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The article concerns the problem of the crisis of utopia. Many philosophers and social scientists speak about "the death of utopia". This opinion is closely related to the theory of "the end of ideology", which was very popular after World War II. Researchers often show that great projects envisaging a radical transformation of society have revealed their destructive power. Moreover, contemporary culture, and especially post-modernist philosophy place emphasis on the temporariness, instability and "liquidity" of the scheme of social life. So they leave no room for the constitutive elements of utopian thinking: the overall and enduring projects of the construction of a perfect social order. The article poses the basic question: are utopian ideas completely absent from the post-modernist vision of society, or do those ideas assume a different character? The author shows some elements of utopian thinking existing at the level of individual culture. Utopia in its traditional sense has completely disappeared. This does not mean, however, that there is no form of utopian reflection in contemporary post-modernist society. It appears in a completely new form: the search for a perfect social order has been replaced by a multitude of various ways of looking for a perfect life in the individual dimension.

This article reviews four recent books on balancing and the balance of power. Both in isolation and when taken together, they provide strong analytical and empirical warrants against the proposition that balance of power equilibria represent the "normal condition" or "natural tendency" of international relations. They also reflect the growing dissensus among realists concerning how to conceptualize and operationalize the key concept of "balancing."The author argues that their analysis implies a tripartite distinction between balance of power theory, theories of power balances, and theories of balancing. Recognizing this distinction undermines many objections to expanding the concept of balancing to include "nontraditional" variants, but it also helps elucidate why we should eschew describing nontraditional balancing through the language of hard and soft balancing.Even a more expansive conception of balancing, however, fails to insulate balance of power theory against mounting disconfirming evidence. While one might be able to salvage a "weak" variant of balance of power theory, realists are probably better off adopting a more nuanced and comprehensive approach to power-political competition. The entire field would benefit from treating "balancing" and the "balance of power" as objects of inquiry in their own right, rather than as the province of realist theory.

As capitalist globalization intensifies, recent discussion of citizenship has sought to decouple citizenship from its traditionally close association with the nation-state. Scholars have proposed "multicultural citizenship" and "multiple citizenship" as alternative concepts. The former is premised on the idea that the nation-state contains a degree of plurality that allows migrants to retain their cultural identity provided they adhere to the state's political norms. The latter underscores the need to separate citizenship from limiting cultural identities and loyalties, and argues that multiple citizenship and multicultural citizenship are incompatible. This paper agrees with the ideal of multiple citizenship and shows how multiculturalism can be co-opted without changing the substantive and formal rights of citizenship for immigrants. However, the author argues that the ideal of multiple citizenship and the concept of multicultural citizenship are not inherently incompatible. Based on the experience of empowering women who migrate to Taiwan through marriage, this paper illustrates how the concept of "multicultural citizenship" can be used as a narrative strategy to challenge Taiwan's exclusionary model of citizenship, paving the way to move towards the ideal of a more inclusive multiple citizenship.

En este artículo, el autor se propone articular los temas del establecimiento del orden social, por un lado, y la constitución de los sujetos políticos, por otro, a la luz de autores como Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt, Ernesto Laclau, Jacques Rancière, Cornelius Castoriadis y Claude Lefort. A partir de ello, el trabajo analiza el significado de las categorías de lo político, la política, lo social, la sociedad (orden social) y los sujetos políticos. ; In this article, the author proposes to join together the themes of the establishment of social order on one side, and the constitution of the politicians on the other, taking guidance from authors like Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt, Ernesto Laclau, Jacques Ranciére, Cornelius Castoriadis and Claude Lefort. Starting from this, the essay analyzes the significance of the categories of the political, politics, social, society (social order) and politicians. ; Documento incorporado en 2018 en el marco del "Programa de becas de experiencia laboral" de la Biblioteca Profesor Guillermo Obiols para estudiantes de Bibliotecología, a partir de un procedimiento técnico de captura de datos desarrollado por el personal del IdIHCS. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

This paper conducts an in-depth analysis of the impacts of the global financial crisis on the People's Republic of China's (PRC's) small and medium enterprises (SMEs). It also provides relevant policy suggestions at the end. First, this paper reviews the impacts of the 1997 Asian financial crisis on the PRC's SMEs, evaluating the policy measures for coping with the crisis at that time and summarizing the relevant experiences. Second, it analyzes the impacts of the current global financial crisis on the PRC's SMEs, focusing the discussion on the causes of and resulting problems from SME' shrinking export markets via reduced export orders, rising operating costs, decreased efficiency, increased shutdowns, sharply rising unemployment, weakened investment confidence, broken lines of funding, and reduced resources. Third, the paper makes a preliminary analysis of the countermeasures taken by the government of the PRC, focusing on its support policies for SMEs and the problems exhibited in the implementation of those policies. Finally, the author makes policy suggestions for boosting the development of SMEs and puts forward relevant measures in the context of an SME credit guarantee, the expansion of financing institutions and channels, tax reductions, the improvement of service systems, and strengthening SMEs' self-construction mechanisms.

This essay explores the proposition that China and Vietnam represent a fourth class route to modern nationhood, in addition to the ethnic (German), civic (French) and plural (American) routes. Nation-states emerging along the class route are characterised by an exclusive membership based on social class rather than just ethnicity, living under the same laws or participation in liberation from foreign rule. The essay compares China's and Vietnam's class-based nationalism with the more inclusive labour movement nationalisms of Norway and Cyprus. Then it explains how the class route differs from the French civic route. In the conclusion, the author concedes that the Chines and Vietnamese class route is perhaps a detour rather than a route of its own, since it leads to the inevitable tension between the divisive history of how the nation was formed and the need of its later leaders to include and represent the same social classes that were originally excluded. These leaders and their national storytellers are forced to undertake a redefinition of the national self as ethnic, civic and/or plural in an attempt to recreate national legitimacy, often in competition with more radically nationalist opposition groups. (Nations and Nationalism)

In apologetic work below author compares the ideal types of secular ideology (being understood as superstition) and religious one (as faith in God), showing a competitive and conflictual nature of their interaction. The article demonstrates ideological and moral bankruptcy of secular worldview, his apophatic, negative pathos of pseudo freedom from one's duties and relations, and, as a result, from the meaning and true value of human life.The purpose of this document is to criticize the theology of political correctness, i.e. attempts to soften the adherence to Biblical principles of moral evaluation of the atheistic way of life, as well to criticize the false spirituality of New Age movement that would return a civilized consumer to the pagan deification of human instincts.Separation of Church and State, bought with the lives of thousands of Protestants, is one of the major achievements of Modern time. Solving the problem of moral degradation of society lies not in the reduction of the space of freedom like it was in the medieval Catholic Europe, but in the following moral precepts of the Gospel by the Church, not the short-term political order, albeit with a religious tinge, and the continued execution of the Great Commission.

Actes publiés en avril 2010 par l'Université Panteion. ISBN 978-960-6746-05-5. ; International audience ; Major developments occurred in the French law. As new medias, breaking down limits between the positions of author and reader, subject and object, open new democratical and cultural spheres? ; À l'occasion de la convergence des médias, des évolutions majeures sont apparues dans le droit français et dans le rapport du gouvernement aux institutions judiciaires. La question de la pénalisation des usages gratuits des produits culturels est évidemment au cœur des débats parlementaires, comme dans les autres pays européens. Cette question est peut-être d'autant plus sensible en France que la défense des industries culturelles nationales a largement mis en avant leur dimension culturelle contre leur dimension marchande. L'émergence d'inspirations juridiques directement liées à l'actualité, à l'information diffusée par la télévision, et à ses logiques rhétoriques propres, pose la question de la légitimité même des constructions juridiques. Cette question est d'autant plus sensible au pays de l'Esprit des lois. Les nouveaux médias, en décloisonnant les positions d'auteur et de spectateur, ouvrent-ils de nouveaux espaces démocratiques et culturels, ou l'inquiétude, face à cette ouverture, ne sert-elle qu'à justifier la contention d'institutions inadaptées ?

Actes publiés en avril 2010 par l'Université Panteion. ISBN 978-960-6746-05-5. ; International audience ; Major developments occurred in the French law. As new medias, breaking down limits between the positions of author and reader, subject and object, open new democratical and cultural spheres? ; À l'occasion de la convergence des médias, des évolutions majeures sont apparues dans le droit français et dans le rapport du gouvernement aux institutions judiciaires. La question de la pénalisation des usages gratuits des produits culturels est évidemment au cœur des débats parlementaires, comme dans les autres pays européens. Cette question est peut-être d'autant plus sensible en France que la défense des industries culturelles nationales a largement mis en avant leur dimension culturelle contre leur dimension marchande. L'émergence d'inspirations juridiques directement liées à l'actualité, à l'information diffusée par la télévision, et à ses logiques rhétoriques propres, pose la question de la légitimité même des constructions juridiques. Cette question est d'autant plus sensible au pays de l'Esprit des lois. Les nouveaux médias, en décloisonnant les positions d'auteur et de spectateur, ouvrent-ils de nouveaux espaces démocratiques et culturels, ou l'inquiétude, face à cette ouverture, ne sert-elle qu'à justifier la contention d'institutions inadaptées ?

State power legitimacy is a contributor to the modern politico-legal discourse, particularly now in the context of both international arena global reformations and state power institutions reforms in particular state. Existing changes in political sphere have set a specific range of tasks before law practice and science connected with the necessity of research in the matter of state legitimating mechanism, its formation, functioning and development. The entire understanding of the matter is impossible without studying its separate aspects namely classification and typology of state power legitimacy. The article analyses the positions of international and domestic scientists on the subject of state power legitimacy. It also inquires into the matters of theoretical and applied aspects of understanding of the problem as a fundamental category and institute of modern statehood. «The author offers classification and typology of state power legitimacy and concludes with reference to the researching phenomenon in the context of application in state and society relations. Multi-topic surveys on declared subject will allow to determine the main directions for the development of science in regard to classification and typology of state power legitimacy in order to form a clear view of this state-legal category.

Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.

In this article from subaltern perspective, the author studies the impact of Pauline perception and praxis on ministries. He asserts that the conflicts and opportunities presently encountered by the people, especially of the subaltern sectors in our country, are multifaceted. The diagnostic framework for grappling with these complex issues could be evolved through the following three snapshots: (1) Universalist Outlook Vs. Par- ticularist Outlook (2) Institutional Authority Vs. Charismatic Authority (3) Accumulation of Power Vs Democratisation of Power. The people of God, as the very living extension of the murdered but Risen body of the Eucharistic Lord with the self-emptying spirit unto death, are none but the community-building community thrown amidst conflict-rid­ den situations with historical uncertainties. Their role is to function as the members of the enlivening God of history in bringing out the fullness of life as envisaged by the same very Lord of history. Whatever be one's identity, status, birth or opportunity, each of the members of the battered and fragmented body of Christ has to be incorporated as the harmoniously integrated body of Christ as a unified and living cosmotheandric organism of Christ. This leads from Fragmentation to genuine Communion.

Este artículo pretende hacer un paralelo entre algunos aspectos de los sistemas de regionalización en Colombia y España, particularmente en los aspectos fiscales. En el caso colombiano se construyen algunos escenarios financieros que tratan de estimar el efecto fiscal de las recientes reformas al SGP y se resalta el carácter fuertemente centralista del proceso de regionalización colombiano. Con relación a España se describen los mecanismos institucionales que rigen el sistema de financiación autonómico, su naturaleza cuasi federal y particularmente, el papel del proceso autonómico en el retorno de España a la democracia. ABSTRACT:The purpose of this article is to make a comparison between the process of regionalization in Colombia and Spain, focusing on the fiscal aspects of them. Regarding the first country, the author makes some financial scenarios in order to quantify the effect of recent reforms to SGP and stresses the huge centralized nature of colombian process. Analyzing the second country, it tries to describe the institutional mechanism that rule the spanish system of regionalization, his quasi federal nature and his relationship with the political process and particularly, the role of autonomic process in the Spanish return to democracy.

Actes publiés en avril 2010 par l'Université Panteion. ISBN 978-960-6746-05-5. ; International audience ; Major developments occurred in the French law. As new medias, breaking down limits between the positions of author and reader, subject and object, open new democratical and cultural spheres? ; À l'occasion de la convergence des médias, des évolutions majeures sont apparues dans le droit français et dans le rapport du gouvernement aux institutions judiciaires. La question de la pénalisation des usages gratuits des produits culturels est évidemment au cœur des débats parlementaires, comme dans les autres pays européens. Cette question est peut-être d'autant plus sensible en France que la défense des industries culturelles nationales a largement mis en avant leur dimension culturelle contre leur dimension marchande. L'émergence d'inspirations juridiques directement liées à l'actualité, à l'information diffusée par la télévision, et à ses logiques rhétoriques propres, pose la question de la légitimité même des constructions juridiques. Cette question est d'autant plus sensible au pays de l'Esprit des lois. Les nouveaux médias, en décloisonnant les positions d'auteur et de spectateur, ouvrent-ils de nouveaux espaces démocratiques et culturels, ou l'inquiétude, face à cette ouverture, ne sert-elle qu'à justifier la contention d'institutions inadaptées ?

RESUMEN: El autor generaliza, a partir del caso colombiano y cubano, las dificultades y contradicciones de la política exterior común europea, salvo cuando sus acciones políticas se dirigen hacia América Latina, y cuando el eje de una decisión está orientada hacia una postura errónea de Estados Unidos, especialmente si es perjudicial para los intereses colectivos de la Unión Europea y/o de alguno de los Estados miembros. A su vez, bajo el marco de las relaciones internacionales, describe los retos políticos a los que se enfrentan estos países: transición y consolidación de la democracia, respectivamente.ABSTRACT: The author generalizes, from the cases of Colombia and Cuba, the difficulties and contradictions of Europe's common foreign policy, except when its political actions are directed toward Latin America and when the axis of a decision is oriented towards an erroneous posture of the United States, especially if it is prejudicial for the collective interests of the European Union and/or some of its member States. At the same time, within a framework of international relations, the paper describes the political challenges that these countries face: democratic transition and consolidation, respectively.