include the United States, Saudi Arabia, Britain, France Turkey, Qatar, Japan, Australia, the European Union, Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, Canada and Italy. -General Sergei Rudskoi, chief of the Russian General Staff, announced the deployment of Russian military police to monitor compliance after a ceasefire, mediated by the Egyptian government, was declared in the Eastern Ghouta area of Damascus on July 22. Despite the reported ceasefire, part of the four proposed "de-escalation zones" outlined in the Astana memorandum, Syrian government forces continued to attack several towns in Eastern Ghouta. -On July 26, fighting on the Syrian-Lebanese border near the town of Arsal halted after a ceasefire agreement was reached between Hezbollah and HTS. The cessation of hostilities ended a six-day campaign to drive al-Qaeda-linked militants from the border region, which is also home to tens of thousands of refugees. The agreement included the evacuation of some 1000 HTS fighters, along with more than 6000 Syrians (in nearby refugee camps) from the Lebanese border town of Arsal to rebel-controlled Idlib province, as well as exchange of prisoners between Hezboallah, HTS and the Lebanese Armed Forces, which later took place on August 1. -On July 27, Ursula Mueller, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator in the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, briefed Council members on the humanitarian situation in Syria, noting that despite reduced violence, there had not been a noticeable increase in areas reached for aid delivery. -The Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates addressed two letters to the UNSG and the Security Council calling for immediate action in the militant-besieged towns of Kefraya and al-Foua. -The US-led coalition fighting ISIS told its local Syrian allies that they must exclusively fight ISIS, a directive that prompted Shohada al-Quartyan to depart a joint coalition base in Southern Syria to carry out independent operations against Syrian regime forces. -On July 28, the OPCW released its monthly report, noting that the security situation now allows safe access to confirm the condition of the final two above-ground facilities with planning underway to verify their destruction. -On July 30, for the first time in five years, UN aid was delivered to almost 7,2000 people in besieged al-Nashabiye located in Eastern Ghouta, a rebel-held area on the outskirts of Damascus. August 2017: -On August 2, the evacuation of at least 7,000 people, including al-Qaeda-linked fighters and refugees, from Lebanese border enclave of Arsal for rebel-controlled Idlib province commenced. The transfer agreement, the largest formal repatriation of refugees to Syria since 2011, was carried out without the involvement of aid groups generating concern about the welfare of the refugees. -On August 3, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced a ceasefire in northern Homs and southern Hama, in what is being billed as the third of four planned ceasefires agreed to under the Astana memorandum. Russia deployed police military to several checkpoints in northern Homs, later on August 4. Opposition groups called for a guarantor role for Turkey. According to SOHR, the ceasefire, which covered territory populated by more than 147,000 people, held for the first 10 hours before experiencing repeated violations by pro-government and rebel forces. -The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria of the Human Rights Council (CoI) called on the international community to recognize the crime of genocide being committed against the Yazidis in Iraq. -On August 8, experts from the guarantor states met in Tehran to discuss ways to strengthen the de-escalation zones and determine the agenda for the upcoming sixth round of Astana talks. -On August 8-11, twenty-four FSA-affiliated groups formed new group "Liwa Tahrir Deir ez- Zour" to liberate the province of Deir ez-Zour from IS; the new faction welcomed any cooperation with local and international parties, ruling out the SDF. -On August 9, OCHA expressed concern about the safety and protection of an estimated 10,000- 25,000 people trapped inside Raqqa without access to safe drinking water for 48 days. Due to the fighting on the ground, the UN has currently no access to Raqqa city. - Russian Permanent Representative to the UN Vasily Nebenzya briefed the Security Council on the progress of establishing de-escalated zones in Syria, behind closed doors, and called on the UN to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance in those areas. -On August 10, SDF US-backed forces encircled ISIS militants in central Raqqa, effectively cutting off ISIS' last remaining route to the Euphrates. -On August 12, the Syrian government captured al-Sukhna, the final ISIS stronghold in Homs governorate, as part of its multi-pronged campaign to take eastern Syria. The recent gains position the pro-government coalition 50 km (30 miles) away from Deir ez-Zour province, the last major ISIS foothold in Syria. -On August 14, approximately 300 FSA-affiliated Saraya Ahl al-Sham fighters and 3,000 refugees began evacuating the Lebanese border town of Arsal as part of a repatriation agreement brokered in early August between Lebanese and Syrian officials. Lebanon's Maj. Gen. Abbas Ibrahim, who is overseeing the transfer, said that civilians will head to the government held area of Assal al-Ward. The rebel fighters and their families are destined for the rebel-held town of al- Ruhaiba in the Eastern Qalamoun region where, according to Hezbollah's Al-Manar TV, they have been granted amnesty by the Syrian government. Their departure leaves the Islamic State as the last militant force straddling the border near Arsal. -Nearly 50,000 people remain stranded on the Jordanian border, in an area known as the berm, and are facing an increasing scarcity of food, healthcare and other basic services. The UN stressed that it will continue to support Jordanian authorities in the protection of affected Syrians. -On August 17, the UNSC adopted a presidential statement, read by Council President for August and Ambassador of Nigeria, Joy Ogwu, in support of a political transition process in Syria in accordance with the principles of the Geneva Communique. The adoption of the text signals, for the first time in two years, the consensus of the Council and its five permanent members on the need to establish a transitional government. -On August 17-20, Damascus hosted the 59th International Trade Fair, for the first time since 2011, and involved hundreds of delegations and private companies from at least forty-three states including Russia, Iran, China, and Egypt. -On August 20, President Assad announced in a speech before Syrian diplomats that Syria would not work with any Western nations until they ended their support for opposition and insurgent groups. -On August 21, UN experts launched an investigation into purported weapons deals between Syria and North Korea after two shipments to a Syrian government agency responsible for its chemical weapons program, the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center (SSRC), were intercepted. -Saudi-based High Negotiations Committee (HNC) met with delegations from the moderate Cairo and Moscow camps in Riyadh in an effort to establish a unified front for upcoming peace talks. Despite pressure from international allies calling for a more pragmatic approach, the HNC refused to accept a transition scenario in which Assad retained power. -On August 22, the next round of Astana talks was pushed back from late August to mid- September to allow the guarantor states to hold a technical meeting to set the meeting agenda. -On 23 August, a joint monitoring center was established in Amman for the southwestern de-escalation zone, which is located in the provinces of Daraa and Quneitra. The center is tasked with ensuring ceasefire compliance, ensuring humanitarian access and other forms of civilian assistance. -On August 24, the UN called for a humanitarian pause in US-led Coalition airstrikes on Raqqa to permit civilians to leave the city. This comes after the release of an Amnesty International report calling for greater protection efforts for the estimated 20,000 remaining civilians in Raqqa. -On August 25, the Russian army announced that it had dismantled the two remaining Syrian chemical weapons facilities targeted for destruction by OPCW. The OPCW has not confirmed the Russian report. -On August 28, hundreds of ISIS fighters and their families were evacuated from the Lebanese- Syrian border to militant-held eastern Syria following simultaneous Lebanese army and Hezbollah campaigns against ISIS positions. The transfer marks the first time ISIS agreed to a forced evacuation from territory it held in Syria. - The Secretary-General presented his monthly report on the situation in Syria, highlighting the recent efforts to reduce violence through de-escalation agreements and expressing hope that the Astana guarantors will reach an agreement on the finalization of operational and technical modalities for all de-escalation areas. -On August 30, Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura briefed the Security Council on the political path forward which includes a new round of Astana and Geneva talks. The SE highlighted the important role Syrian opposition allies stand to play in fostering cohesion and unity among the AOGs. - In his final address to the Council after two years as Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Stephen O'Brien appealed to members of the Council to take action to end the civil war in the name of common humanity, calling for a referral to the International Criminal Court. -On August 31, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, stressed that the protection and assistance of citizens must take priority before defeating the Islamic State, citing reports of heavy civilian casualties in Raqqa as evidence of the threat the remaining 20,000 civilians face. -US airstrikes stalled a convoy of 300 ISIS fighters and their families in a government-controlled part of the Syrian desert in an effort to prevent their advancement into ISIS-held territory near the Iraqi border. The convoy was traveling from the Syrian-Lebanese border to Syria's eastern province as part of an evacuation deal brokered between ISIS, Hezbollah and the Syrian Army. -Pro-government forces captured strategic al-Bishri mountain overlooking ISIS-controlled Deir Ezzor province, bringing government coalition forces within close range of ISIS positions. September 2017: On September 1, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian rejected a role for Assad in a political transition in Syria. -The Syrian Islamic Council called for Syria's AOGs to end their fragmentation and unite as one armed body under the Ministry of Defense in the Syrian Interim Government. Ahrar al-Sham, Failaq al-Sham, Liwa Ansar al-Sunnah and Jabha al-Shamiya supported the initiative. -SDF spokesperson, Jihan Ahmad, announced that the SDF had gained control over an estimated 65 percent of Raqqa city after capturing the Old City, the Great Mosque and al-Dariya neighborhood. SOHR reported that the SDF were still fighting to gain control over pockets of the Old City but added that the US-backed opposition forces held more than 90 percent of the surrounding area. -On September 2, Russian Aerospace Forces reported they had destroyed a convoy of 12 ISIS trucks carrying ammunition and weapons in Deir Ezzor province. -It was made public that the British Ministry of Defense had quietly halted its FSA training program and called back its training forces from Syria in late June 2017. -On September 3, pro-government coalition forces gained control of the remaining ISIS stronghold in Hama Governorate after capturing the town of Uqayribat and its surrounding areas. -On September 4, Syrian Interim Government Prime Minister Jawad Abu Hatab was appointed interim Defense Minister as part of a unification initiative launched by the Syrian Islamic Council in early September. Free Syrian Army factions formed a committee to select a Chief of Staff in consultation with the Prime Minister. -On September 5, the Secretary-General submitted the OPCW's forty seventh monthly report on the progress to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria to the Security Council. The report highlighted the preparations underway to confirm the status of the two remaining stationary above-ground facilities now that the security situation allows safe access and the upcoming high- level consultations with Syrian Deputy Foreign Minister, Dr. Faisal Mekdad, to clarify outstanding issues regarding the Syrian government's initial declaration. -Pro-government coalition forces reached the western perimeter of Deir Ezzor city, breaking a three-year ISIS siege of the government-held areas that had impacted 93,500 people. In support of the offensive, a Russian warship located in the Mediterranean Sea launched cruise missiles at ISIS positions near Deir Ezzor. -On September 6, SE Mistura said he expects a national ceasefire to follow shortly after ISIS has been pushed from its strongholds in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor. Although he stressed that the government "cannot announce victory", he called on opposition forces to accept defeat and focus on winning the peace through negotiations in October. -The UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria released a report on the major human rights and humanitarian law violations committed between March and July 2017. The Commission accused the Syrian government of using sarin gas in the April 4 Khan Sheikhoun attack and found US forces culpable of not taking "all feasible precautions" to protect civilians in the March 16 attack on al-Jinah Mosque. -According to Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, experts from Russia, Iran and Turkey made progress towards an agreement "on the parameters, configuration and methods of ensuring security in the de-escalation zone in the Idlib province" in Syria. -On September 7, Israel conducted airstrikes on the Scientific Studies and Research Center, a facility believed to house a chemical weapons manufacturing center, and a military base storing surface-to-surface missiles near government-stronghold Masyaf in Hama province. The Syrian Foreign Ministry called on the Security Council to denounce the airstrikes. -US-led coalition forces fighting ISIS announced that airstrikes had killed two ISIS leaders near Mayadin in the Deir Ezzor province on September 4, 2017. -The Head of the High Negotiations Committee, Riyad Hijab, rejected the SE Mistura's call for the opposition to accept defeat, declaring the UN mediation process a failure and calling on Syrians to demonstrate in support of the continuation of the revolution. On September 8, a convoy of 42 trucks carrying humanitarian aid for 80,000 people reached Deir Ezzor for the first time by land in three years. -US-led coalition surveillance aircraft departed its position monitoring an 11-bus convoy of ISIS fighters and their families after attempting to prevent its advance into ISIS-held territory in Deir Ezzor since August 29. The surveillance aircraft departed the airspace at the request of Russian military officials who were conducting an operation with pro-government forces close to the convoy's position. -The Syrian National Coalition (NCSRF) condemned calls from "regional and external parties" for Western-backed opposition groups Ahmed Al-Abdu and Ussoud Al-Sharqiya to cease fighting government forces in southeastern Syria and withdraw to Jordan. Both groups refused the request. -On September 9, pro-government forces broke a years-long siege of Deir Ezzor airbase and captured the Damascus-Deir Ezzor highway from ISIS. -SDF launched Operation Jazeera Storm to liberate Deir Ezzor province from ISIS. -On September 10, SDF reached the industrial zone to the east of Deir Ezzor city putting the US-backed coalition within 15 km (10 miles) of pro-government forces positioned to the west of the Euphrates river. -On September 11, the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Ayman Safadi, and Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, declared the ceasefire brokered by Jordan, Russia and the United States in the southern Syrian provinces of Daraa, Quneitra and Suweida on July 9 a success and reiterated their commitment to the establishment a de-escalation zone in the area as a step towards achieving a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and a political solution to the crisis. On September 12, pro-government coalition forces continued their push into ISIS-held territory in Deir Ezzor city. Russia and Syria warplanes conduct heavy bombardment in support, killing an estimated 69 people over the course of 72 hours. -Hezbollah leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, declared the war in Syria over, referring to the remaining fighting as "scattered battles". -ISIS defectors have massed in Syria's Idlib province with many planning to cross into Turkey before continuing to other parts of the Middle East, North Africa and Europe. -Iran and Syria sign a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in Syria's electricity sector. The arrangement, part of a series of bilateral deals formalizing Iran's role in Syria's reconstruction process, provides for the establishment of a new power generation station in Latakia and the rehabilitation of gas units and power generating plants in Damascus, Aleppo, Deir Ezzo and Homs. -On September 13, the remaining buses of the convoy of ISIS fighters and their families stranded for over two weeks in the Syrian desert reportedly reached Mayadin, in militant-held Deir Ezzor province, following the withdrawal of US surveillance aircraft on September 8 in respect of de-confliction arrangements with Russia. -The Russian Defense Ministry claimed that pro-government coalition forces controlled 85 percent of Syrian territory. SOHR disputed the claim, saying government forces held 48 percent of Syria. -Experts from Russia, Iran and Turkey met ahead of the sixth round of talks in Astana, Kazakhstan to "lay the groundwork" for negotiations on the establishment of de-escalation zone in Idlib province. -On September 14, Col. Ryan Dillon, spokesperson for the US-led coalition fighting ISIS, said SDF forces will not enter Deir Ezzor city, and will instead focus operations on areas south of the city along the Euphrates river. He also said US-backed SDF was in control of 63 percent of Raqqa city. -On September 15, Ahmad Abu Khawla, commander of the SDF-affiliated Deir Ezzor Military Council, declared that it will not allow government forces to cross to the eastern banks of the Euphrates river. -Representatives from Russia, Iran and Turkey reached an agreement on the delineation and monitoring mechanism for the implementation of a de-escalation zone in Idlib province and agreed to position observers in "safe zones". Russia circulated a draft resolution among the permanent members of the Council to welcome the outcome of the Astana talks. -On September 16, the SDF and US Coalition officials accused pro-government forces of attacking one of their positions in the industrial zone east of Deir Ezzor city, injuring 6 SDF fighters. According to US Coalition sources, Russia conducted the airstrike after the United States had denied its request to target the area. Russian Defense Ministry spokesperson Maj. Gen. Igor Konashenkov rejected the allegations, saying warplanes carried out "pinpoint strikes only on Islamic State targets that have been observed and confirmed through several channels." -High-level consultations commenced between the Syrian government and the OPCW aimed at clarifying all outstanding issues regarding Syria's initial declaration of its chemical weapons facilities. -On September 17, a convoy of 80 Turkish military vehicles deployed to Turkey's southern border, close to the Bab Al-Hawa and Rihaniyah crossings with Syria's Idlib Governorate, ahead of the implementation of a de-escalation zone agreement brokered at the recent Astana talks. -On September 18, pro-government coalition forces crossed to the eastern bank of the Euphrates river to within five kilometers of SDF positions. In the first sign of direct contact between the SDF and the pro-government forces, US-led coalition spokesperson Col. Ryan Dillon said "open lines" of communication were being maintained to prevent clashes between the two forces as they converge on ISIS positions. -After capturing the Deir Ezzor Military Airporst from ISIS fighters, pro-government forces began operating combat and supply missions from the airport. -The World Food Programme (WFP) reached formerly besieged parts of Deir Ezzor city by land for the first time since May 2014. WFP has discontinued its high-altitude airdrop operations in favor of road deliveries which will allow for more affordable, sustainable humanitarian access. -In a meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, Members of the "Friends of Syria" Group agreed they will not support reconstruction in Syria until there is a political transition "away from Assad." -During its 36th session, the Human Rights Council held an interactive dialogue with the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria to discuss the continued targeting of civilians and the use of chemical weapons in the conflict, appealing to all parties to redouble their efforts to protect civilians and preserve civilian infrastructure. -On September 19, AOGs led by Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), the Turkistan Islamic Party and Free Syrian Army affiliates launched an offensive against pro-government forces in northern Hama province in an effort to dismantle the de-escalation zone agreement on Idlib province brokered at the recent Astana talks. The offensive sparked intense Russian and Syrian bombardment of opposition-held territory in Hama and Idlib Governorates. Syrian government forces claimed the airstrikes targeted "terrorist supply lines" but SOHR alleged the strikes hit hospitals and towns, killing civilians. -The Syrian government asserted it will not accept Turkish forces on Syrian soil, effectively contradicting

The study includes: glossary; references; and annexes. A number of countries in the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region have been severely hit by food-price crises in 2008 and are still very vulnerable to food-price volatility experienced since late 2010. Humanitarian responses to high food prices, crises, shocks, or emergency situations should help the poor avoid the consequences of the reduced affordability of a basic food basket. This is especially crucial in the first 1,000 days of life (that is, children from pregnancy until they reach 2 years of age and breastfeeding women), since most of the physical and cognitive damages due to improper nutrition in this period are irreversible. The World Bank is leading a regional study on how to improve LAC country responses so as to protect the nutritional status of the poorest and most vulnerable in times of crises and emergencies.

Seventy percent of West Bank and Gaza's population is under the age of 30, and their share will continue to grow in the years ahead. The aspirations and ambitions of this large and growing population of children and youth have the potential to define the future of the West Bank and Gaza. This assessment seeks to contribute to the understanding of factors driving the choices of young men and women at this critical juncture of their lives, with a particular emphasis on the roles that changing gender norms and the conflict environment are having on their aspirations for education, jobs, and forming families. Young Palestinians are moving into adulthood in a world surrounded by roadblocks and barriers, and gripped by soaring unemployment and uncertainty about what their futures may hold. Still, this generation remains optimistic and ambitious. They are pursuing high school and college degrees, and hanging on to expectations for better jobs and better lives than was possible for their parent's generation. In the face of such bleak prospects, why? What is driving these youth's aspirations for high levels of education and good jobs? To provide a broad context for the youth's testimonies, this report first takes stock of developments affecting the West Bank and Gaza over the past decade. In this period, the Palestinian territories witnessed two major episodes of conflict: the second intifada beginning in 2000 and the crisis in Gaza in 2007. Both episodes had severe and wide-ranging economic repercussions, and were accompanied by restrictions on internal and external mobility of people and goods. As a result, in the last decade, the West Bank and Gaza has witnessed economic volatility without parallel (even in comparison to countries affected by large financial crises), massive spikes in poverty, and some of the highest rates of unemployment in the world. Young people's unemployment rates are even higher, and much more so for young women. The youth's focus groups indicate that traditional gender norms remain very strong in their society, and mainly seem to be reinforced by the difficult conflict environment. Men's status as the breadwinners means that boys, especially from poor families, are likely to withdraw from school sooner than girls in order to take up income earning roles; and the weak economy intensifies these pressures.

Mit der Verabschiedung der Agenda 2030 wurden im Jahr 2015 siebzehn Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung, die sogenannten Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), festgelegt. Da die SDGs auf alle Ebenen der Regierung anwendbar sind, bilden diese Ziele auch für Kommunen einen wichtigen Rahmen zur Orientierung. Eine nachhaltige Entwicklung gewinnt somit auch auf kommunaler Ebene zunehmend an Bedeutung. Dies zeigt sich unter anderem anhand des Engagements, das in vielen Kommunen zu erkennen ist. Durch die SDGs haben auch Kommunen einen strategischen Orientierungsrahmen und können konkrete Ziele und Maßnahmen leichter festlegen. Nachhaltigkeit kann somit vor Ort wirkungsvoller in die Realität umgesetzt werden.Effektiver Klimaschutz und Nachhaltigkeitsmanagement auf kommunaler Ebene ist essenziell. Neben dem notwendigen Beitrag zur nationalen und internationalen nachhaltigen Entwicklung können Kommunen klare Vorteile aus einer Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie ziehen: Beispielsweise können Gebäude energieeffizienter gebaut und genutzt und das Verkehrssystem kann effizienter und umweltfreundlicher gestaltet werden und gleichzeitig die CO2-Belastung und Verkehrsdichte im urbanen Raum reduzieren. Was zum Klimaschutz beiträgt, kann demnach gleichzeitig die Attraktivität von Kommunen steigern. Des Weiteren schützen sich Kommunen so vor Wetterextremen und können sich an den Klimawandel anpassen.Nach wie vor bestehen Unterschiede. Während einige Kommunen bereits seit mehreren Jahrzehnten an einer möglichst nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung arbeiten und bereits viele Erfahrungen sammeln und Erkenntnisse gewinnen konnten, haben andere Städte vergleichsweise spät damit begonnen. Weiterhin schlagen Kommunen teils sehr unterschiedliche Wege ein, um die festgelegten Nachhaltigkeitsziele zu verwirklichen. Dies kann beispielsweise an den örtlichen Gegebenheiten oder an unterschiedlichen Ziel- und Schwerpunktsetzungen liegen. Übergeordnet stellen sich die Fragen, wieso gerade auf kommunaler Ebene viel für den Klimaschutz und Nachhaltigkeit getan werden muss und seit wann dies konkrete Formen annimmt.Ziel dieser Ausarbeitung ist es, zwei europäische Großstädte bezüglich ihrer bisherigen Nachhaltigkeitsentwicklung zu untersuchen. Die Schwerpunktsetzung liegt dabei sowohl beim Bereich Mobilität als auch bei ausgewählten Maßnahmen im Bereich einer nachhaltigen Stadtplanung. Weitere Aspekte werden bei Bedarf hinzugezogen. Ein Vergleich zwischen beiden Städten soll anschließend erfolgen. Bei diesem Vergleich müssen die Besonderheiten der jeweiligen Stadt berücksichtigt werden. Auch wenn nicht alle Parameter berücksichtigt werden können und ein direkter Vergleich möglicherweise nicht in allen Bereichen zielführend ist, können dadurch Erkenntnisse, beispielsweise bezüglich des Fortschritts der jeweiligen Stadt, gewonnen werden.Bei den zu untersuchenden Kommunen handelt es sich um Kopenhagen und München. Beide Städte weisen unterschiedliche Ausgangslagen, Besonderheiten und geografische Gegebenheiten auf, was darauf schließen lässt, dass divergente Befunde auftreten. Dies macht einen Vergleich interessanter und aufschlussreicher als beispielsweise einen Vergleich auf nationaler Ebene. Es handelt sich um internationale Städte innerhalb der Europäischen Union. Weiterhin sind beide Städte Großstädte, die ihre jeweilige Region prägen. Trotz der verschiedenen Gegebenheiten werden dabei exemplarisch ähnliche Bereiche beleuchtet. Dies soll die Vergleichbarkeit gewährleisten. Neben der Mobilität werden die Bereiche der Energieversorgung und Extremwetter- beziehungsweise Klimaanpassung beleuchtet.Bevor die Kommunen untersucht werden, werden im Vorgriff die für diese Ausarbeitung notwendigen Grundlagen thematisiert. Hier werden zentrale Elemente untersucht, zum Beispiel, wie Nachhaltigkeit definiert wird, welche Rolle eine nachhaltige Stadt spielt, was eine nachhaltige Stadt ausmacht und wie der urbane Raum überhaupt zentral für internationale Klimaschutz- und Nachhaltigkeitsbestrebungen werden konnte. Da es sich hierbei um zentrale Aspekte handelt, die es auf dem Weg zu einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung zu verstehen gilt, fällt dieser Teil verhältnismäßig umfangreich aus.GrundlagenIn diesem Kapitel werden relevante Grundlagen betrachtet. Dazu gehört neben Grundbegriffen und Faktoren, die sich auf nachhaltige Mobilität und Stadtplanung beziehen, ein kurzer Überblick, der beschreibt, wie das Thema Nachhaltigkeit historisch betrachtet für die kommunale Ebene relevant wurde. Darüber hinaus muss der Begriff Nachhaltigkeit vorab definiert werden, womit nachfolgend begonnen wird.Begriff NachhaltigkeitDer Begriff Nachhaltigkeit existiert seit mehr als drei Jahrhunderten und wurde ursprünglich in der Forstwirtschaft verwendet. Nachhaltigkeit stammt aus einem Bereich, in dem ressourcenschonendendes Wirtschaften äußerst relevant ist. Bezeichnend für das damalige Verständnis von Nachhaltigkeit ist die Vorgabe, innerhalb eines Jahres nicht mehr Holz zu fällen, als in derselben Zeitspanne nachwachsen kann (vgl. Weinsziehr/Verhoog/Bruckner 2014, S. 3). Die Forstwirtschaft arbeitete demzufolge dann nachhaltig, wenn der Verbrauch der Ressourcen und somit die Abholzung die Menge des nachwachsenden Holzes nicht übersteigt. Die heutige Auffassung von Nachhaltigkeit ist mit diesem Ursprungsgedanken eng verknüpft. Dies zeigt sich auch anhand der folgenden Definition:"Nachhaltigkeit oder nachhaltige Entwicklung bedeutet, die Bedürfnisse der Gegenwart so zu befriedigen, dass die Möglichkeiten zukünftiger Generationen nicht eingeschränkt werden" (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023c, o.S.).In der heutigen Zeit bezieht sich der Begriff Nachhaltigkeit jedoch auf alle Wirtschaftsbereiche und beinhaltet einen weiteren Aspekt, die sogenannte "Triple Bottom Line" (TBL), welche drei Dimensionen einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung benennt (vgl. Weinsziehr/Verhoog/Bruckner 2014, S. 3f.): Die wirtschaftliche Effizienz, die soziale Gerechtigkeit und die ökologische Tragfähigkeit müssen gleichberechtigt betrachtet werden, und möglichst alle politischen Entscheidungen sollten Nachhaltigkeit als Grundlage beinhalten (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023c, o.S.).Der Begriff Nachhaltigkeit wird heute teilweise inflationär verwendet (vgl. Aden 2012, S. 15). Im weiteren Verlauf dieser Arbeit spielt vor allem das Verständnis einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung eine Rolle, was wie folgt definiert werden kann:"Politik und menschliches Verhalten sollen sich an der langfristigen Erhaltung der Lebensgrundlagen orientieren" (ebd., S. 15).Nachhaltige Stadt: Eine ArbeitsdefinitionEs gilt, eine adäquate Arbeitsdefinition von Nachhaltigkeit im Sinne einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung zu formulieren. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, vor allem den Bereich Mobilität innerhalb von München und Kopenhagen zu beleuchten. Nachhaltigkeit im weiteren Verlauf bezieht sich somit vermehrt auf eine ressourcenschonende und emissionsarme Verkehrsplanung. Neben der Verkehrsplanung sind jedoch weitere Elemente interessant. Eine in der Gesamtheit nachhaltige Stadt lässt sich wie folgt definieren:" […] ein gut ausgebautes Netz des Öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs, eine regelmäßige Müllentsorgung sowie architektonische Innovationen, die es der städtischen Bevölkerung erlauben, einen nachhaltigen Lebensstil zu pflegen" (Bildung für nachhaltige Entwicklung 2023, o.S.).Ein nachhaltiger Lebensstil wiederum bedeutet, dass Menschen durch ihren eigenen Lebensstil und den Verbrauch ihrer Ressourcen nachfolgenden Generationen dieselben Möglichkeiten bieten (vgl. Aachener Stiftung Kathy Beys 2015, o.S.). Eine nachhaltige Stadt ist gleichzeitig eine für ihre Bewohner:innen ansprechende Stadt, die eine saubere Umwelt, ein intaktes Verkehrssystem, erschwingliche Energie und ein gutes gesellschaftliches Miteinander gewährleistet (vgl. Dütz 2017, S. 15).Eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung kann somit eine Vielzahl verschiedener Themenbereiche beinhalten (vgl. Firmhofer 2018, S. 10). Aufgeteilt in zwei Oberbereiche muss sich eine Stadt bezogen auf die städtische Infrastruktur und auf das städtische Leben verändern. Die städtische Infrastruktur beinhaltet zum Beispiel das Transportwesen sowie die Energie- und Wasserversorgung. Das städtische Leben enthält unter anderem wohnliche, arbeitstechnische, soziale und kulturelle Elemente (vgl. ebd., S. 10). Der Begriff Stadtentwicklung selbst bezeichnet"die Steuerung der Gesamtentwicklung von Städten und Gemeinden und erfordert eine integrierte und zukunftsgerichtete Herangehensweise, die durch Stadtplanung […] umgesetzt wird" (Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 19).Folgende Handlungsfelder sind besonders relevant für eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung: Die Dekarbonisierung, die Förderung möglichst umweltfreundlicher Mobilität, das Ziel einer baulich und räumlich kompakten sowie sozial durchmischten Stadt, die Klimawandelanpassung und die Bekämpfung von Armut (vgl. ebd., S. 22).Diese Eingrenzung dient als Fokus dieser Ausarbeitung. Das Augenmerk liegt neben der städtischen Verkehrsinfrastruktur auf weiteren ausgewählten Aspekten, beispielsweise auf der Energieversorgung und baulichen Maßnahmen. Diese Aspekte werden hinsichtlich der Frage betrachtet, ob und in welchem Maße die städtische Bevölkerung dadurch einen nachhaltigen Lebensstil erreichen kann. Somit ist ebenso das städtische Leben relevant.Entwicklung nachhaltiger KlimaschutzzieleUm zu verstehen, wie sich ein Nachhaltigkeitskonzept auf kommunaler Ebene entwickeln konnte, wird ein historischer Überblick gegeben, der die Entwicklung nachhaltiger Klimaschutzziele von der globalen bis hin zur kommunalen Ebene zusammenfasst. Dabei werden vor allem relevante Eckpunkte benannt.Im Jahr 1997 wurde das Kyoto-Protokoll beschlossen und trat acht Jahre später in Kraft. Durch diese Vereinbarung verpflichteten sich die meisten Industriestaaten inklusive der damaligen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten dazu, die Emissionen von bestimmten Treibhausgasen innerhalb von vier Jahren um mindestens fünf Prozent, verglichen mit dem Jahr 1990, zu senken (vgl. Eppler 2023, o.S.).Im Jahr 2000 verständigten sich die Vereinten Nationen (UN) auf die Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 6). Durch diese Erklärung verpflichteten sich die Staats- und Regierungschefs der jeweiligen Staaten neben der Bekämpfung von Armut, Hunger und Krankheiten auch gegen Umweltzerstörung vorzugehen. Um die Fortschritte messbar zu machen, wurden Zielvorgaben für das Jahr 2015 formuliert (vgl. Weltgesundheitsorganisation 2018, o.S.). Der Fokus lag auf der supranationalen, also auf der überstaatlichen Ebene. Eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung stand nicht im Fokus, war durch einige Zielformulierungen dennoch indirekt betroffen (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 6).Im Jahr 2009 fand die Weltklimakonferenz in Kopenhagen statt. Das Ziel, die Erderwärmung auf weniger als zwei Grad Celsius im Vergleich zum vorindustriellen Niveau zu begrenzen, wurde als Absichtsziel erklärt, jedoch fehlten verpflichtende Regelungen (vgl. Schellnhuber u. a. 2010, S. 5). Der festgelegte Wert von zwei Grad Celsius kommt durch die Wissenschaft zustande. Diese geht davon aus, dass dieser Wert nicht überschritten werden darf, um drastische Konsequenzen zu vermeiden (vgl. Buhofer 2018, S. 83).Mit dem Pariser Klimaabkommen wurde das Zwei-Grad-Celsius-Ziel festgelegt (vgl. Edenhofer/Jakob 2017, S. 39). Dieses Mal handelt es sich um ein völkerrechtlich bindendes Abkommen, welches das Kyoto-Protokoll ablöste und zur Erreichung der Eckpunkte verstärkt die kommunale Ebene miteinbezieht (vgl. Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg 2023, o.S.). Weitere Ziele des Pariser Klimaabkommens, das Ende 2016 in Kraft trat, sind die Senkung von Emissionen und die Klimawandelanpassung (vgl. Watjer 2023, o.S.). Nationale Klimaschutzkonzepte sind in der Regel als Folge des Pariser Klimaabkommens entstanden (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.). Die Vereinten Nationen brachten im Jahr 2015 die Agenda 2030 auf den Weg, die klare Ziele für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung benennt (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 7).Agenda 2030 und die Sustainable Development Goals"Transforming our world" (Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 6) - diese Formulierung verdeutlicht die ambitionierten Ziele, die mit der Agenda 2030 durch die Ziele für nachhaltige Entwicklung, die Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) festgelegt wurden. Die Agenda 2030 ist für alle Mitgliedsstaaten der Vereinten Nationen gültig. Kern der Agenda ist das Ziel einer nachhaltigen globalen Entwicklung auf allen dazugehörigen Ebenen, was durch die 17 Ziele erreicht werden soll (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023a, o.S.). Diese Ziele ergänzen sich gegenseitig, haben den gleichen Stellenwert und beinhalten jeweils zwischen acht und zwölf Unterziele (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 9). Auch wenn die Agenda 2030 von allen UN-Mitgliedsstaaten beschlossen wurde, ist diese rechtlich nicht bindend, was ebenfalls für die SDGs gilt (vgl. ebd. 2021, S. 12).Im Vergleich zu den MDG-Zielen sind die SDG-Zielsetzungen umfangreich formuliert und mit SDG-Ziel elf wird erstmals die regionale und lokale Ebene in den Blickpunkt genommen. Dieses Ziel betrachtet ausdrücklich die Entwicklung von Städten und Gemeinden mit dem Anspruch, diese neben einer nachhaltigen Gestaltung sicherer, inklusiver und widerstandsfähig zu gestalten (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 7f.).Nachfolgend werden die wichtigsten Unterziele dargestellt. Neben der Sicherung von bezahlbarem Wohnraum soll das Verkehrssystem nachhaltig, sicher, zugänglich und bezahlbar ausgebaut werden (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023b, S. 24). Siedlungspläne sollen auf eine nachhaltige Entwicklung ausgerichtet werden (vgl. ebd., S. 24). Ziel hierbei ist es, die Verstädterung bis 2030 nachhaltiger und inklusiver zu organisieren. Ebenfalls bis 2030 soll die Zahl der durch Klimakatastrophen bedingten Todesfälle und Betroffenen deutlich gesenkt werden (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 10). Von Städten ausgehende schädliche Umweltauswirkungen sollen verringert, die Luftqualität verbessert und Grünflächen als öffentliche Räume geschaffen und inklusiv, also für alle Menschen, zugänglich gemacht werden (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023b, S. 24).Weitere SDGs lassen sich nur durch städtische Maßnahmen verwirklichen und sind daher eng mit der urbanen Entwicklung verbunden. Ein Beispiel ist SDG 7, das auf nachhaltige beziehungsweise erneuerbare Energien fokussiert ist und nicht entkoppelt von der zukünftigen Energieversorgung in den Städten betrachtet werden kann (vgl. Koch/Krellenberg 2021, S. 11).Durch die Festlegung dieser Ziele ist Nachhaltigkeit ein zentraler Aspekt der Städteplanung und -entwicklung. Städte stehen somit spätestens seit der Agenda 2030 auch formell vor großen Herausforderungen und Transformationsprozessen. Die Zuspitzung von Umweltkatastrophen und Extremwetterereignissen zeigt, dass Städte darüber hinaus dazu gezwungen sind, Klimaanpassungsmaßnahmen und eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung zügig umzusetzen.Klimaschutz in der Europäischen Union, in Deutschland und in DänemarkWas haben diese internationalen Abkommen bewirkt? Da München und Kopenhagen im Fokus dieser Ausarbeitung stehen, müssen diese Städte betreffende Beschlüsse bezüglich der gesetzten Ziele einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung auf weiteren Ebenen betrachtet werden. Trotz der Ähnlichkeit der festgelegten Klimaschutzprogramme in der EU, in Dänemark und in Deutschland, werden diese separat zusammengefasst. Im Jahr 2007 betrug der Anteil der EU an globalen CO2-Emissionen ein Sechstel und der Anteil der Treibhausgasemissionen der Industrieländer ein Fünftel (vgl. Dröge 2007, S. 2). Dies untermauert den Handlungsbedarf.Das Klimaschutzprogramm der aktuellen Fassung des deutschen Klimaschutzgesetzes hat an den ehrgeizigen Zielen nichts geändert. Nach wie vor soll Deutschland bis 2045 treibhausgasneutral sein und den Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen bereits bis 2030 um 65 Prozent gesenkt haben (vgl. Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung 2023, o.S.).Dänemark hat eine Klimastrategie vorgelegt und sich das Ziel gesetzt, eine Vorreiterrolle einzunehmen. Bis 2030 will Dänemark seine Treibhausgasemissionen um 70 Prozent senken. Klimaneutralität soll bis 2050 erreicht sein (vgl. Außenministerium Dänemark 2020, S. 27). Ebenso will Dänemark dazu beitragen, die globalen Anstrengungen voranzutreiben. Hierfür soll mit anderen Ländern und mit nichtstaatlichen Akteur:innen zusammengearbeitet werden (vgl. Außenministerium Dänemark 2020, S. 6).Auf EU-Ebene sind die Zielsetzungen ähnlich, was sich durch den "Green Deal" der EU zeigt. Demzufolge sollen die Netto-Treibhausgasemissionen bis 2030 um 55 Prozent reduziert werden, bis 2050 soll Treibhausgasneutralität herrschen (vgl. Europäische Kommission 2023, o.S.). Ziel ist es, durch diesen europäischen "Grünen Deal" der erste klimaneutrale Kontinent zu werden und dementsprechend die Verpflichtungen umzusetzen, die sich aus dem Pariser Klimaabkommen ergeben (vgl. Europarat 2023, o.S.). Folglich sind die Ziele von Deutschland und Dänemark bezüglich der Erreichung und der Höhe der Einsparungen teilweise höher angesetzt, als auf EU-Ebene beschlossen.Nachhaltige StadtentwicklungEs stellt sich die Frage, aus welchen Gründen gerade der urbane Raum eine zentrale Größe für Nachhaltigkeitsziele einnimmt. Aktuelle Berichte, Daten und Prognosen können dabei helfen, diese Frage zu beantworten.Relevanz einer nachhaltigen StadtentwicklungDer jüngste SDG-Fortschrittsbericht wurde im Mai 2023 veröffentlicht. Die Vereinten Nationen kommen darin zu dem Ergebnis, dass über die Hälfte der Weltbevölkerung momentan in städtischen Gebieten lebt. Dieser Anteil könnte bis 2050 auf etwa 70 Prozent steigen (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023a, S. 34). Verglichen mit dem Jahr 2020 wird die urbane Bevölkerung in Mitteleuropa und somit auch in Deutschland und Dänemark im Jahr 2050 um acht Prozent steigen (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023b, S. 4).Im Vergleich zu anderen Kontinenten stellt dies einen geringen Anstieg dar. So wird die städtische Bevölkerung in Nordafrika im gleichen Referenzzeitraum voraussichtlich um 79 Prozent steigen (vgl. ebd. 2023b, S. 4). Zwei Aspekte dürfen jedoch nicht unbeachtet bleiben: Zum einem ist es eine globale Herausforderung, diesem Anstieg gerecht zu werden. Die Auswirkungen werden für viele mittelbar und unmittelbar spürbar sein. Weiterhin stehen bei einem Bevölkerungsanstieg von acht Prozent auch dicht besiedelte mitteleuropäische Städte vor einer Vielzahl an Aufgaben, was sich auch für Städte wie München und Kopenhagen bemerkbar machen wird. Beispielsweise lebten bereits im Jahr 2017 drei von vier Menschen in Deutschland innerhalb von Städten (vgl. Dütz 2017, S. 14). Dementsprechend sind auch europäische Städte zentral, was die Implementierung der Klimaschutzziele angeht (vgl. ebd., S. 13).Städte verbrauchen mit knapp 80 Prozent bereits heute einen Großteil der weltweiten Energie und Ressourcen, beispielsweise durch die großen Abfallmengen, das Heizen und den Schadstoßausstoß der vielen Fahrzeuge (vgl. Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 2023d, o.S.). Gleichzeitig sind Städte für bis zu 76 Prozent der CO2-Emissionen weltweit verantwortlich (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 1). Städte gehören somit zu den Hauptverursachern des Klimawandels, was durch folgende Worte deutlich wird:"Der Klimanotstand ist auch ein Notstand der Stadt" (Chatterton 2019, S. 275).Durch den prognostizierten Bevölkerungsanstieg wird die Relevanz von Städten bezogen auf die Realisierung von Klimaschutzzielen weiter steigen. Nicht zuletzt, da Städte bereits heute für den Großteil der CO2-Emissionen und des Energieverbrauchs verantwortlich sind. Städte nehmen eine zentrale Rolle in der Verwirklichung einer nachhaltigen Zukunft ein. Gleichzeitig sind gerade Städte durch den Klimawandel in erhöhtem Maße gefährdet (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 1f.). Auch aus Gründen des Selbstschutzes sind Städte daher gezwungen, Strategien und Maßnahmen zur Klimaanpassung zu entwickeln. Nur so kann der urbane Raum dem Klimanotstand gerecht werden. Entwicklung einer nachhaltigen und klimaneutralen Stadt"Wie lässt sich die Entwicklung der Städte so steuern, dass diese den notwendigen Beitrag zu einer globalen nachhaltigen Entwicklung leisten können?" (Koch & Krellenberg 2021, S. 2).Diese zentrale Frage stellt sich in diesem Kapitel. Konkret wird der Frage nachgegangen, wie eine Stadtentwicklung aussehen muss, um notwendige Nachhaltigkeitsziele hinreichend zu erfüllen und den Erfordernissen einer nachhaltigen Stadt gerecht zu werden.Der aktuelle SDG-Fortschrittsbericht bilanziert die Hälfte der Zeit seit Inkrafttreten der SDG-Ziele. Die Halbzeitbilanz der Agenda 2030 liest sich bezogen auf die Fortschritte einer städtischen Nachhaltigkeitsentwicklung insgesamt ernüchternd: Lediglich die Hälfte der städtischen Bevölkerung hatte im Jahr 2022 annehmbaren Zugang zu öffentlichen Verkehrsmitteln, auch die Luftverschmutzung und der Mangel an Freiflächen sind anhaltende Probleme in Städten (vgl. Vereinte Nationen 2023a, S. 34).Gleichzeitig hält der Bericht fest, dass in Ländern mit hohem Einkommen viel für die Bekämpfung der Luftverschmutzung getan wurde, was dennoch nicht ausreichend ist. Darüber hinaus wird angemerkt, dass es sich bei der Luftverschmutzung um kein rein städtisches Problem handelt (vgl. ebd., S. 35). Allerdings muss sich gerade der Autoverkehr in der Stadt ändern. Paul Chatterton spielt dabei auf ein neues Mobilitätsparadigma an und fordert eine autofreie Stadt, da nur dies dem Klima wirklich gerecht werden und soziale Ungleichheit reduzieren kann (vgl. Chatterton 2019, S. 278).Ebenso muss der Aspekt berücksichtigt werden, dass Menschen in Großstädten häufig verschiedene Verkehrsmittel nutzen, um an ihr Ziel zu kommen (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 33). Selbst wenn klimafreundliche Mobilität zur Verfügung steht, wird diese somit nicht ausschließlich genutzt. Hieran anknüpfend stellt sich die Frage, wie sich dies ändern lässt. Hierfür besteht bereits eine Vielzahl an Lösungsvorschlägen, unter anderem die Abkehr von der Vorstellung einer autogerechten Stadt, die effizientere Nutzung der vorhandenen Infrastruktur, die Verbesserung des Öffentlichen Personennahverkehrs (ÖPNV) zur Schaffung einer wirklichen Alternative oder eine kilometerabhängige Gebühr für die Nutzung von Straßen (vgl. Edenhofer/Jakob 2017, S. 101f. ).Ein Großteil des Energiebedarfs in Städten kommt durch die Verbrennung fossiler Brennstoffe, den Transport und die Heizung beziehungsweise Kühlung von Gebäuden zustande (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 2). Sollen die Einsparziele gelingen, so ist eine Verkehrswende unumgänglich (vgl. Jakob 2023, S. 1). Gleichzeitig stehen durch den Klimawandel auch städtische Verkehrssysteme vor enormen Herausforderungen. Gerade in urbanen Gebieten hängen viele Infrastrukturnetze, die zum Funktionieren des städtischen Systems beitragen, mit dem Verkehrssystem zusammen (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 6).Dabei bestehen mehrere Möglichkeiten, städtische Verkehrsnetze zu verbessern und gleichzeitig zukunftsfähig und nachhaltig zu gestalten: Die Fokussierung auf Fußgänger und nicht-motorisierten Verkehr sowie auf den ÖPNV kann einige Vorteile, wie zum Beispiel eine Reduzierung von Emissionen und wirtschaftlichen Wohlstand, bieten (vgl. ebd. 2015, S. 6). Die Verbesserung des öffentlichen Nahverkehrs und anderer emissionsarmer Infrastrukturen kann darüber hinaus zu Energieeinsparungen, Zeitersparnis und einer besseren Luftqualität beitragen (vgl. ebd., S. 6). Die Zukunftsgestaltung der städtischen Verkehrsinfrastruktur spielt daher in mehrfacher Hinsicht eine zentrale Rolle. Neben dem Verkehrsbereich sind weitere Sektoren, unter anderem das Abfallsystem und der Umgang mit Gebäuden entscheidend (vgl. ebd. 2015, S. 2).Der Energiesektor ist enorm wichtig, da hier das größte Potential für eine Reduzierung von Emissionen liegt. Parallel mit einer steigenden Energienachfrage, beispielsweise in Strom oder Brennstoffen, werden Treibhausgasemissionen ansteigen. Gerade Städte sind dazu gezwungen, den Energiebedarf zu senken, die Energieerzeugung sowie den -verbrauch effizienter zu gestalten, auf erneuerbare Energiequellen umzusteigen und gleichzeitig eine sichere Versorgung zu gewährleisten (vgl. Climate Service Center Germany 2015, S. 6).Im weiteren Verlauf werden nun die Städte Kopenhagen und München in Bezug auf ihre Anstrengungen untersucht. Fokus dabei bleibt der Bereich Verkehr und Mobilität. Ebenso wird exemplarisch der Bereich der Extremwetteranpassung sowie, für den Bereich der Energieversorgung, die kommunale Wärmeplanung untersucht.KopenhagenKopenhagen ist Sitz des dänischen Königshauses (vgl. Heidenreich 2019, o.S.). Die Stadt liegt auf der Insel Seeland (vgl. Britannica 2023, o.S.) und ist an der Meerenge Öresund gelegen, welche die Ost- und die Nordsee miteinander verbindet (vgl. Heidenreich 2019, o.S.). Gegründet wurde die Stadt im frühen zehnten Jahrhundert, seit 1445 ist Kopenhagen Dänemarks Hauptstadt (vgl. Britannica 2023, o.S.). Die Einwohnerzahl Kopenhagens ist in den letzten zehn Jahren um knapp 100.000 Einwohner:innen gewachsen Mit aktuell etwa 653.000 Einwohner:innen ist Kopenhagen die größte Stadt Dänemarks (vgl. Dyvik 2023, o.S.). Sie hat eine Fläche von ungefähr 88 Quadratkilometern, ist damit vergleichsweise klein und liegt 24 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 34).Grundlegende Informationen und BesonderheitenDie Stadt Kopenhagen hat eine bewegte Geschichte. Beispielsweise wurde die Stadt im Laufe der Jahrhunderte mehrmals von Großfeuern zerstört, war sehr umkämpft und im Zweiten Weltkrieg von deutschen Soldaten besetzt (vgl. Findeisen/Husum 2008, S. 146ff.). Damals blieb die Stadt jedoch überwiegend unbeschädigt, was sich auch heute im Stadtbild bemerkbar macht. Ein Beispiel hierfür ist Schloss Rosenborg (vgl. Heidenreich 2019, o.S.). Im Jahr 1996 wurde die Stadt zur Kulturhauptstadt ernannt (vgl. Findeisen/Husum 2008, S. 149).Das Klima in Kopenhagen ist mild und gemäßigt. Die durchschnittliche Jahrestemperatur beträgt 8,9 Grad Celsius (vgl. climate-data.org 2023, o.S.). In Kopenhagen fällt insgesamt viel Regen. Selbst in den trockenen Monaten ist die Niederschlagsmenge erheblich (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.). Aufgrund der Lage am Meer können Sturmfluten zu Überschwemmungen mit gravierenden Auswirkungen führen. Dieser Gefahr und der sich daraus ergebenden Notwendigkeit zu handeln, ist sich auch die Stadtverwaltung Kopenhagens bewusst (vgl. Stadtverwaltung Kopenhagen 2023, o.S.).Verkehr und MobilitätBetrachtet man die Verkehrsplanung Kopenhagens, so muss zwingend auf die Fahrradinfrastruktur eingegangen werden. Der Autoverkehr sowie der ÖPNV dürfen dennoch nicht außer Acht gelassen werden. Ziel dieser Betrachtung ist es, Aufschlüsse über die Beweggründe und konkreten Vorgehensweisen der Verkehrsplanung und -infrastruktur in Kopenhagen zu erhalten. Dabei soll eine Bestandsaufnahme der aktuellen Situation erfolgen.Regelmäßig liegt Kopenhagen auf dem ersten Platz der weltweit besten Fahrradstädte und dennoch wurden im Jahr 2021 knapp ein Drittel aller Fahrten mit dem Auto bewältigt (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 5). In den 1950er und 1960er Jahren war die Verkehrsplanung auf das Auto ausgerichtet, was zu einer deutlichen Verringerung der Radfahrenden in den darauffolgenden Jahrzehnten führte. Während 1949 an der Nørrebrogade, einer zentralen Hauptstraße in Kopenhagen, an einem Tag durchschnittlich mehr als 62.000 Radfahrende gezählt wurden, waren es im Jahr 1978 nur etwa 8.000 (vgl. ebd. 2021, S. 5f.).In den 1970er Jahren kam es zu umfangreichen Fahrradprotesten und Forderungen nach mehr Fahrradwegen. Trotz der damals bereits vorhandenen Relevanz war der Umweltaspekt jedoch nicht ausschlaggebend. Vielmehr stand die Verkehrssicherheit für die Radfahrenden im Fokus der Fahrradproteste (vgl. ebd., S. 30f.). Im Jahr 2019 gab die deutliche Mehrheit aller Fahradfahrenden in Kopenhagen an, aufgrund der Zeitersparnis gegenüber anderen Verkehrsmitteln (46 Prozent) und aus praktischen Aspekten (55 Prozent) mit dem Fahrrad zu fahren. Ein deutlich geringerer Anteil von 16 Prozent gab Umweltschutzaspekte als Beweggrund an (vgl. ebd., S. 31). Ein weiterer Faktor war die Ölkrise in den 1970er Jahren, welche die Notwendigkeit alternativer Verkehrsmittel untermauerte und in der Folge die Anzahl der Fahrradfahrenden in Kopenhagen stark anstiegen ließ (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 35).Trotz dieser Faktoren sind gerade die nicht-diskursiven, also die bereits vorhandenen Faktoren wesentlich für den Weg Kopenhagens zur Fahrradmetropole und für die Umsetzung entsprechender Maßnahmen. Zum einem sind es geographisch vorteilhafte Gegebenheiten, die Kopenhagen vorteilhaft für den Fahrradverkehr machen, was durch die geringe Größe und die flache Lage der Stadt sichtbar wird (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 34). Dadurch bedingt ist auch die Geschichte Kopenhagens, in welcher der Radverkehr einen relevanten Teil einnimmt (vgl. ebd. 2021, S. 36). Der Sicherheitsaspekt beim Fahrradfahren ist sehr relevant. In Kopenhagen setzte man dementsprechend bereits früh auf vom Autoverkehr separierte Fahrradwege, was parallel zu einem Anstieg der Fahrradfahrenden führte (vgl. Søholt 2014, S. 1f.).Ein weiterer Faktor ist die ununterbrochene politische Richtung hinsichtlich der Mobilität in Kopenhagen, die durch Sozialdemokrat:innen und linke Parteien seit den 1970er Jahren besteht. Diese Kontinuität wirkte sich ebenso auf Investitionen für den Fahrradverkehr und die Fahrradinfrastruktur aus (vgl. Kallenbach 2021, S. 36f.). Zusammengesetzt aus solchen Faktoren konnte sich in Kopenhagen eine Kultur des Fahrradfahrens herausbilden. Neben den Umweltschutzaspekten ist Kopenhagen dadurch attraktiver für Menschen, aber auch für Unternehmen geworden (vgl. Søholt 2014, S. 1).Auch negative Effekte können auftreten. Beispielsweise kommt es vermehrt zu Staus auf den stark befahrenen Fahrradwegen. Die Stadt reagiert darauf mit dem Ausbau der Fahrradspuren und dementsprechend der Verkleinerung von Fahrbahnen für Autos (vgl. Søholt 2014, S. 2). Auch das Sperren von Straßen für den Autoverkehr wird in Erwägung gezogen. Ziel dabei ist es, mehr Platz für die Radfahrenden und den ÖPNV zu schaffen (vgl. ebd., S. 2). Kopenhagen versucht weiterhin umweltfreundliche Kraftstoffe und den Anteil von Elektroautos, auch unter den Taxen der Stadt, voranzutreiben (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2020, S. 41).Der Klimaschutzplan der Stadt benennt den Bereich der Mobilität als eine von vier zentralen Säulen (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2020, S. 13). Im Bericht aus dem Jahr 2020 wird festgestellt, dass CO2-Emissionen nach wie vor deutlich reduziert werden müssen. So sind trotz der Bemühungen und einiger Erfolge die Kohlenstoffemissionen im PKW-Bereich zwischen 2012 und 2018 um zehn Prozent gestiegen (vgl. ebd. 2020, S. 39f.). Parallel mit dem Bevölkerungsanstieg ist die Zahl der Autobesitzer:innen gestiegen. Dennoch sind die Pro-Kopf Emissionen im Straßenverkehr von 2010 bis 2018 um 16 Prozent gesunken (vgl. ebd. 2020, S. 41).Kopenhagen eröffnete im Herbst 2019 den "Cityring" und baut diesen nach und nach aus. Der damit verbundene Ausbau der U-Bahn soll die verschiedenen Stadteile an den öffentlichen Nahverkehr anbinden und effiziente öffentliche Verkehrsmittel gewährleisten (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2019, S. 26). Langfristig soll der Ausbau immer weiter vorangetrieben werden, um auch während der Rushhour eine attraktive Alternative zum Autoverkehr darzustellen (vgl. ebd., S. 26).Die Stadt Kopenhagen zeigt, wie Mobilität in einer nachhaltigen Stadt der Zukunft aussehen kann. Im gleichen Zug müssen dabei jedoch die vorteilhaften Gegebenheiten berücksichtigt werden, beispielsweise die flache Lage und die geringe Größe der Stadt. Aus diesem Grund muss in größeren und hügligeren Städten beispielsweise der ÖPNV als Alternative gedacht werden und mit ähnlicher Entschlossenheit verbessert werden.Dennoch gibt es Faktoren aus Kopenhagen, die eine grüne Mobilität begünstigen und theoretisch in jeder Stadt umsetzbar sind. Ein Beispiel ist die politische Kontinuität bezogen auf die Förderung des Fahrradverkehrs. Umwelt- und Klimaschutz muss nicht zwingend die ausschlaggebende Motivation für den Beginn einer Verkehrswende sein. Trotz aller positiven Aspekte und der Vorreiterrolle der Fahrradstadt Kopenhagen wurden auch im Jahr 2021 noch einige Fahrten mit dem Auto zurückgelegt.Die dauerhafte Förderung der Alternative Fahrrad konnte das enorme Wachstum des Autoverkehrs jedoch eindämmen. Es liegt auf der Hand, dass durch die Verkleinerung beziehungsweise Sperrung von Fahrbahnen und Straßen für den Autoverkehr auch strittige Debatten entstehen können. Die Stadt Kopenhagen verfolgt jedoch den klaren Plan, das Rad und den ÖPNV als Mobilitätsmittel der Wahl weiter voranzutreiben. Bereits zur Mitte des vergangenen Jahrzehnts nutzen 45 Prozent der Einwohner:innen Kopenhagens das Fahrrad für den Schul- beziehungsweise Arbeitsweg (vgl. Diehn 2015, o.S.). Dennoch halten aktuelle Ergebnisse fest, dass die Anstrengungen bei weitem nicht genügen.Weitere Maßnahmen und HerausforderungenZiel dieses Kapitels ist es, weitere Maßnahmen in Kopenhagen zu untersuchen. Aufgrund des Umfangs handelt es sich dabei jedoch um Beispiele, die kompakt dargestellt werden. Dabei werden Beispiele aus dem Bereich der Extremwetteranpassung und der kommunalen Wärmeplanung untersucht. Mit der Stadt München wird ähnlich vorgegangen, die Kategorien werden gleich gewählt. Ziel dabei ist festzustellen, welche Anstrengungen in der jeweiligen Kommune unternommen werden, um Nachhaltigkeitsziele voranzubringen.Durch die örtlichen Gegebenheiten muss Kopenhagen Extremwetterereignisse bewältigen, die sich durch den Klimawandel verstärken. So gab es in der dänischen Hauptstadt allein zwischen 2010 und 2015 sechs Starkregenereignisse, die Straßen und Gebäudekeller überfluteten und für einen enormen finanziellen Schaden sorgten (vgl. Kruse 2016, S. 669). Dementsprechend ist vor allem die Anpassung der Stadt an solche Starkregenereignisse ein wichtiger Bestandteil, der im Klimaanpassungsplan festgehalten ist.Um das Überflutungsrisiko zu verringern und dieser Herausforderung gerecht zu werden, arbeitet die Stadt an der Verwirklichung fünf zentraler Aspekte. Dazu zählen Maßnahmen, die einen Beitrag zur Verringerung des Überflutungsrisikos leisten können, zum Beispiel eine qualitative und quantitative Erhöhung des städtischen Grünflächenbereichs (vgl. ebd. 2016, S. 669f.).Ein konkretes Beispiel ist der Kopenhagener Ortsteil Skt. Kjelds Kvarter, der nach und nach in einen klimagerechten Stadtraum der Zukunft umgewandelt werden soll. Zum einem soll sich die Natur in diesem Quartier weiter ausbreiten, gleichzeitig wird die Regulierung von Regenwasser verbessert (vgl. Technik- und Umweltverwaltung Kopenhagen 2023, o.S.). Konkret dienen die Grünflächen als Versickerungsbecken, wodurch das Wasser unabhängig von der Kanalisation zum Hafenbecken geleitet wird. Hierfür wurde auch die Straßenführung angepasst (vgl. Kruse 2016, S. 270). Neben der Risikoreduzierung durch Extremwetterereignisse wird die Stadt durch solche Projekte nachhaltiger. Zugunsten von Grünflächen wird die Verkehrsinfrastruktur verändert und der Natur wird mehr Raum innerhalb der Stadt gegeben.Die Gefährdung der Stadt durch Extremwetterereignisse soll durch weitere Maßnahamen reduziert werden. Dazu zählen beispielsweise die Bereitstellung von Pumpen und die Ausrüstung von Kellern, um gegen Überschwemmungen vorbereitet zu sein. Gleichzeitig macht der Klimaanpassungsplan deutlich, dass die Entwicklung eines grünen Wachstums gewünscht ist und parallel zur Klimaanpassung vollzogen wird (vgl. Stadtverwaltung Kopenhagen 2011, S. 5). So sollen Grün- und Freiflächen verbessert und ergänzt werden. Dort wo gebaut wird, ist dies entsprechend zu berücksichtigen (vgl. ebd. 2011, S. 12).Neben dem Schutz vor Extremwetterereignissen sollen diese grünen Maßnahmen dazu führen, den Energieverbrauch der Stadt zu senken, die Luftqualität zu verbessern und die Lärmbelästigung zu bekämpfen. Durch die Schaffung von Freiflächen kann beispielsweise die Temperatur gemäßigt und für Luftzirkulation gesorgt werden (vgl. ebd. 2011, S. 12).Kopenhagen benennt in seinem aktuellen Klimaschutzplan neben der Mobilität drei weitere Bereiche: Den Energieverbrauch, die Energieproduktion und Initiativen der Stadtverwaltung (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2020, S. 13). Laut eigenen Worten will sich Kopenhagen, neben der Konzentration auf den öffentlichen Verkehr, auf den Energieausstoß, die kohlenstoffneutrale Fernwärme und Maßnahmen zur Verringerung von Kohlenstoffemissionen fokussieren (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2019, S. 25).2014 wurde Kopenhagen von einem unabhängigen und internationalen Expertenteam zur Umwelthauptstadt ernannt. Es gibt eine Reihe von Kriterien, die hierfür erfüllt sein müssen. Neben dem Nahverkehr wird die Luftqualität, der Anteil sowie die Qualität des grünen Stadtgebietes und der Umgang mit dem Klimawandel berücksichtigt (vgl. Diehn 2015, o.S.).Dementsprechend wurden früh weitere Anstrengungen unternommen. Gerade das weit ausgebaute Fernwärmenetz Kopenhagens muss hierbei erwähnt werden. Dieses versorgt den Großteil der Gebäude und trägt damit maßgeblich zur Einsparung von C02-Emissionen in Kopenhagen bei (vgl. Burckhardt/Tappe/Rehrmann 2022, o.S.). Gleichzeitig bieten sich auch Vorteile für die dortigen Bewohner:innen: Die Preise werden staatlich kontrolliert und die Infrastruktur der Fernwärme ermöglicht einen einfachen und für Verbraucher:innen kostengünstigen Umstieg auf erneuerbare Energien, was ermöglicht, dass Kopenhagens Fernwärme bereits zu 80 Prozent aus erneuerbaren Energien erzeugt wird (vgl. ebd. 2022, o.S.).Das Fernwärmenetz der Stadt hat unter anderem mehrere Müllverbrennungsanlagen und Blockheizkraftwerke, die von verschiedenen Versorgungsunternehmen betrieben werden (vgl. Harrestrup/Svendsen 2014, S. 296). Dies gewährleistet die Nutzung von Abwärme als Heizquelle. Eine dieser Müllverbrennungsanliegen liegt nah am Zentrum Kopenhagens und trägt den Namen Amager Bakke. Das Dach der Müllverbrennungsanlage dient der Bevölkerung gleichzeitig als Skigebiet und steht somit sinnbildlich für die Innovation und entsprechende Nachhaltigkeitsbestrebungen innerhalb der Stadt (vgl. Kafsack 2023, o.S.).Um im Bereich Energie die gesetzten Ziele zu erreichen, setzt Kopenhagen auf eine Vielzahl weiterer Maßnahmen. Dazu zählt neben der Fernwärme der Einsatz erneuerbarer Energietechnologien und die entsprechende Förderung von Heizungspumpen, Erdwärme, Sonnenkollektoren und Windkraftanlagen. Auch Biomasse als Übergangstechnologie wird von der Stadt befürwortet (vgl. Stadt Kopenhagen 2019, S. 54).Kopenhagen wird häufig als grüne Stadt bezeichnet. Viele Maßnahmen der Stadt wurden bereits vor langer Zeit getroffen. Die Pläne der Stadt Kopenhagen sind weit vorangeschritten, äußerst detailliert und durchdacht. Um sich zukünftig besser vor Extremwetterereignissen schützen zu können, arbeitet die Stadt an verschiedenen Lösungen und setzt beispielsweise auf den Ausbau und die Entlastung der Kanalisation. Dass hierbei ebenfalls freie Grünflächen entstehen, ist nicht nur ein nützlicher Nebeneffekt, sondern gewolltes Ziel.Im Bereich der Energieversorgung muss vor allem die Fernwärme genannt werden. Diese wurde in Kopenhagen bereits sehr früh ausgebaut und versorgt dementsprechend fast alle Gebäude. Somit ist dies der wohl wichtigste Bereich der Energieversorgung und gleichzeitig das Hauptaugenmerk des Kopenhagener Klimaplans. Dennoch gibt es auch hier Verbesserungs- und Optimierungspotential. Auch Kritikpunkte sind berechtigt. Beispielsweise ist der Einsatz von Biomasse fraglich. Einen weiteren Rückschlag musste Kopenhagen kürzlich einstecken: Die Stadt gab bekannt, dass sie das Ziel der Klimaneutralität bis 2025 deutlich verfehlen wird (vgl. Wolff 2022, o.S.).MünchenMünchen wurde im Jahr 1158 erstmals urkundlich erwähnt und liegt am Fluss Isar, der im Stadtgebiet eine Länge von 13,7 Kilometern einnimmt (vgl. Stadt München 2023, o.S.). Die Stadt ist bereits seit Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts die bayrische Landeshauptstadt (vgl. Stahleder 2023, o.S.). Heute hat München mehr als 1,5 Millionen Einwohner und kann damit einen deutlichen Bevölkerungsanstieg verbuchen (vgl. Statistisches Amt München 2023, o.S.). Verglichen mit dem Jahr 2004 stieg die Anzahl der Einwohner:innen um 300.000 Menschen (vgl. Münchner Stadtmuseum 2004, S. 155). München liegt etwa 519 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel und hat eine Fläche von mehr als 310 Quadratkilometern, wodurch die Stadt flächenmäßig zu den größten Städten Deutschlands gehört (vgl. Stadt München 2023, o.S.).Grundlegende Informationen und BesonderheitenAnlass der Gründung Münchens war ein Konflikt zwischen Herzog Heinrich dem Löwen und Bischof Otto I. von Freising (vgl. Scholz 2004, S. 20). Das Bevölkerungswachstum stieg rasch an, was bereits zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts eine deutliche Vergrößerung der Stadt nötig machte (vgl. Scholz 2004, S. 22). Die Isar wurde in München bereits vor mehreren Jahrhunderten als Transportmittel für Waren genutzt und prägte daher die Entwicklung der Stadt maßgeblich (vgl. Scholz 2004, S. 31f.).Im Jahr 1795 begann eine neue Entwicklung. Die bisher genutzten Festigungsanlagen wurden aufgegeben und die dynamische, unbegrenzte Weiterentwicklung der Stadt konnte gelingen (vgl. Lehmbruch 2004, S. 38). Im Laufe der Jahrhunderte kam es zu mehreren Eingemeindungen (vgl. Münchner Stadtmuseum 2004, S. 155). Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurden 90 Prozent der historischen Altstadt Münchens zerstört und die Stadt verlor bis zum Ende des Krieges mehr als die Hälfte seiner Einwohner:innen (vgl. Stahleder 2023, o.S.).Münchens Grünanlagen nehmen etwa 13,4 Prozent der gesamten Stadtfläche ein. Den größten zusammenhängenden Teil bildet dabei der Englische Garten mit einer Größe von 374,13 Hektar (vgl. Stadt München 2023, o.S.). Die Jahresmitteltemperatur in München liegt im Durchschnitt bei 8,7 Grad Celsius und der Niederschlag beträgt circa 834 Millimeter im Jahr (vgl. Deutscher Wetterdienst 2023, o.S.). In jüngster Zeit hat München mit einigen Extremwetterereignissen zu kämpfen gehabt, unter anderem mit Starkregen (vgl. Handel 2023, o.S.) und Rekord-Hitzewellen (vgl. Harter 2023, o.S.). Verkehr und MobilitätMünchen arbeitet seit vielen Jahren an seiner Verkehrsstrategie. Der ursprüngliche Verkehrsentwicklungsplan wurde bereits im Jahr 2006 veröffentlicht. Im Sommer 2021 wurde ein neuer Entwurf bezüglich der zukünftigen Mobilitätsplanung beschlossen. Der Stadtrat setzte sich dabei ambitionierte Ziele: Der Verkehr im Stadtgebiet sollte demnach innerhalb von vier Jahren zu mindestens 80 Prozent durch abgasfreie Fahrzeuge beziehungsweise den ÖPNV oder den Fuß- und Radverkehr realisiert werden. Weiterhin soll der Verkehr in München bis 2035 vollständig klimaneutral sein (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023c, o.S.). Der neue Mobilitätsplan der Stadt soll den zukünftigen Herausforderungen gerecht werden. Dazu zählt unter anderem die steigende Bevölkerungszahl und der somit zunehmende Mobilitätsbedarf sowie der Umwelt- und Gesundheitsschutz (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023b, o.S.).Der motorisierte Individualverkehr nimmt in der bayrischen Landeshauptstadt nach wie vor einen hohen Stellenwert ein und wurde 2017 von rund 24 Prozent der Münchner:innen in Anspruch genommen. Die Anzahl der täglich bewältigten Personenkilometer nahm ebenfalls zu, was durch den Anstieg der Bevölkerung und die Zunahme der täglichen Strecken erklärt wird (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 107f.).Der ÖPNV wurde im Jahr 2017 von 24 Prozent der Münchner:innen genutzt, was verglichen mit dem Jahr 2008 ein leichter Anstieg ist. Verglichen mit dem Jahr 2008 wird das Fahrrad mit 18 Prozent von weniger Münchner:innen genutzt (vgl. ebd. 2022, S. 107f.). Die Stadt kommt in ihrem Nachhaltigkeitsbericht zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Entwicklung in Richtung ÖPNV und des Radverkehrs geht. Durch das starke Wachstum der Stadt und des Umlands kommt es jedoch zu einem Anstieg des Verkehrs insgesamt, was die eigentlich positive Entwicklung aufhebt (vgl. ebd. 2022, S. 107f.). Die Stadt München beschäftigt sich seit einiger Zeit mit sogenannten Radschnellverbindungen."Radschnellverbindungen sind hochwertige Verbindungen im Radverkehrsnetz (von Kommunen oder Stadt­Umland­Regionen), die wichtige Zielbereiche (zum Beispiel Stadtteilzentren, Wohn­ und Arbeitsplatzschwerpunkte, (Hoch­)Schulen) mit hohen Potenzialen über größere Entfernungen verknüpfen und durchgängig ein sicheres und attraktives Befahren mit hohen Reisegeschwindigkeiten […] ermöglichen" (Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 109).Solche Strecken haben somit das Potential, einen nicht zu unterschätzenden Beitrag hin zur grünen Mobilität zu leisten. Radschnellwege können nicht nur für die Freizeit, sondern auch von Berufspendler:innen genutzt werden und sind daher eine Alternative zum Auto. Die Landeshauptstadt München hat bereits mehrere Machbarkeitsstudien in Auftrag gegeben. Die Ergebnisse belegen, dass viele dieser Strecken, beispielsweise die Strecke zwischen der Innenstadt Münchens und Starnberg, technisch machbar und wirtschaftlich gewinnbringend sind (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München/Landratsamt München/Landratsamt Starnberg 2020, S. 29).Die lange Planung der Radschnellwege ist seit diesem Jahr in einer neuen Phase. Im Juni 2023 wurde mit dem Bau der ersten von insgesamt fünf Strecken begonnen, welche die Stadt München mit Unterschleißheim und Garching verbinden soll (vgl. Heudorfer 2023, o.S.). Gleichzeitig müssen die enorm hohen Kosten für den Bau solcher Strecken berücksichtigt werden. Dies ist der Grund, weshalb beispielsweise die Strecke zwischen München und Starnberg nicht realisiert wird (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.).München plant die Reduzierung des Autoverkehrs in seiner Altstadt. So soll mehr Platz für Fußgänger:innen, Radfahrende und den ÖPNV geschaffen werden. Die Stadt nennt eine Reihe an Maßnahmen, die das Ziel einer autofreien Altstadt realisieren sollen. Dazu zählen unter anderem das Errichten und die Erweiterung von Fußgängerzonen, die Neuregelung des Parkens, was auch das Erhöhen der Parkgebühren beinhaltet, die Verbesserung des Liefer- und Ladeverkehrs sowie das Erbauen eines breiten Radrings in der Altstadt (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023a, o.S.).Ein Pilotprojekt diesbezüglich befindet sich in der zentral gelegenen Kolumbusstraße. Die Straße wurde für Fahrzeuge gesperrt und mit Rollrasen, Sitzmöglichkeiten und Hochbeeten ausgestattet (vgl. Stäbler 2023, o.S.). Das Projekt hat jedoch nicht nur Befürworter:innen. Der Verlust von knapp 40 Parkplätzen sowie der Lärm durch spielende Kinder wird kritisiert (vgl. ebd. 2023, o.S.).Der ÖPNV hat in München einen hohen Stellenwert. Bereits im Jahr 2010 lag München im Vergleich unter den besten deutschen Städten. Berücksichtigt wurde damals unter anderem die Fahrtdauer, die Informationslage und die Preise (vgl. Wagner 2010, o.S.). Eine ADAC-Studie zeigt, dass München im Jahr 2021 die teuerste Einzelfahrkarte unter 21 deutschen Großstädten mit mehr als 300.000 Einwohner:innen hatte. Die Münchner Monatskarte sowie die Wochenkarte hingegen war mit Abstand am günstigsten. Die Monatskarte kostete im Vergleich zu Hamburg knapp die Hälfte (vgl. ADAC 2021, o.S.). Dieser Aspekt muss hinsichtlich der Einführung des Deutschlandtickets und der damit verbundenen Preisentwicklung des ÖPNV neu bewertet werden, ist jedoch aufgrund der damals fehlenden Alternative des Deutschlandtickets nicht zu vernachlässigen.Langfristig plant München eine Bahnstrecke, die Stadt und Umland miteinander verbindet und das bereits vorhandene Schienennetz ergänzt. Dieses Projekt ist zuletzt aus finanziellen Gründen gescheitert, soll jedoch durch spezielle Buslinien kompensiert und nach Möglichkeit neu geprüft werden (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023d, o.S.). Um die Kapazität des ÖPNV in München und Umland zu erhöhen, werden im Rahmen eines Programms verschiedene Maßnahmen umgesetzt. Dazu zählt unter anderem die Anbindung an den Flughafen und der Ausbau der Schieneninfrastruktur im Nordosten Münchens (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023d, o.S.).Auch das U-Bahn- und Tramnetz soll durch die Münchner Verkehrsgesellschaft (MVG) ausgebaut werden. Vorgesehen ist die Verlängerung beziehungsweise der Neubau verschiedener Strecken (vgl. ebd. 2023d, o.S.). Gleichzeitig wird auf die Problematik verwiesen, dass die Kapazitätsgrenze des Schienenverkehrs in München und der Region bereits erreicht ist (vgl. ebd., o.S.).Die bayrische Landeshauptstadt setzt sich selbst ambitionierte Ziele, was den Verkehr und die Mobilität betreffen. Bereits seit vielen Jahren wurde mit entsprechenden Planungen begonnen. Auf der Webseite der Landeshauptstadt finden sich viele Informationen und Vorhaben bezüglich der Verkehrsplanung. Der Ausbau des Fahrradverkehrs, vor allem die Planungen von Radschnellstrecken sind vielsprechend. Die Machbarkeitsstudien belegen das große Potential. Da jedoch erst vor einigen Monaten mit dem Bau der ersten Strecke begonnen wurde, muss München hier in relativ kurzer Zeit viel erreichen.Gleichzeitig kann somit nicht abschließend festgestellt werden, wie groß das Potential der Radschnellverbindungen in der Praxis ist. Der Zuwachs der Stadt München und des Umlands stellt die Landeshauptstadt vor Herausforderungen in doppelter Hinsicht. Obwohl der Anteil der Radfahrenden und der ÖPNV-Fahrenden deutlich zugenommen hat, steigt der Verkehr insgesamt. Gleichzeitig stellt die Stadt fest, dass der ÖPNV an der Kapazitätsgrenze ist. Dennoch müssen die positiven Aspekte betrachtet werden. Hierzu zählt unter anderem das Potential des Münchner ÖPNV und der verschiedenen Projekte. Auch wenn es von der Planung bis zur Umsetzung viele Jahre dauert, ist München sicherlich vielen Städten, vor allem im deutschen Städtevergleich, voraus, da die Planungen früh begonnen haben.Weitere Maßnahmen und HerausforderungenHier werden nun weitere Maßnahmen untersucht. Dabei wird, wie bei Kopenhagen, in exemplarischer Weise auf den Bereich der Extremwetter- beziehungsweise Klimawandelanpassung und den Bereich der kommunalen Wärmeplanung eingegangen. Gleichzeitig werden Herausforderungen, Chancen und Schwierigkeiten beleuchtet, die sich daraus ergeben.Die bayrische Landeshauptstadt hat im Jahr 2019 den Klimanotstand ausgerufen. Damit verbunden ist das Ziel der Klimaneutralität bis 2035 (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2023e, o.S.). Das Klima in der Stadt München weist aufgrund der dichten Bebauung spezifische Besonderheiten auf. Dazu zählt der sogenannte "Wärmeinseleffekt", der dazu führt, dass ein Temperaturunterschied im Vergleich zum Münchner Umland besteht (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München u. a. 2016, S. 8).Im Stadtgebiet ist es deshalb im Durchschnitt zwei bis drei Grad wärmer, wobei der Temperaturunterschied in der Nacht deutlich höher ausfällt: Im Vergleich zum Münchner Umland ist es nachts im Stadtgebiet Münchens bis zu zehn Grad wärmer, was durch den Klimawandel und den damit verbundenen Anstieg der Durchschnittstemperatur noch deutlich ansteigen wird (vgl. ebd. 2016, S. 8).Dementsprechend sieht das Klimaanpassungskonzept verschiedene Maßnahmen vor. Dazu zählt zum Beispiel der Ausbau der Dachbegrünung und Photovoltaikanlagen auf Gebäuden, die Verbesserung des Wärmeschutzes in der Gebäudeplanung und Förderprogramme für Klimaanpassungsmaßnahmen auf privaten Grundstücken (vgl. ebd. 2016, S. 40). In München gründeten sich einige Bewegungen, die sich für mehr Nachhaltigkeit einsetzen. Die Münchner Initiative Nachhaltigkeit (MIN) ist ein Beispiel dafür und setzt sich aus mehrheitlich zivilgesellschaftlichen Organisationen zusammen. Die Ziele der MIN orientieren sich an den SDGs (vgl. Münchner Initiative Nachhaltigkeit 2023, o.S.).Der Münchner Nachhaltigkeitsbericht liefert interessante Aufschlüsse. Der Anteil der erneuerbaren Energien im Gebiet der Stadtwerke München lag 2019 bei insgesamt 6,4 Prozent. Den größten Anteil hat dabei die Wasserkraft, gefolgt von Solar (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 85). Ökostrom soll in den eigenen Stadtwerken langfristig betrachtet in ausreichender Menge erzeugt werden, um damit die Stadt München selbst versorgen zu können.Daraus ergibt sich für den Leiter der Stadtwerke die politische Aufgabe, die Energiewende voranzubringen (vgl. Hutter 2019, o.S.). Gerade die lokale Erzeugung von Ökostrom kann sich in einer dicht bebauten Stadt als schwierig herausstellen. Hier stellt sich die Frage, wie viel Potential München und das direkte Umland hat. Dabei kann es sich zum Beispiel um den Auf- und Ausbau umliegender Windräder oder Biomassekraftwerke handeln (vgl. ebd., o.S.).München setzt auf Tiefengeothermie und kann einen Anstieg in der Erzeugung und den Anteil der Tiefengeothermie am Fernwärmeverbrauch verbuchen. Jedoch lag der Anteil der Geothermie am Fernwärmeverbrauch im Jahr 2019 lediglich bei 3,8 Prozent (vgl. Landeshauptstadt München 2022, S. 86f.). Aktuell wird in München das größte Geothermiekraftwerk Europas erbaut. Somit ist davon auszugehen, dass der Anteil der Geothermie innerhalb der Fernwärmeversorgung in München weiter zunimmt und diese in der Konsequenz Schritt für Schritt nachhaltiger und regenerativ gestalten (vgl. Schneider 2022, o.S.). In München befinden sich momentan sechs Geothermieanlagen. Durch die Erweiterungen soll das Fernwärmenetz den Wärmebedarf Münchens bis 2040 klimaneutral abdecken (vgl. Stadtwerke München 2023a, o.S.).Die Methode der Kraft-Wärme-Kopplung (KWK), also die gleichzeitige Gewinnung von mechanischer Energie und nutzbarer Wärme (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2022, o.S.), wird von den Stadtwerken München genutzt und dient als eine Art Zwischenlösung, die intensiver genutzt wird, bis der Ausbau der Geothermieanlagen abgeschlossen ist (vgl. Stadtwerke München 2023b, o.S.). Die durch die Stromerzeugung der KWK-Methode gewonnene Abwärme wird in das Fernwärmenetz der Stadt München eingespeist. Die so erzeugte Fernwärme kann dementsprechend schon heute in einem beträchtlichen Maß umweltschonend bereitgestellt werden und ersetzt laut den Stadtwerken München bereits etwa 400 Millionen Liter Heizöl und spart pro Jahr eine Millionen Tonnen CO2 ein (vgl. ebd. 2023b, o.S.).Die Stromerzeugung selbst funktioniert mit Brennstoffen. Neben erneuerbaren Energien können dabei auch fossile Energieträger zum Einsatz kommen. Die Stadtwerke München selbst setzen sich das langfristige Ziel, fossile Brennstoffe abzulösen (vgl. ebd. 2023b, o.S.). Das Heizkraftwerk Süd der Stadtwerke München arbeitet beispielsweise mit der KWK-Methode. Die Stromerzeugung wird durch Erdgas gewährleistet (vgl. Stadtwerke München 2022, o.S.). Somit wird ein fossiler Brennstoff verwendet.Im deutschen Städtevergleich gilt München oft als Vorreiter, was Nachhaltigkeitsbemühungen betrifft. München hat 2019 den Klimanotstand ausgerufen und sich das Ziel gesetzt, bis 2035 klimaneutral zu werden. Das Ausrufen des Klimanotstands hat eher symbolischen Charakter. Dennoch wird die Dringlichkeit der Sache damit auch auf kommunaler Ebene betont.Bezüglich der Anpassung an Extremwetterereignisse finden sich viele Informationen der Stadt München. Dabei werden auch viele Maßnahmen genannt, die nach und nach umgesetzt werden sollen. Die Stadt ist sich der Relevanz des Themas bewusst. Durch das veränderte Stadtklima wird deutlich, wie wichtig die Anpassung an Extremwetterereignisse ist, um das Leben in der Stadt auch zukünftig zu sichern.Im Fall von München sind die Maßnahmen gegen Hitze besonders relevant. Hier hat München bereits Pilotprojekte und verschiedene Fördermaßnahmen in die Wege geleitet. Im Bereich der Energieversorgung muss vor allem die Tiefengeothermie benannt werden. München setzt verstärkt darauf und erkennt das große Potential. Gleichzeitig müssen die hohen Kosten und der damit verbundene Aufwand berücksichtigt werden.Aktuell kommen auch KWK-Werke zum Einsatz. Dies ermöglicht die umweltschonende Bereitstellung von Fernwärme. Der Einsatz mehrerer Geothermieanlagen kann dieses Potential jedoch beträchtlich steigern. Erdgas wird zur Erzeugung von Strom in München auch aktuell eingesetzt. Langfristig wollen die Stadtwerke jedoch ohne den Einsatz fossiler Brennstoffe arbeiten. Die Fernwärme Münchens ist weit ausgebaut und bietet hohes Potential. Dennoch zeigen erst die nächsten Jahre, wie nachhaltig und flächendeckend das Fernwärmenetz konkret ausgebaut werden kann.ErkenntnisseDie Einwohnerzahl Kopenhagens ist in den letzten Jahren gestiegen. Auch zukünftig muss die Stadt mit einem Bevölkerungswachstum rechnen. In München ist ebenso von einem Bevölkerungsanstieg auszugehen, was auch in den letzten Jahren der Fall war. Der Anstieg der Bevölkerung in Zahlen ist deutlich höher, was sich durch die größere Fläche der bayrischen Landeshauptstadt zumindest teilweise relativieren lässt. Im direkten Vergleich ist München mehr als drei Mal so groß wie Kopenhagen.Kopenhagen gilt als eine der besten Fahrradstädte weltweit. Dies führt neben den positiven Aspekten auch zu vollen Fahrradwegen. Die Stadt reagiert mit der Verbreiterung von Fahrradwegen und der Sperrung beziehungsweise Verkleinerung von Autofahrbahnen und ganzen Straßen. München geht diesbezüglich nicht so konsequent vor, hat jedoch ein vergleichbares Pilotprojekt gestartet, welches eine zentrale Straße zeitweise für den Autoverkehr gesperrt hat.Das Fahrrad als Verkehrsmittel konnte sich in Kopenhagen bereits früh etablieren. Ein zentraler Faktor, der für das Fahrrad in Kopenhagen spricht, ist unter anderem die Zeitersparnis. Eine Reihe nicht-diskursiver Faktoren spielen eine wichtige Rolle für die bedeutsame Rolle des Fahrrads in der dänischen Hauptstadt. Neben der flachen Lage und der geringen Größe zählt dazu auch der politische Wille und die Bereitschaft, das Fahrrad als Verkehrsmittel kontinuierlich zu fördern.In München wurde die Relevanz des Fahrrads ebenfalls erkannt. München kann im Vergleich jedoch auf keine derart ausgeprägte Fahrradkultur zurückblicken. Dennoch stellt sich heraus, dass das Fahrrad in München nicht unterschätzt wird. Die aktuellen Planungen und erste bauliche Maßnahmen der Radschnellverbindungen belegen, dass die Stadt den Radverkehr als Alternative zum Auto etablieren möchte.Dabei sollen, wie es in Kopenhagen bereits der Fall ist, nicht nur Freizeitradler:innen, sondern auch Berufspendler:innen angesprochen werden. Das Münchner Umland soll in den Bau der Radschnellverbindungen zu weiten Teilen integriert werden. Theoretisch könnte München auf diese Weise trotz der deutlich weiteren Distanzen die optimale Infrastruktur für das Fahrrad als grüne Alternative etablieren.Der Autoverkehr spielt in Kopenhagen nach wie vor eine Rolle. Trotz einiger Maßnahmen müssen die CO2-Emissionen weiter reduziert werden. Die Emissionen im PKW-Bereich sind bis vor fünf Jahren noch angestiegen. Auch in München ist der Autoverkehr relevant und wurde im Jahr 2017 von fast einem Viertel der Münchner:innen genutzt. Von der Stadt München werden verschiedene Maßnahmen benannt, die zu einer autofreien Altstadt führen sollen. Dabei soll ähnlich wie in Kopenhagen vorgegangen werden, unter anderem mit der Erweiterung von Fußgängerzonen. Kopenhagen scheint diesbezüglich jedoch weiter fortgeschritten zu sein. Bei der Verkleinerung von Fahrbahnen im Bereich des Autoverkehrs handelt es sich dort um dauerhafte Maßnahmen. In München beschränkt sich dies bislang auf Pilotprojekte und Vorhaben.Beide Städte haben ein gut ausgebautes ÖPNV-Netz. In München ist sich die Stadt der Tatsache bewusst, dass die aktuelle ÖPNV-Infrastruktur an seiner Kapazitätsgrenze angekommen ist. Aus diesem Grund plant München den Ausbau und setzt bereits einige Großprojekte, unter anderem die Erweiterung der Schieneninfrastruktur, in verschiedenen Stadteilen, um. Vor allem das Tramnetz hat sicherlich das Potential, für Münchner:innen eine dauerhafte Alternative zum Auto zu sein. Da das Hauptproblem augenscheinlich die Kapazitätsgrenze des bestehenden Schienennetzes ist, kommt es auf den zügigen und konsequenten Ausbau in den nächsten Jahren an.Kopenhagen hat im Vergleich bereits im Jahr 2019 eine Stadtlinie eröffnet, die immer weiter ausgebaut wird. Kopenhagen will die Attraktivität des ÖPNVs auch während der Rushhour gewährleisten. Dies lässt darauf schließen, dass einer der Hauptfaktoren auch hier die aktuelle Auslastung der vorhandenen öffentlichen Verkehrsmittel ist. In diesem Bereich haben beide Städte somit ähnliche Herausforderungen zu bewältigen. Beide Städte sind aktiv und scheinen den ÖPNV als dauerhaftes Verkehrsmittel fördern zu wollen.Kopenhagen liegt direkt am Meer und 24 Meter über dem Meeresspiegel. Ähnlich wie München sieht sich Kopenhagen mit Extremwetterereignissen konfrontiert. In Kopenhagen regnet es sehr häufig und durch die Lage am Meer und die geringe Höhe über dem Meeresspiegel sind Sturmfluten und Überschwemmungen keine Seltenheit. München hat ebenso mit Starkregen zu kämpfen, wobei Hitzewellen hier auch nicht zu unterschätzen sind. Beide Städte stellen verschiedene Maßnahmen vor, die zur Vermeidung negativer Folgen führen sollen. In der Umsetzung hat Kopenhagen bereits Erstaunliches erreicht, um sich vor Starkregen zu schützen. Beide Städte nehmen die durch den Klimawandel entstehenden Extremwetterereignisse und deren mögliche Folgen ernst und arbeiten an spezifischen Lösungen.Die Energieversorgung ist in beiden Städten ein zentraler Aspekt. Beide Städte nehmen hier in gewisser Weise Vorreiterrollen ein. Sowohl Kopenhagen als auch München fördern den Einsatz erneuerbarer Technologien in verschiedener Hinsicht. Das Fernwärmenetz in Kopenhagen ist bereits sehr gut ausgebaut. Gleichzeitig kann die Fernwärme Kopenhagens bereits zu 80 Prozent aus erneuerbaren Energien gewonnen werden. Die dänische Hauptstadt hat hier einige Vorzeigeprojekte, unter anderem die Müllverbrennungsanlage Amager Bakke.Die Stadt München setzt vermehrt auf Tiefengeothermie und treibt den Ausbau voran. Dies soll die Fernwärme nach und nach nachhaltiger machen. Bis 2040 soll das Fernwärmenetz in München somit klimaneutral arbeiten können. Die KWK-Methode wird in München eingesetzt und spart nennenswerte Mengen an CO2 ein. Fossile Brennstoffe kommen hier aber nach wie vor zum Einsatz. Dennoch hat auch München ein ausgefeiltes Konzept und ist vor allem im deutschen Vergleich weit vorangeschritten und hat bereits früh nach alternativen Wegen gesucht. Daher sind die Fortschritte Münchens in der Wärmeversorgung beachtlich. Im direkten Vergleich kann Kopenhagen jedoch mit noch mehr Innovation und aktuell größeren Fortschritten punkten.FazitEs wurde untersucht, wie eine nachhaltige Stadt gestaltet werden kann. Eine aktuelle Bestandsaufnahme zeigt, dass die Entwicklungen in Städten sehr unterschiedlich sind. Die Abkehr von der Vorstellung einer autogerechten Stadt scheint sinnvoll. Bereits vorhandene ÖPNV-Strukturen und weitere Alternativen zum motorisierten Individualverkehr müssen effizienter genutzt oder geschaffen werden. Der Energiesektor ist besonders relevant, da hier die größten Möglichkeiten hinsichtlich einer Reduzierung von Emissionen bestehen. Städte sollten daher Maßnahmen etablieren, um den Energiebedarf zu senken und auf regenerative Energien umsteigen zu können. In dieser Arbeit wurde bezogen auf den Bereich der Energie die kommunale Wärmeplanung berücksichtigt.Untersucht wurden die Bereiche des Verkehrs und der Mobilität, der Extremwetteranpassung und der kommunalen Wärmeplanung. München und Kopenhagen haben in den untersuchten Bereichen bereits eine Vielzahl an Maßnahmen und Vorhaben vorgestellt und initiiert. Dabei stellt sich heraus, dass die spezifischen Gegebenheiten in Städten stets berücksichtigt werden müssen. Diese unterschiedlichen Gegebenheiten führen dazu, dass ein Städtevergleich nicht in jedem Aspekt einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung zielführend ist. München zeigt jedoch am Beispiel der geplanten Radschnellverbindungen, dass es auch Lösungen für suboptimale Gegebenheiten gibt, in diesem Fall für größere Distanzen beim Radverkehr.Beide Städte sind fortgeschritten, was den Bereich der nachhaltigen Mobilität betrifft. Hier stellt vor allem der erwartete Bevölkerungsanstieg eine Herausforderung dar, da dies zur weiteren Be- beziehungsweise Überlastung der bestehenden Verkehrsinfrastruktur und zur Zunahme des Verkehrs generell führen wird. Dementsprechend finden sich in beiden Städten Projekte, die auch teils in der Umsetzung und bezogen auf die Zukunft der nachhaltigen Mobilität vielversprechend sind. Hier bleiben jedoch die konkreten Fortschritte in den nächsten Jahren abzuwarten, was eine erneute Untersuchung zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt interessant macht. Die Vision beziehungsweise Utopie einer autofreien Stadt scheint für Kopenhagen einen Schritt näher zu sein. München zeigt jedoch, dass zumindest eine autofreie Altstadt in naher Zukunft nicht undenkbar ist.Die Anpassung an die Folgen des Klimawandels ist für beide Städte relevant. Kopenhagen hat hier eine Reihe innovativer Projekte bereits umgesetzt. München stellt viele Maßnahmen vor, die im Detail jedoch noch weiter vorangetrieben werden müssen.Bezogen auf die kommunale Wärmeplanung gehen beide Städte verschiedene Wege und haben bestimmte Visionen. Einen Beitrag zur Energiewende wollen beide Städte und deren ansässige Stadtwerke leisten. Die Fernwärme ist sowohl in Kopenhagen als auch in München der zentrale Faktor. Kopenhagen ist bezogen auf den Anteil erneuerbarer Energien und den Ausbau des Fernwärmenetzes weiter fortgeschritten als München. Ebenso bestehen in Kopenhagen innovative Ideen zur nachhaltigen Erzeugung von Fernwärme und zur Einbettung verschiedener Anlagen in die Kopenhagener Stadt und das Umland. München setzt auf die Nutzung von Geothermie, was zu einer sehr guten CO-2-Bilanz beitragen kann.In den untersuchten Bereichen weisen beide Städte Fortschritte auf. Kopenhagen hat zeitlich betrachtet deutlich früher mit dem Ausbau einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung begonnen. Dementsprechend sind einige Pläne ausgereifter und es finden sich hinsichtlich der untersuchten Bereiche mehr konkrete Umsetzungen. München könnte hier jedoch in den nächsten Jahren ähnlich weit voranschreiten, was unter anderem hinsichtlich des Maßnahmenkatalogs deutlich wird. Auch aus diesem Grund wäre die Betrachtung zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt interessant und würde weitere Aufschlüsse liefern.Durch die Untersuchung der Verkehrsinfrastruktur und der kommunalen Wärmeplanung beider Städte wurden Schlüsselaspekte einer nachhaltigen Stadtentwicklung berücksichtigt. Dennoch muss betont werden, dass bei weitem nicht alle Aspekte einer nachhaltigen Stadt berücksichtigt und untersucht werden konnten. Dies würde den Rahmen dieser Arbeit sprengen. Eine Untersuchung in weiteren Bereichen würde daher eine sinnvolle Ergänzung darstellen.LiteraturverzeichnisAachener Stiftung Kathy Beys (2015): Nachhaltiger Lebensstil (Aachener Stiftung Kathy Beys vom 16.12.2015) < https://www.nachhaltigkeit.info/artikel/nachhaltiger_lebensstil_1978.htm > (11.11.2023).ADAC (2021). 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This article was co-published with the Guardian.Nine of the 12 members of a high-level congressional committee charged with advising on the U.S.'s nuclear weapons strategy have direct financial ties to contractors that would benefit from the report's recommendations or are employed at think tanks that receive considerable funding from weapons manufacturers, the Guardian and Responsible Statecraft can reveal.While the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States (CCSPUS) purports to recommend steps to avoid nuclear conflict, it does nothing to disclose its own potential conflicts of interest with the weapons industry in its final report or at rollout events at think tanks in Washington.The United States will soon face "a world where two nations [China and Russia] possess nuclear arsenals on par with our own," warned the commission's final report, released in mid-October. "In addition," the report charged, "the risk of conflict with these two nuclear peers is increasing. It is an existential challenge for which the United States is ill-prepared."According to the CCSPUS, this potential doomsday scenario requires the U.S. to make "necessary adjustments to the posture of US nuclear capabilities – in size and/or composition," a policy shift that would steer billions of taxpayer dollars to the Pentagon and nuclear weapons contractors."What we've consistently seen is the nuclear weapons industry buying influence and that means we cannot make serious decisions about our security when the industry is buying influence through think tanks and commissioners they are skewing the debate," said Susi Snyder, program coordinator at the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons."Instead of having a debate about the tools and materials we need to make ourselves safe," she added, "we're having a debate about which company should get the contracts. And that doesn't make the American people safe or anyone else in the world."The CCSPUS was established two years ago via the annual defense policy bill, and conflicts of interest on the commission were apparent from the beginning. But an analysis by the Guardian and Responsible Statecraft found deep ties between the commission and the weapons industry.The most recognizable member of the CCSPUS is its vice-chair, Jon Kyl, who served as a senator from Arizona from 1995 to 2013 and again in 2018, after the death of John McCain. While this, and more, is included in his biography in the commission's report, what's left out is his more recent employment as a senior adviser with the law firm Covington & Burling, whose lobbying client list includes multiple Pentagon contractors that would benefit from the commission's recommendations.In 2017 Kyl, personally, was registered to lobby for Northrop Grumman, which manufactures the B-21 nuclear bomber that the commission recommends increasing the number the U.S. plans to buy, at a cost to taxpayers of nearly $700 million each.Kyl did not respond to questions about his employment status with Covington & Burling, but the former senator was listed as a "senior adviser" on the firm's website until at least December 1, 2022, nearly 10 months after the commissioner selections for the CCSPUS were announced in March 2022.Another commissioner, Franklin Miller, is a principal at the Scowcroft Group, a business advisory firm that describes Miller as having expertise in "nuclear deterrence," and acknowledges its work in the weapons sector."The Scowcroft Group successfully advised a European defense leader on a strategic acquisition opportunity," says the consulting firm in the "Defense/Aerospace" section of its website. "We have also assisted a major defense firm in pursuing global partnerships and co-production opportunities."Miller did not respond to a request for comment about the identity of the Scowcroft Group's clients.Kyl and Miller are joined on the CCSPUS by retired general John E Hyten, who previously served as the vice-chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, the second-highest-ranking member of the U.S. military.While Hyten's biography in the commission's report lauds his extensive military service, in retirement he has worked closely with a number of firms that could benefit immensely from the commission's recommendations.This March he was appointed as special adviser to the CEO of C3 AI, an artificial intelligence company that boasts of working with numerous agencies at the Department of Defense. In June 2022, Hyten was named executive director of the Blue Origins foundation, called the Club for the Future, and as a strategic adviser to Blue Origin's senior leadership. Blue Origin is wholly owned by Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, and works directly with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), the air force and the space force on space launch-related capabilities.Hyten's ties to these firms are notable given the CCSPUS report's repeated overtures for improving and investing in space and artificial intelligence capabilities. Specifically, the report recommends the United States "urgently deploy a more resilient space architecture" and take steps to ensure it is "at the cutting edge of emerging technologies – such as big data analytics, quantum computing, and artificial intelligence (AI)."Hyten did not respond to a request for comment.The CCSPUS also included think tank scholars whose employers receive significant funding from the arms industry. Two commission members work at the Hudson Institute, which, according to its most recent annual report, received in excess of $500,000 from Pentagon contractors in 2022. This includes six-figure donations from some of the Pentagon's top contractors, including Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman and BAE Systems.On Monday, October 23, the Hudson Institute held an event to highlight the CCSPUS's report that included the two Hudson Institute employees who also served as commissioners. The event unabashedly promoted recommendations from the report that would be a financial windfall for Hudson's funders. The landing page for the event features a photo of a B-21 stealth bomber, the same photo used in the commission report that also recommended that the U.S. strategic nuclear posture be modified to "increase the planned number of B-21 bombers and tankers an expanded force would require."Neither at the event nor in the report is it noted that the plane's manufacturer, Northrop Grumman, is in the Hudson Institute's highest donor tier, contributing in excess of $100,000 in 2022.The Hudson Institute staff who served as commissioners did not respond to requests for comment.Another commissioner, Matthew Kroenig, is a vice-president at the Atlantic Council, a prominent DC think tank which, according to the organization's most recent annual report, is funded by several top Pentagon contractors, including Lockheed Martin, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon (now RTX), General Atomics, Saab and GM Defense. The Atlantic Council also receives more than $1 million a year directly from the Department of Defense and between $250,000 and $499,999 from the Department of Energy, which helps manage the nation's nuclear arsenal.These seeming conflicts of interest were not mentioned at any point in the CCSPUS's report or at an Atlantic Council event promoting the report and featuring the same photo of the B-21 used by the Hudson Institute and the commission.Kroenig did not respond to a request for comment.Even commissioners whose careers had included positions that were notably critical of nuclear weapons had recently established ties with firms that profit from the nuclear and conventional weapons industry.Commissioner Lisa Gordon-Hagerty worked for years at the pinnacle of nuclear weapons policy in the U.S., including positions on the national security council, the U.S. House of Representatives and the Department of Energy. She was also the director of the Federation of American Scientists, a non-profit organization known for advocating for reductions in nuclear weapons globally. Her last government position prior to joining the commission was serving as the head of the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA), which is responsible for military applications of nuclear science. She resigned from the post in 2020, allegedly after heated disagreements with the secretary of energy, who tried to cut NNSA funding.While much of her career is mentioned in the commission report, what's left out is that Gordon-Hagerty has also been cashing in on her nuclear expertise. After leaving the NNSA, in 2021 she joined the board and became director of strategic programs at Westinghouse Government Services, a nuclear weapons contractor that has been paid hundreds of millions of dollars for work with the Department of Defense and Department of Energy.Gordon-Hagerty did not respond to a request for comment.Like Gordon-Hagerty, fellow commissioner Leonor Tomero had a distinguished career at the highest levels of nuclear weapons policy. According to her bio in the commission report, she was the deputy assistant secretary of defense for nuclear and missile defense policy and served for over a decade on the House Armed Services Committee as counsel and strategic forces subcommittee staff lead, where her portfolio included the establishment of the U.S. space force, nuclear weapons, nuclear nonproliferation, nuclear cleanup, arms control and missile defense.Outside government, Tomero was Director of Nuclear non-proliferation at the Center for Arms Control and Non-Proliferation, an organization that has repeatedly called for reductions in the U.S. nuclear weapons arsenal. Tomero is also on the board of the Council for a Livable World, which explicitly states that its goal is to eliminate nuclear weapons.Yet, in September, Tomero became a vice president of government Relations at JA Green & Company, a lobbying firm whose client list includes a host of military contractors that could see revenues soar if the CCSPUS's recommendations are adopted. Space X, for example — which pays $50,000 every three months to JA Green for lobbying related to "issues related to national security space launch" — would probably benefit mightily from the commission recommendation that "the United States urgently deploy a more resilient space architecture and adopt a strategy that includes both offensive and defensive elements to ensure US access to and operations in space.""No clients of JA Green & Company sought to influence the work of the Commission or the Commission's recommendations in any way," said Jeffrey A Green, president of JA Green, in an email. "We follow all applicable ethics rules and there are no conflicts of interest."None of the potential conflicts of interest between commissioners' financial interests and the policy proposals laid out in their final report were disclosed by the CCSPUS itself within its final report or at any public event highlighting its findings.While many commissioners did not respond to requests for comment, the commission's executive director, William A Chambers, provided a statement on behalf of the CCSPUS and its members."Members of [the commission] were chosen and appointed by Members of Congress based on their national recognition and significant depth of experience in such professions as governmental service, law enforcement, the Armed Forces, law, public administration, intelligence gathering, commerce, or foreign affairs," wrote Chambers. "Before they began performing their role as Commissioners, they were instructed on the ethics rules that govern congressional entities and were required to comply with rules set forth by the Select Committee on Ethics of the Senate and the Committee on Ethics of the House of Representatives."Chambers did not respond to a request for a copy of the ethics rules.But the opacity about potential conflicts of interest leaves some experts questioning the CCSPUS's recommendations."There's a huge argument raging over what is security, how much does it rely on transparency and, especially when it comes to nuclear weapons, there is a call for greater transparency," said Snyder of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons. "That light they're asking to shine on China, North Korea and Iran is a light they also need to shine on their own decision-making."

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Las críticasEn el marco de este derrotero por el que ha pasado la tesis de la Paz Democrática, se han montado diversos ángulos de críticas hacia la misma. Una primera vertiente destaca la implausibilidad de las explicaciones que intentan dar cuenta de la supuesta "ley". Así por ejemplo se ha señalado que en momentos de crisis aún en las democracias se produce una reducción del tamaño en el círculo decisor final. O que los dirigentes de los estados no democráticos también enfrentan condicionamientos de índole institucional o por parte de grupos de poder a los que están vinculados. O, incluso, que la opinión pública no es necesariamente una fuerza pacificadora. Asimismo, una crítica de índole realista se refiere a la escasez histórica de democracias que se traduce en pocas oportunidades de conflicto (Peñas, 1997: 133).Otro ángulo ha sido la existencia de serios problemas en la recolección y clasificación de los datos que sustentan la tesis. Su génesis yace en buena medida en la definición de los dos conceptos centrales detrás de la idea de la Paz Democrática: la democracia y la guerra. Sobre el concepto de "democracia" se advierten importantes diferencias en los criterios constitutivos del mismo. ¿Qué es una democracia? ¿Qué rasgos la definen? ¿Cuál es su condición? ¿Son éstas frágiles? Además, existen discrepancias entre las bases de datos y/o bien calificaciones bastante arbitrarias como por ejemplo la consideración en la basePolity II de Francia entre los años 1981 y 1986 como una "anocracia", mientras que El Salvador de la misma época, enfrascado en una cruenta guerra civil sí figuraba como "democracia".En cuanto a las guerras, el criterio de selección de datos más aceptado fue el implementado por Small y Singer que consiste en catalogar como guerra internacional a un conflicto que involucra uno o más participantes estatales y que provoca un mínimo de mil víctimas. Esto excluye intervenciones violentas que causan menos víctimas, pero no por ello políticamente menos significativas o bien las operaciones encubiertas (Salomón, 2001: 247). Tampoco ésta conceptualización da cuenta de las tendencias más modernas en los conflictos internacionales, entre las que se destaca la caída relativa de las disputas interestatales frente a las intraestatales ). En definitiva, "[lo] que caracteriza a nuestros días no es la desaparición de la violencia del sistema internacional ni la ausencia del recurso a la fuerza por parte de los Estados, sino la disminución del número de guerras formalmente declaradas y el aumento de guerras de guerrillas, guerras a través de terceros, subversión interior de los Estados instigada por otros Estados, acciones encubiertas, etc., menos costosas y que no necesitan ser justificadas, por lo menos tanto como una declaración formal de guerra" (Peñas, 1997: 135). Asimismo, los estudios cuantitativos en general han olvidado distinguir entre agresores y agredidos, o también la medición de la intensidad de la guerra (determinar si las democracias causan más muertes que otros Estados). La tesis de la Paz Democrática a su vez no ha logrado dar respuesta a ciertas anomalías que denotan la existencia de variables perturbadoras. Una anomalía es la existencia de zonas de paz en regiones del mundo donde no todas las sociedades son democráticas, como es el caso de América del Sur. Otra es que la correlación entre paz y democracia es más fuerte en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial (Farber y Gowa, 1995). Este tipo de anomalías ha llevado a que explicaciones alternativas cobren fuerza. Entre estas, la más destacada es la teoría de Comunidades de Seguridad Pluralistas de Karl Deutsch (1957) que refiere a zonas donde sus miembros tienen la certeza de que sus disputas no se resolverán por medio de la fuerza. También se advierten reajustes y matizaciones de la tesis que debilitan su poder. Un ejemplo es la afirmación de Raymond Cohen (1994) de que la única conclusión razonables es que "los Estados democráticos del área del Atlántico Norte/Europa occidental, compartiendo una serie de circunstancias históricas particulares y una herencia cultural común, han evitado enfrentarse en una guerra" (en Peñas, 1997: 134). Asimismo, es posible encontrar evidencia en contra. Es el caso de la investigación de Charles Kegley y Margaret Hermann (1996) que arroja el interesante resultado de quince casos de intervención militar con uso de la fuerza, entre 1975 y 1995, por parte de democracias estables contra otras democracias estables, de las cuales ocho de ellas correspondían a intervenciones estadounidenses. Más recientemente, Thomas Schwartz y Kiron Skinner (2002: 160-161) identificaron un listado de conflictos que contrarían la tesis o están muy próximos a hacerlo y que hacen a lo que ellos llaman el "problema histórico" de la Paz Democrática:American Revolutionary War, 1775 (Great Britain vs. U.S.)Wars of French Revolution (democratic period), esp. 1793, 1795 (France vs. Great Britain)Quasi War, 1798 (U.S. vs. France)War of 1812 (U.S. vs. Great Britain)Texas War of Independence, 1835 (Texas vs. Mexico)Mexican War, 1846 (U.S. vs. Mexico)Roman Republic vs. France, 1849American Civil War, 1861 (Northern Union vs. Southern Confederacy)Ecuador-Columbia War, 1863Franco-Prussian War, 1870War of the Pacific, 1879 (Chile vs. Peru and Bolivia)Indian Wars, much of nineteenth century (U.S. vs. various Indian nations)Spanish-American War, 1898Boer War, 1899 (Great Britain vs. Transvaal and Orange Free State)World War I, 1914 (Germany vs. Great Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, and U.S.)Chaco War, 1932 (Paraguay vs. Bolivia)Ecuador-Peru, 1941Palestine War, 1948 (Israel vs. Lebanon)Dominican Invasion, 1967 (U.S. vs. Dominican Republic)Cyprus Invasion, 1974 (Turkey vs. Cyprus)Ecuador-Peru, 1981Nagorno-Karabakh, 1989 (Armenia vs. Azerbaijan)Yugoslav Wars, 1991 (Serbia and Bosnian-Serb Republic vs. Croatiaand Bosnia; sometimes Croatia vs. Bosnia)Georgia-Ossetia, 1991 (Georgia vs. South Ossetia)Georgia-Abkhazia, 1992 (Georgia vs. Abkhazia and allegedly Russia)Moldova-Dnestr Republic, 1992 (Moldova vs. Dnestr Republic and allegedly Russia)Chechen War of Independence, 1994 (Russia vs. Chechnya)Ecuador-Peru, 1995NATO-Yugoslavia, 1999India-Pakistan, 1999 Como se advierte, la teoría de la Paz Democrática se enfrenta a problemas tanto de índole empírica como de índole explicativa. Frente a este tipo de críticas, las reacciones se han dividido entre las defensivas (Maoz, 1997), las que han ignorado los hallazgos, las que han empezado a considerar otros factores (Russett, 1998) y las que se han dedicado a verificar su validez mediante estudios de casos (Elman, 1997). En definitiva, el debate ha sido prolífico y entre una de sus evoluciones más interesantes es la que ha recomendado evitar "las dicotomías simplistas y estudiar el mayor número posible de interacciones entre factores de conflicto internos e internacionales" (Salomón, 2001: 253).La materialización política de la Paz DemocráticaEn el contexto del "optimismo liberal" despertado por el colapso soviético y el fin de la guerra fría, la tesis de la Paz Democrática suscitó gran entusiasmo, sobre todo entre aquellos estudiosos de las Relaciones Internacionales que ansiaban acabar con la hegemonía retórica del realismo-neorrealismo en la disciplina. Como señala Peñas (1997: 130), "la gran virtud de esta tesis (…) es que en su discurso disuelve o reconcilia la escisión entre principios e intereses: una política de extensión de las democracias de libre mercado es a la vez una política éticamente justa y políticamente adecuada". Por tanto, el corolario político de la tesis de la Paz Democrática no es otro que la presunción de que el imperio de la paz y la cooperación internacionales requieren de la democratización de los Estados en el Sistema Internacional. Esto ha dado lugar al plano prescriptivo de los teóricos de la Paz Democrática. El más destacado en este sentido ha sido Russett al recomendar al gobierno en Washington la activa promoción democrática en base a las "pruebas sólidas de que las democracias no se hacen la guerra entre sí". Su propuesta se cuida de no alentar intervenciones militares unilaterales, sino apoyadas y legitimadas por organizaciones como la ONU o la OEA; y sus preceptos, en efecto, se materializaron durante la administración Clinton en la estrategia de Engagement y Enlargement ("compromiso y expansión"), en la que primacía global estadounidense, democracia y libre mercado caminaron de la mano.Pero lejos está de ser la Paz Democrática algo reciente o coyuntural en el discurso de política exterior de Estados Unidos. John Ikenberry sostiene que "[the] American preoccupation with promoting democracy abroad fits into a larger view about the sources of a stable, legitimate, secure, and prosperous international order. This outlook may not always be the chief guiding principle of policy, and it may sometimes lead to error. Still, it is a relatively coherent orientation rooted in the American political experience and American understandings of history, economics, and the sources of political stability" (Ikenberry, 1999). Sus orígenes políticos se remontan, claro es, a Woodrow Wilson quien en 1917 señaló: "A steadfast concert of peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants". De acuerdo con el análisis de Henry Kissinger (1995), Wilson retomó postulados ya volcados en su momento por Thomas Jefferson, a saber: a) que la misión especial de Estados Unidos trasciende la diplomacia cotidiana, y los obliga a servir como faro de libertad para el resto de la humanidad, y b) que la política exterior de las democracias es moralmente superior porque el pueblo es, en esencia, amante de la paz. Esta misma línea de argumentación fue bien visible en la prédica de Harry Truman sobre las naciones libres, en la visión maníquea del "Imperio del Mal" de Ronald Reagan y, además del mencionado Clinton, más recientemente en las administraciones Bush (h) y Obama, como puede verse en los siguientes extractos obtenidos de distintos documentos estratégicos. Estamos en presencia por tanto de una constante de política exterior estadounidense.A National Security Strategy for a New Century, October 1998."…We seek international support in helping strengthen democratic and free market institutions and norms in countries making the transition from closed to open societies. This commitment to see freedom and respect for human rights take hold is not only just, but pragmatic, for strengthened democratic institutions benefit the United States and the world" (p. 33).The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, September 2002."…We will (…) use our foreign aid to promote freedom and support those who struggle non-violently for it, ensuring that nations moving toward democracy are rewarded for the steps they take (…) [and we will] make freedom and the development of democratic institutions key themes in our bilateral relations, seeking solidarity andcooperation from other democracies while we press governments that deny human rights to move toward a better future" (p. 4).National Security Strategy, May 2010."… The United States supports the expansion of democracy and human rights abroad because governments that respect these values are more just, peaceful, and legitimate. We also do so because their success abroad fosters an environment that supports America's national interests. Political systems that protect universal rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. As our history shows, the United States can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in power" (p. 37).Esta prédica democrática, sin embargo, pareciera marchar a contramano de ciertas realidades. Señala Peñas, "la historia demuestra que las islas liberales no sólo han hecho la guerra por doquier, sino que además han sido responsables de un alto grado de militarización del mundo y han contribuido significativamente a la militarización y los conflictos entre los Estados no democráticos: esta militarización podría poner en peligro la paz democrática que el liberalismo propugna" (Peñas, 1997: 136). Estados Unidos, una de las democracias más importantes a nivel mundial (sino la más), posee en particular una historia reciente de retroalimentación entre militarización y conflictividad en el Tercer Mundo. Vale recordar, cómo a través de la CIA, Washington ayudó armar a la red al-Qaeda para combatir a la ocupación soviética de Afganistán en la década del '80, lo que a la postre generó una guerra civil en dicho país y el surgimiento de un importante enemigo en la figura de Osama Bin Laden, o bien el apoyo a Saddam Hussein durante la guerra irano-iraquí por aquellos mismos años en coexistencia casi paradojal con la venta encubierta de armamento a Irán —destinada a su vez a financiar la guerra sucia de los Contras nicaragüenses contra el gobierno revolucionario sandinista. La invasión a Iraq en marzo de 2003 y el posterior caos del país, también constituye un buen ejemplo del fracaso y los peligros que conlleva la aplicación de una retórica democrático-mesiánica a través de la manu militari.Ciertamente, el repaso de estos eventos despierta temores si se contempla el actual caso de Libia. Allí, la intervención bajo autorización del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas para frenar la crisis humanitaria en curso en el país, por iniciativa de Francia, Estados Unidos, Italia, Gran Bretaña y España (todas democracias), se ha convertido en una operación liderada por la OTAN, donde se está financiando y proveyendo a las fuerzas insurgentes opositoras a Kadafy y en la que el objetivo del cambio de régimen parece cada vez más claro (van Tijen, 2011). A pesar del importante despliegue de poder aéreo y naval, la balanza del conflicto parece no sólo equilibrada sino estancada, contrariando las expectativas iniciales de los mandos políticos y militares occidentales, lo que a su vez augura una potencial inestabilidad en el corto y mediano plazo para todo el Magreb. ¿Es esta la clase de escenario regional que desea la comunidad internacional? ¿Es esto lo que pretenden las principales democracias occidentales? Difícilmente.Resulta por tanto un desafío tan grande como imperioso el lograr romper con la trampa entre democracia, militarización y conflictividad en aumento. Más aún si se advierten datos tan desalentadores como el tamaño del gasto militar de Estados Unidos, el cual eclipsa el gasto correspondiente al resto de las potencias y regiones del planeta.Tal contrariedad entre discurso pacífico-democrático y los hechos, en parte, se explica porque el objetivo estadounidense de la difusión de la democracia liberal a nivel mundial no es el único que compone su política exterior. Existen otros intereses (de seguridad, económicos, poder, etc.) y los medios para conseguirlos no siempre son pacíficos, ni justificables. Desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la política exterior estadounidense ha oscilado entre métodos como la negociación, disuasión, unilateralismo y multilateralismo (Barceló Sasía, 2006: 64). En este marco, por momentos el discurso político de la Paz Democrática ha generado la impresión de actuar más como una mera justificación retórica, como un auxilio para encubrir ideológicamente motivaciones de otro orden, antes que como el verdadero leit motif de las acciones emprendidas.Reflexión finalEn definitiva, la Paz Democrática, la idea de que las democracias no guerrean entre sí, cuyo corolario nos dice que la construcción de estados democráticos promueve la estabilidad en las relaciones internacionales, resulta una sugestiva noción desprendida del Liberalismo cuya corroboración científica, a pesar de las frases pomposas que puedan emitirse sobre su certeza y fiabilidad, se encuentra aún en juego. Siendo una tesis por demás atractiva, defendida y cuestionada en el mundo académico, resulta aún más trascendente su estudio dada su cristalización fáctica como supuesto criterio guía en el comportamiento exterior de los Estados democráticos más poderosos a nivel internacional. Los dilemas que ello entraña no son menores, como los intentos recientes y actuales de "democratizar" Medio Oriente y el Mundo Árabe nos recuerdan. Dobles discursos —morales de doble-standard de acuerdo con la célebre crítica de Stanley Hoffman— parecen conjugar anhelos democráticos con intereses geopolíticos y/o geoeconómicos, o más bien encubrir estos últimos bajo el manto de los primeros. En el medio, se resuelven y dirimen en el tablero mundial las corrientes de cambio pacífico o revolucionario, de progreso democrático o de restauración autocrática, las viejas lógicas de poder, de conquista y de influencia, la estabilidad internacional, el porvenir de la guerra y las sombras de la paz. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). 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Eating habits develop during the first years of a child's life, children learn what, when, and how much to eat through direct experience with food and by observing the eating habits of others. The aim of this study is to get a clear picture of the Eating program Healthy, starting from the planning, implementation, supervision, and evaluation as a case study of nutrition education; to get information about the advantages, disadvantages and effects of implementing a healthy eating program for children. This research was conducted through a case study with qualitative data analysed using Miles and Huberman techniques. Sample of children in Ananda Islāmic School Kindergarten. The results showed the Healthy Eating program could be implemented well, the diet was quite varied and could be considered a healthy and nutritious food. The visible impact is the emotion of pleasure experienced by children, children become fond of eating vegetables, and make children disciplined and responsible. Inadequate results were found due to the limitations of an adequate kitchen for cooking healthy food, such as cooking activities still carried out by the cook himself at the Foundation's house which is located not far from the school place; use of melamine and plastic cutlery for food; the spoon and fork used already uses aluminium material but still does not match its size; does not involve nutritionists. Keywords: Early Childhood, Eating Healthy Program References: Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall. Bandura, Albert. (2004). Health promotion by social cognitive means. Health Education and Behavior, 31(2), 143–164. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198104263660 Battjes-Fries, M. C. E., Haveman-Nies, A., Renes, R. J., Meester, H. J., & Van'T Veer, P. (2015). Effect of the Dutch school-based education programme "Taste Lessons" on behavioural determinants of taste acceptance and healthy eating: A quasi-experimental study. Public Health Nutrition, 18(12), 2231–2241. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1368980014003012 Birch, L., Savage, J. S., & Ventura, A. (2007). Influences on the Development of Children's Eating Behaviours: From Infancy to Adolescence. Canadian Journal of Dietetic Practice and Research : A Publication of Dietitians of Canada = Revue Canadienne de La Pratique et de La Recherche En Dietetique : Une Publication Des Dietetistes Du Canada, 68(1), s1– s56. Retrieved from http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19430591%0Ahttp://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/a rticlerender.fcgi?artid=PMC2678872 Coulthard, H., Williamson, I., Palfreyman, Z., & Lyttle, S. (2018). Evaluation of a pilot sensory play intervention to increase fruit acceptance in preschool children. Appetite, 120, 609–615. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2017.10.011 Coulthard, Helen, & Sealy, A. (2017). Play with your food! Sensory play is associated with tasting of fruits and vegetables in preschool children. Appetite, 113, 84–90. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.appet.2017.02.003 Crain, W. C. (2005). Theories of development: Concepts and applications. Upper Saddle River: Pearson Prentice Hall. Dazeley, P., Houston-Price, C., & Hill, C. (2012). Should healthy eating programmes incorporate interaction with foods in different sensory modalities? A review of the evidence. British Journal of Nutrition, 108(5), 769–777. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007114511007343 Derscheid, L. E., Umoren, J., Kim, S. Y., Henry, B. W., & Zittel, L. L. (2010). Early childhood teachers' and staff members' perceptions of nutrition and physical activity practices for preschoolers. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 24(3), 248–265. https://doi.org/10.1080/02568543.2010.487405 Eliassen, E. K. (2011). The impact of teachers and families on young children's eating behaviors. YC Young Children, 66(2), 84–89. Elliott, E., Isaacs, M., & Chugani, C. (2010). 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Current Nutrition Reports, 6(2), 157–170. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13668-017-0202-1 Hoppu, U., Prinz, M., Ojansivu, P., Laaksonen, O., & Sandell, M. A. (2015). Impact of sensory- based food education in kindergarten on willingness to eat vegetables and berries. Food and Nutrition Research, 59, 1–8. https://doi.org/10.3402/fnr.v59.28795 Jarpe-Ratner, E., Folkens, S., Sharma, S., Daro, D., & Edens, N. K. (2016). An Experiential Cooking and Nutrition Education Program Increases Cooking Self-Efficacy and Vegetable Consumption in Children in Grades 3–8. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior, 48(10), 697-705.e1. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jneb.2016.07.021 Jones, A. M., & Zidenberg-Cherr, S. (2015). Exploring Nutrition Education Resources and Barriers, and Nutrition Knowledge in Teachers in California. Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior, 47(2), 162–169. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jneb.2014.06.011 Jung, T., Huang, J., Eagan, L., & Oldenburg, D. (2019). Influence of school-based nutrition education program on healthy eating literacy and healthy food choice among primary school children. International Journal of Health Promotion and Education, 57(2), 67–81. https://doi.org/10.1080/14635240.2018.1552177 Lwin, M. O., Malik, S., Ridwan, H., & Sum Au, C. S. (2017). Media exposure and parental mediation on fast-food consumption among children in metropolitan and suburban Indonesian. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 26(5), 899–905. https://doi.org/10.6133/apjcn.122016.04 Mc Kenna, & L, M. (2010). Policy Options to Support Healthy Eating in Schools. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 101(2), S14–S18. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF03405619 Menkes, R. PERATURAN MENTERI KESEHATAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA NOMOR 41 TAHUN 2014. , Menteri Kesehatan Republik Indonesia § (2014). Mitsopoulou, A. V., Magriplis, E., Dimakopoulos, I., Karageorgou, D., Bakogianni, I., Micha, R., . Zampelas, A. (2019). Association of meal and snack patterns with micronutrient intakes among Greek children and adolescents: data from the Hellenic National Nutrition and Health Survey. Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics, 32(4), 455–467. https://doi.org/10.1111/jhn.12639 Moffitt, A. (2019). Early Childhood Educators and the Development of Family Literacy Programs: A Qualitative Case Study. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 96. Retrieved from http://proxy.mul.missouri.edu/login?url=https://search.proquest.com/docview/2242479347 ?accountid=14576%0Ahttps://library.missouri.edu/findit?genre=dissertations+%26+theses &title=Early+Childhood+Educators+and+the+Development+of+Family+Literacy+Progra ms%3A+ Mustonen, S., & Tuorila, H. (2010). Sensory education decreases food neophobia score and encourages trying unfamiliar foods in 8-12-year-old children. Food Quality and Preference, 21(4), 353–360. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodqual.2009.09.001 Myszkowska-Ryciak, J., & Harton, A. (2019). Eating healthy, growing healthy: Outcome evaluation of the nutrition education program optimizing the nutritional value of preschool menus, Poland. Nutrients, 11(10), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.3390/nu11102438 Nekitsing, C., Hetherington, M. M., & Blundell-Birtill, P. (2018). Developing Healthy Food Preferences in Preschool Children Through Taste Exposure, Sensory Learning, and Nutrition Education. Current Obesity Reports, 7(1), 60–67. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13679- 018-0297-8 Noura, M. S. pd. (2018). Child nutrition programs in kindergarten schools implemented by the governmental sector and global nutrition consulting companies: A systematic review. Current Research in Nutrition and Food Science, 6(3), 656–663. https://doi.org/10.12944/CRNFSJ.6.3.07 Oh, S. M., Yu, Y. L., Choi, H. I., & Kim, K. W. (2012). Implementation and Evaluation of Nutrition Education Programs Focusing on Increasing Vegetables, Fruits and Dairy Foods Consumption for Preschool Children. Korean Journal of Community Nutrition, 17(5), 517. https://doi.org/10.5720/kjcn.2012.17.5.517 Osera, T., Tsutie, S., & Kobayashi, M. (2016). Using Soybean Products in School Lunch for Health Education may improve Children's Attitude and Guardians' Knowledge in Kindergarten. Journal of Child and Adolescent Behaviour, 04(05). https://doi.org/10.4172/2375-4494.1000310 Park, B. K., & Cho, M. S. (2016). Taste education reduces food neophobia and increases willingness to try novel foods in school children. Nutrition Research and Practice, 10(2), 221–228. https://doi.org/10.4162/nrp.2016.10.2.221 Pendidikan, K., & Kebudayaan, D. A. N. Menteri Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan Republik Indonesia Nomor 137 Tahun 2013 Tentang Standar Nasional Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini. , (2015). Prima, E., Yuliantina, I., Nurfadillah, Handayani, I., Riana, & Ganesa, R. eni. (2017). Layanan Kesehatan,Gizi dan Perawatan. Jakarta: Direktorat Pembinaan Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Anak Usia Dini dan Pendidikan Masyarakat Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Resor, J., Hegde, A. V., & Stage, V. C. (2020). Pre-service early childhood educators' perceived barriers and supports to nutrition education. Journal of Early Childhood Teacher Education, 00(00), 1–17. https://doi.org/10.1080/10901027.2020.1740841 Rizqie Aulianaca5804p200-169314. (2011). Gizi Seimbang Dan Makanan Sehat Untuk Anak Usia Dini. Journal of Nutrition and Food Research, 2(1), 1–12. Retrieved from http://staff.uny.ac.id/sites/default/files/pengabdian/rizqie-auliana-dra-mkes/gizi-seimbang- dan-makanan-sehat-untuk-anak-usia-dini.pdf Sandell, M., Mikkelsen, B. E., Lyytikäinen, A., Ojansivu, P., Hoppu, U., Hillgrén, A., & Lagström, H. (2016). Future for food education of children. Futures, 83, 15–23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2016.04.006 Schanzenbach, D. W., & Thorn, B. (2019). Food Support Programs and Their Impacts on Young Children. Health Affairs, (march). Retrieved from https://www.healthaffairs.org/briefs Schmitt, S. A., Bryant, L. M., Korucu, I., Kirkham, L., Katare, B., & Benjamin, T. (2019). The effects of a nutrition education curriculum on improving young children's fruit and vegetable preferences and nutrition and health knowledge. Public Health Nutrition, 22(1), 28–34. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1368980018002586 Sekiyama, M., Roosita, K., & Ohtsuka, R. (2012). Snack foods consumption contributes to poor nutrition of rural children in West Java, Indonesia. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 21(4), 558–567. https://doi.org/10.6133/apjcn.2012.21.4.11 Sepp, H., & Ho, K. (2016). Food as a tool for learning in everyday activities at preschool exploratory study from Sweden. Food & Nurtition Research, 1, 1–7. Shor, R., & Friedman, A. (2009). 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Conflicto, Consenso y diversidadLas sociedades políticas poseen distintos niveles de conflicto, consenso y disenso. El conflicto supone la abierta disputa entre dos o mas expresiones por una cuestión particular, debido a la existencia de visiones contrapuestas. El consenso supone el acuerdo entre dos o mas fuerzas políticas sobre una o un conjunto de medidas específicas. El disenso se encuentra a mitad de camino entre el conflicto y el consenso y supone una condición donde dos o mas fuerzas no han alcanzado un acuerdo pero no han transformado la disidencia en una puja abierta que se dirimirá eventualmente en un juego de suma cero.Sin embargo, el disenso puede dividirse en dos vertientes, que significan dos visiones analíticas distintas, en alguna medida opuestas. Por un lado, el disenso es la antesala del conflicto y supone que los actores involucrados se encuentran dispuestos a confrontar en el mediano plazo con la otra parte para lograr imponer su visión. Por otro lado, tenemos un disenso civilizado o diversidad. La diversidad no solo no genera un problema a la polis sino que la enriquece al brindarle visiones distintas sobre un mismo problema o cuestión.Si bien los niveles de consenso son importantes y los niveles de conflicto inevitables, debemos marcar la relevancia política y social que poseen los disensos civilizados o diversidad en la posibilidad de desarrollo de las naciones. En este sentido, es analíticamente relevante mencionar que el camino al desarrollo está compuesto tanto de altos niveles de consenso como de crecientes niveles de diversidad. ¿Cúal es una característica política y analítica central de la diversidad? La de actuar como un mecanismo de peso y contrapeso ante los poderes políticos constituidos. Siguiendo a Hayek, podemos pensar que la diversidad es aquella forma del disenso que supone un mecanismo espontáneo de control sobre el sistema político y económico imperante (1).La experiencia contemporánea mas significativa es la Unión Europea o la idea de Europa. Si bien en un principio ha sido pensada como un mecanismo político para lograr evitar futuros enfrentamientos entre países históricamente beligerantes, la Unión Europea ha devenido una construcción donde su principal significado y fortaleza descansa en la diversidad de las partes. Al devenir diversas, las partes (naciones y regiones) se complementan y controlan entre si. Este mecanismo de control no había sido pensado por ninguno de los constructores de la Unión, por lo que ha sido un mecanismo espontáneo generado por un devenir imposible de dirigir por ninguna persona o grupo de personas.La Unión Europea o idea de Europa ha construido su fortaleza en una comunidad política donde se suceden conflictos, consensos y disensos. Los disensos son las diversas expresiones que los distintos modus vivendi tienen para expresar su singularidad. Desde ese fortalecimiento de la singularidad es desde donde se ha consolidado la idea de Europa. Por ejemplo, la búsqueda de una Constitución común fue un intento de alcanzar un consenso sobre un conjunto amplio de valores y condiciones (2). Hasta el momento no ha prosperado. Esta imposibilidad o dificultad de consenso sirve como ejemplo para graficar que la fortaleza de la idea de Europa descansa no solo en el consenso sino, principalmente, en el disenso (crecientemente) civilizado que significa la diversidad. Desde esta perspectiva analítica, podemos pensar que mientras mayor sea la diversidad o disenso civilizado, mayor será la fortaleza de la experiencia europea.Por su parte, en la búsqueda del consenso y diversidad qua ha significado la idea de Europa, podemos citar una reflexión que el economista Dani Rodrik toma de Bob Kuttner: "Reading Adam Smith in Copenhagen -- the center of the small, open, and highly successful Danish economy -- is a kind of out-of-body experience. On the one hand, the Danes are passionate free traders. They score well in the ratings constructed by pro-market organizations. The World Economic Forum's Global Competitiveness Index ranks Denmark third (en el año 2008), just behind the United States and Switzerland. Denmark's financial markets are clean and transparent, its barriers to imports minimal, its labor markets the most flexible in Europe, its multinational corporations dynamic and largely unmolested by industrial policies, and its unemployment rate of 2.8 (2008) percent the second lowest in the OECD (the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). On the other hand, Denmark spends about 50 percent of its GDP on public outlays and has the world's second-highest tax rate, after Sweden; strong trade unions; and one of the world's most equal income distributions. For the half of GDP that they pay in taxes, the Danes get not just universal health insurance but also generous child-care and family-leave arrangements, unemployment compensation that typically covers around 95 percent of lost wages, free higher education, secure pensions in old age, and the world's most creative system of worker retrainingDoes Denmark have some secret formula that combines the best of Adam Smith with the best of the welfare state? Is there something culturally unique about the open-minded Danes? Can a model like the Danish one survive as a social democratic island in a turbulent sea of globalization, where unregulated markets tend to swamp mixed economic systems? What does Denmark have to teach the rest of the industrial world? . The answers are complex and often counterintuitive." (2)La pregunta de Kuttner no solo involucra a Dinamarca sino a Escandinavia. La complementación entre una economía de mercado que asigna los recursos y un Estado de Bienestar que se ocupa de universalizar los beneficios de esa asignación en forma eficiente (4) revela que determinados mecanismos no solo no son incompatibles sino que potencian las distintas virtudes. Las cohesionadas sociedades escandinavas son eficientes porque presuponen universalidad y, en parte, aspiran a la universalidad porque son eficientes asignando recursos. Es un círculo virtuoso entre mercado y estado. Por su parte, no es transferible a otros arreglos institucionales porque, siguiendo a Hayek, en esa virtuosa complementación hay información tácita que solo poseen las partes involucradas y que no pueden transmitir aunque quisieran.Podemos detallar un ejemplo donde el mercado funciona asignando y el Estado funciona universalizando eficientemente. Suecia posee un sistema de salud con cobertura universal. Todas las personas tienen derecho a una atención medica de alta calidad. Sin embargo, después de la crisis de la moneda sueca en 1992 fue necesario reformar un Estado de Bienestar que había devenido anquilosado y burocrático. Paso seguido, dentro del sistema de salud se concilió la aspiración igualitaria y universal con la aparición del derecho de las personas a elegir donde atenderse. Las personas poseen un voucher que es igual para todos. Nadie puede decidir pagar mas para obtener una mejor atención y cada uno puede elegir donde atenderse. Mientras todas las personas son iguales ante el sistema de salud, ninguna institución médica o ministerio tiene el monopolio sobre un sector o grupo. La búsqueda de igualdad y la búsqueda de libertad se complementan aquí de manera virtuosa. Mas aún, el ejemplo es relevante porque la introducción de la libre elección ha sido un mecanismo que ha contribuido, después de una crisis, a fortalecer al Estado de Bienestar o Welfare State en lugar de debilitarlo (3).En plabras de Kuttner: "With appropriate caveats, Danish ideas can indeed be instructive for other nations grappling with the enduring dilemma of how to reconcile market dynamism with social and personal security. Yet Denmark's social compact is the result of a century of political conflict and accommodation that produced a consensual style of problem solving that is uniquely Danish. It cannot be understood merely as a technical policy fix to be swallowed whole in a different cultural or political context. Those who would learn from Denmark must first appreciate that social models have to grow in their own political soil." (5)Elogio de la socialdemocracia¿Desde dónde se puede elogiar y defender una ideología política? Por un lado, obviamente, desde esa misma ideología. Sin embargo, es posible hacerlo también desde otra concepción ideológica. Por ejemplo, podemos defender y elogiar las virtudes de la socialdemocracia desde el liberalismo. Una defensa de la socialdemocracia supone compartir determinados principios. Ello no solo supone que entre las dos corrientes políticas podamos encontrar puntos de acuerdo. Supone en cambio que cuando se rescata a la socialdemocracia desde el liberalismo (y, eventualmente, al liberalismo desde la socialdemocracia) estamos analíticamente preguntándonos si además de los puntos en común podemos construir o re-encontrar nuevas empatías.Si tenemos dos concepciones políticas A y B, podemos encontrar en C puntos en común. Sin embargo, un elogio de la socialdemocracia desde el liberalismo supondría el intento analítico de construir D. Mas aún, aspiraría analíticamente a construir sucesivos Ds. Primero, ¿Cómo definimos C? Como aquel ámbito o lugar político que es una mera concesión entre partes producto de una negociación entre actores con intereses diversos y opuestos. ¿Cómo definimos D? Como aquel espacio político y analítico que no responde a una negociación ni tácita ni explícita entre A y B sino que es la construcción (que puede o no comprender a C) de un ámbito anteriormente inexistente. Ex ante, no era posible prever su hipotética existencia. En este sentido, D podría pensarse como un ámbito producto de un orden espontaneo. Es decir, un elogio de A a B no solo contribuye a encontrar un punto C (o sucesivos Cs) sino es el camino para construir D y sucesivos Ds. En este sentido, el elogio de la socialdemocracia desde el liberalismo (o del liberalismo desde la socialdemocracia) supone la ventaja analítica de superar un statu quo que solo concibe la construcción de consensos alrededor de C.Es necesario marcar que la aparición de D solo es posible cuando el diálogo entre A y B no solo se hace desde los puntos en común de dos ideologías sino desde el elogio analítico de una a otra y, como mencionamos, de ésta a aquella. Es decir, mientras C es un lugar neutro donde distintas concepciones pueden coincidir episódicamente, D y sucesivos Ds son ámbitos comunes donde las partes no solo toleran la diferencia del otro sino donde comprenden y celebran esas diferencias. La celebración de las diferencias no es un romanticismo tardío de la filosofía política contemporánea. En cambio, refleja la parte principal de la idea de Europa.Para la mayoría, la vida política real supone una continua tensión entre intereses complejos, diversos y opuestos. Si bien aceptamos como válida esta premisa, podemos pensar un ámbito D donde la confrontación disminuye (sin desaparecer) porque su aparición corresponde a una forma inédita de dialogo entre concepciones políticas distintas. Como mencionamos, mientras el clásico diálogo político entre A y B se traduce en sucesivos Cs, un elogio de la socialdemocracia desde el liberalismo abre las puertas analíticas y políticas para la aparición de D y sucesivos Ds.Sin embargo, una concepción política que celebra las virtudes de otras concepciones no solo tiene que tener un respeto por la democracia sino un compromiso con alguna forma de la democracia liberal. El encuentro analítico clásico entre la socialdemocracia y el liberalismo se ha dado en los matices que contienen y definen a la libertad y a la igualdad. Las expresiones socialdemócratas y liberales contemporáneas europeas han encontrado una forma de convivencia en la construcción de los alcances y los limites al Estado de Bienestar o Welfare State. Esta convivencia es en momentos virtuosa y en otros momentos problemática. Este elogio de la socialdemocracia desde el liberalismo descansa en parte en el intento de rescatar una coincidencia analítica básica entre ambas tradiciones: la libertad y la igualdad como concepciones esencialmente complementarias y mutuamente necesarias.(1) Ver el clásico trabajo de Hayek, "The Constitution of Liberty", publicado por University of Chicago Press en 1960.(2) El filosofo alemán Jurgen Habermas reflexiona en una difundida entrevista sobre el proyecto y la identidad europea. Ver http://www.signandsight.com/features/1265.html. Por su parte, Habermas también ha escrito sobre la necesidad de una Constitución Europea en http://www.signandsight.com/features/1265.html(3) Rodrik, Dani, tomado de Tomado de Kuttner, Robert: "The Copenhagen Consensus. Reading Adam Smith in Denmark" Foreign Affairs, Marzo/abril 2008. A su vez, para una discusión sobre los beneficios del modelo nórdico para la Europa Continental, se pueden encontrar una variedad de papers en http://www.ces.fas.harvard.edu/conferences/nordic/nordic_papers.html(4) El economista chileno radicado en Suecia Maurico Rojas explica parte de esta dinámica en "Beyond the Welfare State: Sweden and the quest for a post-industrial welfare model". Timbro. 2001(5) Kuttner, Robert. Trabajo citado. *Profesor Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.