Suchergebnisse

El 98 cubano representa un fenómeno que encierra causas y consecuencias que entremezclan una heterogeneidad de factores a saber, políticos, culturales, económicos, etc. Estos pueden ser mirados a partir de varias escalas que ellos mismo proyectan (local, regional, nacional, continental, internacional). En este sentido, el presente artículo se sumerge en un estudio de tipo historiográfico que inserta al 98 cubano en un plano internacional para luego focalizarlo desde su internalidad. Consideramos entonces, una mirada que va desde lo macro a lo micro. ; The Cuban 98 represents a phenomenon which encloses causes and consequences, mixing a variety of factors: political, economic and cultural, among others. These can be seen using diverse scales they themselves project (local, regional, national, continental, international). This article is a historiographic study that inserts Cuban 98 on an international plane to then focus on its internality. The study considers a view that goes from the macro to the micro. ; Fil: Gallegos, Claudio Antonio. Universidad Nacional del Sur; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

En 1919, l'Alliance coopérative internationale fait part à Albert Thomas, directeur général du Bureau international du travail, de son désir de voir l'Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) comprendre des représentants des organisations coopératives de chaque pays, au même titre, que les États et les syndicats ouvriers et patronaux. À peine l'OIT est-elle créée et son tripartisme célébré comme une innovation majeure qu'ils sont donc remis en cause. Cet article examine les conditions de l'éviction du mouvement coopératif de l'OIT, la revendication du mouvement coopératif international pour une « représentation directe et séparée » au sein de l'organisation ainsi que la mise en place de dispositifs, entre 1919 et 1948, qui aboutissent à créer une relation consultative entre lui et l'OIT avant l'obtention du statut consultatif proprement dit.

This anthology gathers Giuseppe Mazzini's most important essays on democracy, nation building, and international relations, including some that have never before been translated into English. These neglected writings remind us why Mazzini was one of the most influential political thinkers of the nineteenth century--and why there is still great benefit to be derived from a careful analysis of what he had to say. Mazzini (1805-1872) is best known today as the inspirational leader of the Italian Risorgimento.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- List of Abbreviations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 Global Value Chain & -- Changes in the Nature of the Firm -- 2 Petroleum Value Chain & -- Its Transformation -- 3 Impact of the Changes on the IOC-OSC Relationship -- 4 Case Studies: IOC & -- OSC Relationship in Selected Sectors -- 5 Conclusion -- Appendix: Research Methodology -- Index.

"The paper critically addresses some of the existing theoretical gaps within constructivist norm research and proposes an analytical framework for capturing and analysing non-linear variation in states' normative positioning. The study then examines the various stances Russia has been selectively adopting in the process of its internalisation, contestation and revision of the international election observation norm throughout 2000-2012. The analysis reveals that until recently Russia had been primarily adopting a 'reformist' rather than 'revolutionary' stance, - only episodically questioning the norm's legitimacy and avoiding open violations -, and stresses the importance of non-material constraints on normative revisionism." (author's abstract)

On July 14–19 this year, the next, 17th Symposium of Dostoevsky International Society will take place in Boston, Massachusetts, USA. This paper is an analytical review of this academic forum dedicated to the study of one of the most remarkable Russian writers by various researchers globally.

Despite the apparent consensus that European Union (EU) normative power embodies a Kantian cosmopolitan approach to world politics, such a consensus is typically presupposed by scholars, rather than being critically examined by them. By offering macro-historical reflections, this article argues that EU normative power deviates from the Kantian cosmopolitan ideal and in fact replicates the Hobbesian logic of normative homogenization. Renouncing the medieval Vatican's ambition to construct a united Europe anchored in uniform normativity, Kantian theory celebrates multiple normalcy as the basis for human freedom, perpetual peace, and mutual transformation. In contrast, Hobbesian theory is driven by the conviction that a peaceful value-based community could be built only through normative homogenization, behavioural conformism, and moral unity. In Hobbesian theory, the Leviathan exercises a transformative power to socialize others, eliminate discords, and build a commonwealth through norm diffusion and public education. In this vein, the EU's aspiration to build a normatively homogenous Europe seems to reflect Hobbes's vision of normative unity, rather than Kant's vision of cosmopolitan diversity. Should the EU aspire to pursue a cosmopolitan foreign policy, it needs to pay more attention to the power-political implications of its drive toward normative homogenization and shift its focus from socialization to mutual transformation.

Despite the apparent consensus that European Union (EU) normative power embodies a Kantian cosmopolitan approach to world politics, such a consensus is typically presupposed by scholars, rather than being critically examined by them. By offering macro-historical reflections, this article argues that EU normative power deviates from the Kantian cosmopolitan ideal and in fact replicates the Hobbesian logic of normative homogenization. Renouncing the medieval Vatican's ambition to construct a united Europe anchored in uniform normativity, Kantian theory celebrates multiple normalcy as the basis for human freedom, perpetual peace, and mutual transformation. In contrast, Hobbesian theory is driven by the conviction that a peaceful value-based community could be built only through normative homogenization, behavioural conformism, and moral unity. In Hobbesian theory, the Leviathan exercises a transformative power to socialize others, eliminate discords, and build a commonwealth through norm diffusion and public education. In this vein, the EU's aspiration to build a normatively homogenous Europe seems to reflect Hobbes's vision of normative unity, rather than Kant's vision of cosmopolitan diversity. Should the EU aspire to pursue a cosmopolitan foreign policy, it needs to pay more attention to the power-political implications of its drive toward normative homogenization and shift its focus from socialization to mutual transformation.

Connects the background ideas of race and empire to world politics Uses case of Truman and Attlee in the Korean War Argues that liberal-realist internationalists' assumptions about the US-led post-war order obscure those background ideas and fail to understand the character of the post-war order Argues liberal-realist internationalism is akin to a legitimating ideology rather than an explanatory theory Argues that such failings render liberal internationalism inadequate to explain or prescribe ways for the United States/West to manage the 'rise of the rest' todayThis article connects the background ideas of race and empire to world politics by looking at the world views and actions of Truman and Attlee in the Korean War. The article argues that liberal-realist internationalists' assumptions about the US-led post-war order obscure those background ideas and fail to understand the character of the post-war order. I consider two kinds of 'background ideas'—policy-makers' and those embedded in liberal internationalism. Put together, these ideas render liberal-realist internationalism akin to a legitimating ideology rather than an explanatory theory. More broadly, and in the longer run, such failure to comprehend the character of the post-war order, and the roles of race, empire and periphery war in it, renders the theory inadequate to explain or prescribe ways for the United States/West to manage the 'rise of the rest' today.