Virtually the entire scientific, political, business, and social community is aware of the importance of climate change. Countries adhering to the Kyoto Protocol have taken up the challenge of reducing carbon emission, implementing national policies that include the introduction of carbon emissions trading programs, voluntary programs, taxes on carbon emissions and energy efficiency standards. In this context, the business world must be able to generate a carbon reduction strategy to ensure long-term success, considering also that customers (and investors) are ever more interested in the well-being of the environment, and increasingly demand their suppliers to be eco-friendly. This thesis has addressed the problem of designing (or redesigning) the supply chain to reduce carbon emission in an economically viable and, as far as possible, optimal way. The thesis addresses the problem by designing a complete and formalized methodology, which also includes a mathematical model to determine the best decisions to take. The research begins, as usual, with a review of the basic terminology, standards and the scientific literature related to the topic. From the review of the literature, it has been concluded that, although there are authors who propose models related to the design of the supply chain including carbon reduction, there is a lack of formalized methodologies that can be applied to real cases . The methodology consists of 4 stages: 1) The creation of a corporate carbon strategy; 2) The alignment with strategic financial planning; 3) The development of a mathematical model; and 4) The implementation and tracking. In the first stage a six-step guide is developed to create a corporate carbon strategy. The steps are: 1) Determine the type of emission; 2) Boundaries definition; 3) Planning and performance information; 4) ldentify carbon reduction opportunities; 5) Determine carbon reduction goals; 6) Participating in programs and carbon markets . In the second stage, the corporate carbon strategy is evaluated from a financial point of view and integrated into the strategic planning. In the third stage, a Mixed lnteger Linear Programming (MILP) model is proposed to obtain a plan for the supply chain redesign, so that: 1) the carbon reduction targets are achieved; 2) the strategic financial plan is taken into account; 3) all the real possibilities are contemplated to redesign the supply chain; and 4) a solution is achieved to optimize the economic results of the company. The carbon reduction methodology , including the mathematical model, has been applied to three case studies that are useful for adjusting sorne elements and for its validation . The first case study corresponds to a company that operates in the Home and Personal Care sector in Brazil, where the system of taxes is more complex than in other countries and illustrates how the mathematical model can be adapted to any context. The second case study deals with a multinational company which operates in the Foods sector in Spain and requires a redesign of the supply chain to improve its product cost. Finally, the third case used a company in the U.S. to show the effect of the scope definition on the carbon strategy. In the three cases, the solution of the mathematical model maximizes the net profit, whilst the carbon reduction target is achieved. Therefore, the carbon reduction methodology is useful for achieving economic and environmental benefits, as well as providing benefits related to the improvement of the corporate image, strengthening of brands and avoiding possible carbon taxes risks. In conclusion, the carbon reduction methodology proposed in this thesis, was developed to support companies that want to generate a competitive advantage and a sustainable development. In addition, it was designed to be flexible enough to adapt to the needs of each business and facilitate its execution in the business world. ; Prácticamente toda la comunidad científica, política, comercial y social es consciente de la importancia del desafío medio ambiental relacionado con las emisiones de Gases de Efecto Invernadero (GEi). Los paises adheridos al Protocolo de Kioto han asumido el desafío de reducir los GEi, implementando políticas que incluyen programas de comercio de emisiones , programas voluntarios, impuestos sobre la emisión de GEi y normas sobre eficiencia energética. En este contexto, el mundo empresarial debe ser capaz de generar una estrategia de reducción de GEi para garantizar el éxito a largo plazo, considerando además que los clientes están cada vez más interesados en el bienestar del medio ambiente . Esta tesis ha abordado el problema de diseñar (o rediseñar) la cadena de suministro como vía para la reducción de GEi de una manera económicamente viable y, en la medida de lo posible, óptima. La tesis aborda la problemática diseñando una metodología completa y formalizada, que incluye también un modelo matemático para determinar las mejores decisiones a tomar. De la revisión de la literatura, se ha concluido que, si bien existen autores que proponen modelos relacionados con el diseño de la cadena de suministro que incluyen la reducción de GEi, no existen trabajos que propongan una metodología completa y suficientemente formalizada que puedan ser aplicados a la realidad. La metodología consta de 4 etapas que son: 1) La creación de una estrategia corporativa para la reducción de GEi; 2) La alineación con la planificación financiera estratégica; 3) El desarrollo de un modelo matemático; y 4) La implementación y seguimiento. En la primera etapa se desarrolla una guía de seis pasos para crear una estrategia corporativa para la reducción de GEi, los pasos son: 1) Determinar el tipo de emisión; 2) Definir el alcance; 3) Establecer las bases de la medición; 4) Identificar oportunidades de reducción de GEi; 5) Establecer los objetivos; 6) Planificar la participación en programas de reducción de GEi. En la segunda etapa, la estrategia corporativa antes propuesta, se evalúa desde un punto de vista financiero y se integra en la planificación estratégica. En la tercera etapa, se propone un modelo de Programación Lineal Entera Mixta para obtener un plan para et rediseño de ta cadena de suministro, de modo que: 1) se logren tos objetivos de reducción de GEi; 2) se tenga en cuenta el plan financiero estratégico; 3) se contemplen todas las posibilidades reales para rediseñar la cadena de suministro; y 4) se optimicen tos resultados económicos de la empresa. La metodología, incluyendo el programa matemático se ha probado en tres casos de estudio. El primer caso de estudio corresponde a una multinacional del sector de productos de higiene del hogar y cuidado personal que opera en Brasil, donde el modelo matemático fue adaptado para integrar beneficios fiscales. El segundo caso trata de una multinacional del sector alimentario basada en España que requiere un rediseño de la cadena de suministro para mejorar el coste de producir. Finalmente, en el tercer caso se utiliza una empresa del sector del metal basada en EE. UU., para ilustrar la importancia de la definición de límites y responsabilidades corporativas . En los tres casos de estudio, el modelo matemático maximiza el beneficio neto mientras alcanza el objetivo de reducción de GEi. Por lo tanto, la metodología es útil para conseguir beneficios económicos y medio ambientales, además de brindar beneficios relacionados con la mejora de la imagen corporativa, fortalecimiento de las marcas y el evitar posibles riesgos impositivos . En conclusión, la metodología propuesta fue desarrollada para que su implementación pueda generar en las empresas una ventaja competitiva y un crecimiento fundamentado en la sostenibilidad ambiental; asimismo, fue diseñada para que sea lo suficientemente flexible y pueda adaptarse a las necesidades de cada negocio ; Postprint (published version)
Virtually the entire scientific, political, business, and social community is aware of the importance of climate change. Countries adhering to the Kyoto Protocol have taken up the challenge of reducing carbon emission, implementing national policies that include the introduction of carbon emissions trading programs, voluntary programs, taxes on carbon emissions and energy efficiency standards. In this context, the business world must be able to generate a carbon reduction strategy to ensure long-term success, considering also that customers (and investors) are ever more interested in the well-being of the environment, and increasingly demand their suppliers to be eco-friendly. This thesis has addressed the problem of designing (or redesigning) the supply chain to reduce carbon emission in an economically viable and, as far as possible, optimal way. The thesis addresses the problem by designing a complete and formalized methodology, which also includes a mathematical model to determine the best decisions to take. The research begins, as usual, with a review of the basic terminology, standards and the scientific literature related to the topic. From the review of the literature, it has been concluded that, although there are authors who propose models related to the design of the supply chain including carbon reduction, there is a lack of formalized methodologies that can be applied to real cases . The methodology consists of 4 stages: 1) The creation of a corporate carbon strategy; 2) The alignment with strategic financial planning; 3) The development of a mathematical model; and 4) The implementation and tracking. In the first stage a six-step guide is developed to create a corporate carbon strategy. The steps are: 1) Determine the type of emission; 2) Boundaries definition; 3) Planning and performance information; 4) ldentify carbon reduction opportunities; 5) Determine carbon reduction goals; 6) Participating in programs and carbon markets . In the second stage, the corporate carbon strategy is evaluated from a financial point of view and integrated into the strategic planning. In the third stage, a Mixed lnteger Linear Programming (MILP) model is proposed to obtain a plan for the supply chain redesign, so that: 1) the carbon reduction targets are achieved; 2) the strategic financial plan is taken into account; 3) all the real possibilities are contemplated to redesign the supply chain; and 4) a solution is achieved to optimize the economic results of the company. The carbon reduction methodology , including the mathematical model, has been applied to three case studies that are useful for adjusting sorne elements and for its validation . The first case study corresponds to a company that operates in the Home and Personal Care sector in Brazil, where the system of taxes is more complex than in other countries and illustrates how the mathematical model can be adapted to any context. The second case study deals with a multinational company which operates in the Foods sector in Spain and requires a redesign of the supply chain to improve its product cost. Finally, the third case used a company in the U.S. to show the effect of the scope definition on the carbon strategy. In the three cases, the solution of the mathematical model maximizes the net profit, whilst the carbon reduction target is achieved. Therefore, the carbon reduction methodology is useful for achieving economic and environmental benefits, as well as providing benefits related to the improvement of the corporate image, strengthening of brands and avoiding possible carbon taxes risks. In conclusion, the carbon reduction methodology proposed in this thesis, was developed to support companies that want to generate a competitive advantage and a sustainable development. In addition, it was designed to be flexible enough to adapt to the needs of each business and facilitate its execution in the business world. ; Prácticamente toda la comunidad científica, política, comercial y social es consciente de la importancia del desafío medio ambiental relacionado con las emisiones de Gases de Efecto Invernadero (GEi). Los paises adheridos al Protocolo de Kioto han asumido el desafío de reducir los GEi, implementando políticas que incluyen programas de comercio de emisiones , programas voluntarios, impuestos sobre la emisión de GEi y normas sobre eficiencia energética. En este contexto, el mundo empresarial debe ser capaz de generar una estrategia de reducción de GEi para garantizar el éxito a largo plazo, considerando además que los clientes están cada vez más interesados en el bienestar del medio ambiente . Esta tesis ha abordado el problema de diseñar (o rediseñar) la cadena de suministro como vía para la reducción de GEi de una manera económicamente viable y, en la medida de lo posible, óptima. La tesis aborda la problemática diseñando una metodología completa y formalizada, que incluye también un modelo matemático para determinar las mejores decisiones a tomar. De la revisión de la literatura, se ha concluido que, si bien existen autores que proponen modelos relacionados con el diseño de la cadena de suministro que incluyen la reducción de GEi, no existen trabajos que propongan una metodología completa y suficientemente formalizada que puedan ser aplicados a la realidad. La metodología consta de 4 etapas que son: 1) La creación de una estrategia corporativa para la reducción de GEi; 2) La alineación con la planificación financiera estratégica; 3) El desarrollo de un modelo matemático; y 4) La implementación y seguimiento. En la primera etapa se desarrolla una guía de seis pasos para crear una estrategia corporativa para la reducción de GEi, los pasos son: 1) Determinar el tipo de emisión; 2) Definir el alcance; 3) Establecer las bases de la medición; 4) Identificar oportunidades de reducción de GEi; 5) Establecer los objetivos; 6) Planificar la participación en programas de reducción de GEi. En la segunda etapa, la estrategia corporativa antes propuesta, se evalúa desde un punto de vista financiero y se integra en la planificación estratégica. En la tercera etapa, se propone un modelo de Programación Lineal Entera Mixta para obtener un plan para et rediseño de ta cadena de suministro, de modo que: 1) se logren tos objetivos de reducción de GEi; 2) se tenga en cuenta el plan financiero estratégico; 3) se contemplen todas las posibilidades reales para rediseñar la cadena de suministro; y 4) se optimicen tos resultados económicos de la empresa. La metodología, incluyendo el programa matemático se ha probado en tres casos de estudio. El primer caso de estudio corresponde a una multinacional del sector de productos de higiene del hogar y cuidado personal que opera en Brasil, donde el modelo matemático fue adaptado para integrar beneficios fiscales. El segundo caso trata de una multinacional del sector alimentario basada en España que requiere un rediseño de la cadena de suministro para mejorar el coste de producir. Finalmente, en el tercer caso se utiliza una empresa del sector del metal basada en EE. UU., para ilustrar la importancia de la definición de límites y responsabilidades corporativas . En los tres casos de estudio, el modelo matemático maximiza el beneficio neto mientras alcanza el objetivo de reducción de GEi. Por lo tanto, la metodología es útil para conseguir beneficios económicos y medio ambientales, además de brindar beneficios relacionados con la mejora de la imagen corporativa, fortalecimiento de las marcas y el evitar posibles riesgos impositivos . En conclusión, la metodología propuesta fue desarrollada para que su implementación pueda generar en las empresas una ventaja competitiva y un crecimiento fundamentado en la sostenibilidad ambiental; asimismo, fue diseñada para que sea lo suficientemente flexible y pueda adaptarse a las necesidades de cada negocio ; Postprint (published version)
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A new crop of worker advocacy organizations has grown up in the last decade, and has coalesced into an organizational form known as the "worker center." Just as worker centers have tended to shy away from utilizing NLRB processes to protect worker rights, the status of worker centers under the NLRA has remained cloudy and subject to debate. Specifically, the NLRB and the courts have not addressed whether organizations like worker centers, which seek to improve the lot of employees in marginal industries but in most cases do not aspire to negotiate with their employers, are statutory labor organizations. As the ROC-NY example indicates, worker centers that use aggressive tactics that constrain employer prerogatives will inevitably face employer-initiated litigation seeking to restrict their activities, invoking the various restrictions of the NLRA that hinge upon the "labor organization" definition. In this paper, I explain how the Act's protections can be utilized by worker centers, and suggest a framework that adjudicators can use to address the question of worker centers' status under the Act. The NLRA is a mostly unexplored area for worker centers. As discussed throughout this paper, engaging the nation's labor laws has risks as well as potential opportunities. Although worker centers can assist workers in using the rights the NLRA guarantees to all "employees" under Section 7 of the Act, they must be wary of the negative consequences that may result if they are categorized as NLRA "labor organizations," which would subject them to various restrictions built into the law. Classification as a "labor organization" could also subject a worker center to the requirements of the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA) of 1959, which includes financial reports to the U.S. Department of Labor and regulation of internal governance practices. In order to make clear what is at "stake" for worker centers with national labor laws, this paper discusses the positive rights, negative possibilities, and collateral consequences posed by the NLRA, LMRDA, and other laws related to labor. First, in the following section, I discuss the emerging worker center movement, identifying the key features of worker centers that bear on their treatment under federal labor laws, and profiling four organizations that exhibit different tendencies within the worker center movement. Part III is a systematic over of how worker centers can use the employee protections offered by the NLRA, in particular the right to engage in concerted activity for the purpose of mutual aid or protection. As this section demonstrates, many worker center organizing activities will receive protection under the Act, and the jurisdictional limitations on coverage for the most part will not affect worker centers. However, recent cases suggest that certain types of concerted activity involving charged political speech, such as missing work to participate in mass rallies for immigration reform, may not receive the Act's protection. Section IV canvasses the negative implications of federal labor law for worker centers, which mostly apply only if the organization in question is deemed a "labor organization." For example, the NLRA restricts picketing by labor organizations in certain situations where a union election has recently been held, as well as most forms of secondary boycotts. The NLRA also restricts aspects of organizational form and operations, such as by requiring that hiring halls be non-discriminatory, and disallowing labor organizations to receive funds from employers. Potentially more worrisome is the LMRDA, which mandates that financial and other reports be filed with the federal government, and grants members of labor organizations a Union Bill of Rights and more possibilities to bring suit. Lastly, Section IV discusses other consequences of the Act, such as exemption from antitrust liability for the actions of labor groups and assesses whether the exemption applies to worker centers. The remaining sections pick up on a larger debate about how worker centers should be treated under the Act. I begin in Section V by discussing in broad terms three different schools of statutory interpretation, and how the NLRB approaches questions of statutory interpretation. In Section VI I present three ways in which the question of whether some group is a "labor organization" may be approached. The first, which I dub the "traditional approach," applies the "labor organization" definition to novel situations without reference to the legal or social context in which the question is raised. However, based on recent case law that has increased the Act's flexibility to allow some internal employee participation plans for limited purposes, much worker center activity, and even dealings with the employer, will not rise to the level required to make out a statutory labor organization. The remaining two approaches examine the "labor organization" question contextually, both with regard to the legal setting in which the question is raised and the broader factual scenarios envisaged by the Act's founders as subjects of regulation. Through analysis of past cases, I attempt to demonstrate that the Board has always been sensitive to such contextual factors and purposive concerns. In fact, different rules seem to apply in different contexts; not only does the definition of "labor organization" seem to apply differently to various manifestations of worker activity, but more surprisingly, the term seems to take on different meaning depending on the statutory context in which it is raised. Turning towards the nature of worker centers as hybrid social movement organizations that focus on the workplace, I examine how similar organizations have been treated by the Act in the past, and the underlying constitutional concerns that weigh against regulation of such organizations under traditional labor laws. In the background of this analysis are historical realities that should inform how the law develops to meet a new form of worker advocacy organization. The rise of worker centers takes place against an economic and political backdrop very different from that faced by the NLRA's drafters. While the labor movement in this country has secured a relatively well-off existence for those lucky enough to be union members, the norm of unionization as well as the viability of the NLRA faces considerable doubt as it marches on past its seventieth year in existence. It is not surprising, then, that most worker centers have forgone traditional representation processes in favor of private litigation based on federal and state employment laws concerning wages, hours, and occupational safety. Rather than building a labor aristocracy, worker centers target the poorest workers who have the least stable employment. The immediate goal of such centers is not to build middle-class citizens, but to ensure minimum compliance with the law. As such, the worker center movement shares a common heritage with the 1960s civil rights movement: in the earlier struggle, participants waged a political and legal fight for equal treatment under the law, and a social fight to eliminate a system of second-class citizenship. Today's marginal and often undocumented foreign workers share this cause and also wage their fight on these levels. Therefore, it is not surprising that worker centers have made recourse to civil rights rhetoric and tactics to improve the conditions of the workers they support. Each of these tactics, including the publicized making of demands, the holding of rallies, consumer leafleting, and the initiation of lawsuits, have been accorded some degree of First Amendment protection. Looking at both the constitutional norms underlying worker center activities most likely to be challenged, as well as the purpose of the NLRA provisions most likely to be used to restrict those activities, I argue that the NLRB and the courts should be wary in subjecting worker centers to the limitations of the Act. However, in their protests, worker centers can easily be robbed of their cloak of civil rights petitioners to be left simple labor picketers. To the extent that worker centers approximate the functions and purposes of labor unions, this outcome seems appropriate. Therefore, a principal goal of this paper is to provide guidance to worker centers on how to stay on the permissible side of the labor organization classification, as well as how to make the most of the protective aspects of labor law.
Costa Rica is an apparent exception to the trend towards military regimes, violent changes of power and local wars in Third World countries. In this Central American republic with about 2 million inhabitants, the armed forces were disbanded in 1948. For over 30 years Costa Rica has maintained a stable civilian government without a regular army, though surrounded by dictatorships. We discuss the history behind the abolition of the Costa Rican army, consider the country's handling of external and internal conflicts since 1948, present the growth of its paramilitary forces, and evaluate the reality of its public policy of demilitarization. Our main conclusion is that Costa Rican demilitarization was a response to an internal conflict rather than a deliberate international policy. The country has actually built up police forces that are used against labor and peasant unrest. But it is also the case that demilitarization has been stressed so consistently in policy declarations that regular military build up has been inhibited. Costa Rica is partly demilitarized, but may become more or less so in the future. 1. See also Kjell Skjelsbæk: 'Militarism, its Dimensions and Corollaries: An Attempt at Con ceptual Clarification,' Journal of Peace Research, XVI (1979), 3, pp. 213-229, and Miles Wolpin: Militarization and Social Welfare in the Third World. Oslo: PRIO, 1981. 40 pp. (S-4/81). 2. J. D. Cozean, The Abolition of the Costa Rican Army, Master's thesis, George Washington University, 1966, p. 31. 3. op. cit. p. 33. 4. S. Stone, La dinastia de los conquistadores. La crisis del poder en la Costa Rica contemporanea, Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana (EDUCA), San José, 1976. 5. D. Tobis, 'United Fruit is not Chiquita', in S. Jonas and D. Tobis, Guatemala, North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA), New York, 1974, p. 122-131 and M. A. Seligson, 'Agrarian Policies in Dependent Societies: Costa Rica', Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Af fairs, 19, 2 (1977), pp. 201-232. 6. Q. Duncan and C. Menendez, El negro en Costa Rica, Editorial Costa Rica, San José, 1978. 7. The history of the civil war is well covered — see, e. g., M. Acuña, El 48, Libreria, imprenta y litografía Lehmann, S. A., San José, 1974, O. Aguilar Bulgarelli, Costa Rica y sus hechos pol iticos de 1948. Problemática de una década, Edi torial Universitaria Centroamericana (EDUCA), San José, 1974, J. P. Bell, Crisis in Costa Rica. The 1948 Revolution, Latin American Monographs No. 24, University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas, 1971, R. Obregon Loria, Conflictos militares y politicos de Costa Rica, Imprenta la Nacion, San José, 1951, and J. Schifter, The Costa Rican Civil War: An tecedents and Projections, Master's thesis, Uni versity of Chicago, Chicago, 1975. 8. S. Stone, ibid, p. 314. 9. J. D. Cozean, ibid, p. 26, and W. L. Worth ington, The Costa Rican Public Security Forces: A Model Armed Force for Emerging Nations?, Master's thesis, University of Florida, 1966, p. 100. 10. O. Aguilar Bulgarelli, La Constitución de 1948: Antecedentes y Proyecciones, Editorial Costa Rica, San José, 1977, pp. 55-56, and C. D. Ameringer, Don Pepe: A Political Biography of José Figueres of Costa Rica, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 1978, p. 66. 11. C. D. Ameringer, The Democratic Left in Exile. The Antidictatorial Struggle in the Caribbean 1945-1959, University of Miami Press, Coral Gables, Florida, 1974. 12. M. Monteforte Toledo, Centro America: Subdesarrollo y Dependencia, Volumen II, Uni versidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, México D. F., 1972, p. 182. 13. J. D. Cozean, ibid., p. 59. 14. C. Urcuyo Fournier, Les forces de Securite Publique et la politique au Costa Rica, 1960-1978, Diss. Université de Paris V, Paris, 1978. 15. The U. S. Secretary of State Lansing sent a telegram which read: '... the Government of the United States under no circumstances can consider Mr. J. B. Quiros authorized in any manner to act as President of Costa Rica.' Quiros was given 24 hours to leave office, which he did, M. A. Seligson, Peasants of Costa Rica and the Development of Agrarian Capitalism, University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Wisconsin, 1980, p. 58. 16. U.S. Department of State, Treaties in Force: A List of Treaties and Other International Agree ments of the United States in Force on January 1, 1971, Government Printing Office, Washington D. C., 1971, p. 57. 17. J. C. Ropp, In Search of the New Soldier: Junior Officers and the Prospects of Social Reform in Panama, Honduras and Nicaragua, Ph. D. diss., University of California at Riverside, 1971, and R. N. Adams, Crucification by Power: Essays on Guatemalan National Social Structure, 1944-1966, University of Texas Press, Austin & London, 1970. 18. For the following discussion see Note 7., S. Stone, ibid, and C. D. Ameringer, 1974, ibid. 19. M. Monteforte Toledo, ibid. 20. O. Aguilar Bulgarelli, 1977, ibid, p. 72. 21. Decreto No. 37 de 25 de mayo de 1948, Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, Tomo III, Im prenta Nacional, San José, Costa Rica, 1956, p. 621. (Our translation.) 22. W. L. Worthington, ibid, p. 101. 23. C. D. Ameringer, 1978, ibid, p. 86. 24. C. D. Ameringer, 1974, ibid, p. 216. 25. J. A. Booth and M. A. Seligson, 'Peasants as Activists. A Revaluation of Political Participation in the Countryside', Comparative Political Studies, 12, 1 (1979), pp. 29-59. 26. C. Urcuyo Fournier, ibid, pp. 212, 205. 27. M. Fernandez, A. Schmidt and V. Basauri, La población de Costa Rica, Editorial Universidad de Costa Rica, San José, 1976, pp. 123. 28. R. Cerdas Cruz, La Crisis de la Democracia Liberal en Costa Rica, Editorial Universitaria Centroamericana (EDUCA), Ciudad Universitaria Rodrigo Facio, Costa Rica, 1978, pp. 89-92. 29. C. Urcuyo Fournier, ibid, pp. 204-205. 30. J. Schifter, 'La democracia en Costa Rica como producto de la neutralizacion de clases', in Democracia en Costa Rica? Editorial Universidad Estatial a Distancia, San José, 1978, pp. 171-246. 31. V. H. Cespedes S., Costa Rica: La distribu tion del ingreso y el consumo de algunos alimen tos, Publicaciones de la Universidad de Costa Rica, Serie Economia y Estadistica No. 45, Ciudad Uni versitaria 'Rodrigo Facio', San José, 1973. 32. W. L. Worthington, ibid. 33. La Asamblea Legislativa de la Republica de Costa Rica, Proyecto de 'Ley Organica del Min isterio del Interior', Procuraderia General de la Republica, San José, 1978. 34. See Ministerio de la Presidencia, Oficina de Planificación Nacional y Politica Económica (OFIPLAN), Oficina de Presupuesto Nacional, 'Datos relevantes del Presupuesto Nacional, de ingresos y egresos del Gobierno Central. Ejercicio fiscal 1978', Imprenta Nacional, San José, 1978, H. I. Blutstein, et al., Area Handbook for Costa Rica, American University Foreign Area Studies Division, Washington D. C., 1969, p. 270, and Urcuyo Fournier, ibid, pp. 401-403. 35. J. Saxe-Fernández, 'The Central American Defense Council and Pax American', in I. L. Horo witz, et al., Latin American Radicalism, London, 1969, pp. 75-101, and S. Jonas, 'CONDECA Mil itary Maneuvers', NACLA's Latin America & Empire Report, 11, 3 (1977), pp. 38-39. 36. Urcuyo Fournier, ibid., p. 327. 37. This sparked off a discussion of whether Costa Rica was militarizing, the best known con tributions beeing those of John Saxe-Fernandez and Mario Fernandez Arias, both titled 'The Mil itarization of Costa Rica,' and first published in Costa Rica in 1971. A more recent and more substantial work, motivated by the same events, is the French doctoral dissertation of Constantino Urcuyo Fournier from 1978. 38. A. Stepan, Authoritarianism in Brazil, 1977, p. 130.
Article in U.S. News and World Report based on excerpts from Hays' book A Southern Moderate Speaks ; Inside Story of Little Rock ."I had always regarded myself as serving the Governor's wishes . . . even though he and I did not see eye to eye regarding his use of troops" afternoon to spend a few days at the home of my father in Russellville, 75 miles west of Little Rock. We stopped at the town of Morrilton for dinner, and I tried to call the White House. I found the lines busy and was not able to get in touch with Sherman until 11 p. m., his time, after I had reached Russellville. My opening comment, "I'm afraid I got you out of bed," was confirmed, but he apparently was not upset. It was in this conversation that Sherman indicated that the idea of the President's inviting Faubus should give way to a request from the Governor, directed to the President, suggesting that a conference would be helpful. Early in the discussion, he emphasized that all of this was in response to my offer to be helpful and that the White House did not wish to be in an attitude of initiating anything. I gave him all necessary assurances on that point. Negotiations With the White House I spent Tuesday and Wednesday, September 10 and 11, at my father's home and was in constant telephone contact with the White House and the Governor's Mansion during that time. An enormous amount of time was spent in talking to Little Rock and Washington in negotiating the terms for the Newport meeting. Among other things, the exact language for the telegrams to be exchanged had to be agreed upon. True to their code, the telephone operators handled the calls in routine fashion but let drop indications of interest in the fact that some rather historic calls were coming over the little Russellville switchboard. On Tuesday I talked at least five times with the White House and about as many times with Governor Faubus. After Sherman indicated that I should help create the wording of the Governor's request for an audience with the President, I gave him some intimation of what the Governor should say and would say, and he commented here and there-reminding me that it was "my responsibility" and "my message" and that these were my overtures. I could understand his reason for being emphatic on that point, but he had some very clear ideas about what the telegram should and should not say. The Governor capitulated on language at practically every point, made a suggestion or two which Sherman said would not alter the Administration's approval of the idea in general, and finally it was agreed, when I read the draft of the request to Adams, that it would go in just that form. The Governor said he was satisfied with the wording, and I thought everything was in shape, until an hour after the telegram should have been sent. Then I had a call from W. J. Smith saying that we should change the first sentence. Before going into the nature of the change, I protested vigorously, and Bill said, "O. K., the telegram will go through as agreed on." He accepted my explanation that it would mean starting all over again, would undo two days' work, and would put me and the Governor both in an embarrassing position, since I had read the message to the White House and they had said, "If received in that form, the President would certainly grant a conference." I had always regarded myself as serving the Governor's wishes in this matter, even though he and I did not see eye to eye regarding his use of troops, and he had said when I left the Mansion on Monday, "This would be the greatest favor you ever did a Governor if you help us work it out." We reached several delicate points in the various stages of the developments which followed. In the first instance, my ability to carry out my role in the early negotiations depended on my success in keeping out of the newspapers. The Washington "Post," however, learned of what was taking place and let it leak out that they knew someone had been in touch with Sherman Adams-and he naturally did not like it one bit. He did not blame me, but he said that, if such leaks were repeated, obviously he could not go on with the step-by-step discussion of arrangements for a conference. I think I satisfied him that such minor breaks are inevitable. The reporters saw me go into the Mansion, and they could not help speculating on the significance of this, coupling it with the fact that Sherman and I had been friends for a long time. Another serious question concerned whether the Governor would accept a federal-court summons for a hearing scheduled on September 20 on a petition for a preliminary injunction against his and the Arkansas National Guard's obstructing integration. His acceptance of this summons on Tuesday relieved much of this tension and made my work more manageable. With Faubus expressing respect for the orderly processes of law, the Administration was more likely to be willing to negotiate. The next problem to arise concerned the wording of the telegram to be sent to the President. As agreed upon, it read, "I have accepted summons of the U. S. District Court, etc.," but the Governor's lawyer wanted it to read, "I have been served with summons." After it was made clear that I had given Sherman firm assurance, on Governor Faubus's authority, that the telegram in that exact form would be sent, he withdrew his objections. It seemed a very minor point to me, since the Governor did actually accept the summons. How Faubus Would Use Troops On Wednesday, Sherman and I talked a little about the basis for a discussion, while we worked out final details of the message exchange. We needed to have some clear idea of the use of military force by the Governor, when it should cease, and how it could be used to enforce the court orders, not to obstruct those orders. While I was unable to clarify any of these points, I could say that Faubus was prepared to go along fully and was eager to get the meeting behind us. After several talks during the day, Adams said to me, "You have rendered a great public service and I have only praise for your work." All along in these telephone conversations, however, I was conscious of not being in the circle of political advisers for either of the principals. This was not really a handicap. The only stage in the proceedings at which I had reason to feel that advisers were unduly hampering steps for the conference was at the time of sending the telegram. It was therefore a source of great personal satisfaction to help bridge the gap between the federal and State governments. It was good that there was only one occasion on which anyone other than the Governor himself was a party to negotiations at the Little Rock end of the line. It was at this stage that I gave Sherman the Governor's private unlisted telephone number, since I feared there might be a mishap resulting from the indirect conversations. When Governor Faubus agreed to indicate his respect for the courts in his message to the President, I felt we had the basis for a productive conference. The Governor seemed anxious for a truce, such as integration beginning by mid-term after the situation had settled down. He also seemed to think 122 U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, March 23, 1959
This paper analyzes a set of environmental conditions that influence the development of Technology Based Enterprises (TBCs) in innovation-based and efficiency-based economies. The existing literature on this phenomenon is reviewed and data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) is used. Exploratory factorial analysis is handled out with the application of the Varimax Orthogonal Rotation method. The study concludes that some of the factors identified are influential in certain economic environments for the consolidation of EBT's, particularly in innovative economies. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, technological base, efficient, innovative. URL:http://revistas.uta.edu.ec/erevista/index.php/bcoyu/article/view/883 DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.31164/bcoyu.24.2020.883 References: Acs, Z. J., Audretsch, D. B., & Lehmann, E. E. (2013). The knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship. Small Business Economics, 41(4), 757-774. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-013-9505-9 Alarcón, M. A., & Díaz, C. del C. (2016). La empresa de base tecnológica y su contribución a la economía mexicana en el periodo 2004-2009. Contaduría y Administración, 61(1), 106-126. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cya.2015.09.004 An, H. J., & Ahn, S. J. (2016). Emerging technologies—beyond the chasm: Assessing technological forecasting and its implication for innovation management in Korea. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 102, 132-142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2015.06.015 Aportela, I. (2015). La información como recurso estratégico en las empresas de base tecnológica. Revista General de Información y Documentación, 25(2). https://doi.org/10.5209/rev_RGID.2015.v25.n2.51238 Barrientos, E., Quiroz, L., & López, W. (2017). Factores influyentes para el emprendimiento en tecnologías de la información y comunicación para economías de Latinoamérica vs economías de Europa y Norte América. Gestión de la innovación para la competitividad, 1-17. Bertoni, F., Martt, J., & Reverte, C. 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Economics: The Open-Access, Open-Assessment E-Journal, 5(2011-7), 1. https://doi.org/10.5018/economics-ejournal.ja.2011-7 ; El presente trabajo analiza un conjunto de condiciones del entorno que influyen en el desarrollo de Emprendimientos de Base Tecnológica (EBT) en economías basadas en innovación y en economías basadas en eficiencia. Se realiza una revisión de la literatura existente respecto a este fenómeno y se utilizan los datos del Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). Se lleva a cabo análisis factorial exploratorio con la aplicación del método de Rotación Ortogonal Varimax. El estudio concluye que algunos de los factores identificados resultan influyentes en determinados entornos económicos para la consolidación de los EBT's, particularmente en las economías innovadoras. Palabras clave: Emprendimiento, base tecnológica, eficientes, innovadoras. URL:http://revistas.uta.edu.ec/erevista/index.php/bcoyu/article/view/883 DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.31164/bcoyu.24.2020.883 Referencias: Acs, Z. J., Audretsch, D. B., & Lehmann, E. E. (2013). The knowledge spillover theory of entrepreneurship. Small Business Economics, 41(4), 757-774. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11187-013-9505-9 Alarcón, M. A., & Díaz, C. del C. (2016). La empresa de base tecnológica y su contribución a la economía mexicana en el periodo 2004-2009. Contaduría y Administración, 61(1), 106-126. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cya.2015.09.004 An, H. J., & Ahn, S. J. (2016). Emerging technologies—beyond the chasm: Assessing technological forecasting and its implication for innovation management in Korea. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 102, 132-142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.techfore.2015.06.015 Aportela, I. (2015). La información como recurso estratégico en las empresas de base tecnológica. 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Nicholas Onuf on the Evolution of Social Constructivsm, Turns in IR, and a Discipline of Our Making
Can we really go on speaking about International Relations as a 'discipline'? Even if social constructivism is often presented as a robust theoretical cornerstone of the discipline, one of the thinkers that established this theoretical position challenges the existence of IR. Surely, Nicholas Onuf argues, we have a disciplinary machinery—institutions, journals, conferences and so forth—but these form an apparatus built around a substantive void—in his words, 'a discipline without an 'about''. In this Talk, Nicholas Onuf—among others—weaves an appraisal of disciplinary boundaries through a discussion of social constructivism's birth and growth, tells the material turn to get serious and provides a bleak assessment of IR's subservient relation to political order.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is (or should be), according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current International Relations? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
In my view, the biggest challenge for IR is making good on claims (I'd say pretensions) that IR is a discipline in its own right. Such claims presume that IR has a reasonably well-bounded subject matter and a body of theory uniquely suited to that subject matter. For 25 years I have been saying that IR fails miserably in meeting this challenge. Much less do we acknowledge the challenge—there is no debate. As it is, we have institutionalized a so-called discipline (journals, conferences, workshops, PhD programs) that reaches far beyond (lower case) international relations. In short: a discipline without an 'about.' Were we to acknowledge the challenge, we might be content to say: Forget disciplines, it's all about 'the social' and social theory belongs to us—too. Or we might say, it's all about 'the political,' and legal, political and social theory also belong to us. I'm not sure there's much difference. I am sure that it's not enough to say our 'about' is 'the international.' And I have said as much publicly, though intemperate terms that I instantly regretted.
Given such a negative assessment of IR, you might wonder why I stuck with it all these years. Why didn't I just call myself a social theorist and (try to) publish in the few journals in which theorists gets a hearing? Actually, I did try a few times, to no avail (just as I put 'social theory' in the subtitle of World of Our Making (1989) to no discernible effect). I think there's a status issue lurking here. Once identified with IR, it's hard to get acknowledged outside IR. Nobody reads or cites us; we 'don't get no respect'; status ordering condemns us to be consumers rather than producers of big ideas. If (just perhaps) the era of big ideas is over, then the next generation in IR may feel a little braver than I was about jumping ship. Not that I'm betting on it, especially since publishing in a host relatively new, expressly interdisciplinary journals, such as Global Constitutionalism, International Political Sociology and International Political Theory, offer a safer alternative.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about International Relations?
I have to say that events have never inspired me. In my callow youth, Hans Morgenthau's Politics among Nations (1948) inspired me to think about spending a lifetime doing IR, as did my teachers Robert Tucker and George Liska—both realists with a taste respectively for international law and international institutions. Working as Tucker's assistant in revising Hans Kelsen's Principles of International Law (1952) prompted a longstanding interest in legal theory. As a doctoral student, I got hooked on systems theory à la Hoffmann, Kaplan, Rosecrance; the special issue of World Politics (vol. 14, no. 1) on the international system left an indelible mark, as did Waltz's Man, the State and War (1959). Working with Richard Falk a few years later affected me a great deal—he remains one of my very few heroes. So did Fritz Kratochwil, briefly a student of mine and friend ever since.
In the 1980s I got to know a number of mavericks: Hayward Alker, Rick Ashley, Dick Mansbach, John Ruggie and Rob Walker are by no means the only ones on this list. More important, I think, were my feminist doctoral students, who changed my life in a great many ways and were largely responsible for my turn to social theory. It was in that context that I took the so-called linguistic turn to Wittgenstein, J. L. Austin et al. World of Our Making is pretty clear about its many sources of inspiration. The big trick was fitting everything together. Since then (and to keep the story manageable), working with my brother Peter is responsible for my interest in Aristotle and in the making of the modern world; republican theory links these two concerns. I cannot blame Peter for my ongoing fascination with Foucault.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
For me at least, this is a tricky question. As I said earlier, I am not very much interested in events—either as theoretical fodder or as a matter of what's happening in the world at any given moment. Most of my friends and colleagues are fascinated by current events—how often I find them glued to one news source or another. Students are too, and it seems pretty obvious they should be. Most people in the field engage in the skillful assembly of events, whether in 'cases' or as statistically manipulated patterns. Learning the appropriate skills takes a great deal of time and training. At the same time, students also need an exposure to theory—big picture thinking—and, in my view, the philosophical issues that lurk behind any big picture.
Theory is a seductive. I was seduced at the age of 19 and never gotten over it. Shifting metaphors, I always told my doctoral students not to succumb to the theory bug, at least to the exclusion of what I just called 'the skillful assembly of events.' In other words, don't do it my way—I was lucky to get away with it. Disposition is a different matter. Students must love to work hard for extended intervals with little immediate gratification. Machiavelli said that warriors must be disciplined and ardent. I used to tell my doctoral students, you have to be 'warrior nerds.' If you don't fit this profile, find another vocation.
You were immensely influential in constructing the theoretical pillar of social constructivism in IR, starting over 25 years ago. Looking back, has social constructivism delivered on the promise you etched out in World of Our Making?
No way, and for all kinds of reasons. This was all too clear within a decade, as I intimated in a review of Peter Katzenstein's The Culture of National Security (1996, read introduction here) and spelled out in Don Puchala's Visions of International Relations (2003). To simplify unduly and perhaps unjustly, the constructivists who came to prominence in the 1990s made three mistakes. First, they took for granted that a norm (as in 'the norm') is normative without asking whether, to what degree, or how this might be so. I'm pretty sure this mistake came from a mindless appropriation of functional sociology and utter indifference to legal and political theory. Second, they substituted identity ('who am I?' questions) for agency ('who acts for what or whom?' questions) in guessing at the implications of the end of the Cold War. In doing so, they compounded the felony by leaping from personal identity to collective identity and unreflectively imputing agency to imagined collectivities. Third, they treated culture as an aggregate residual and then assigned it enormous causal significance. Had any of them taken the linguistic turn seriously, they might have extricated those elements of 'culture' that (one might guess) are most consequential for social construction.
More generally, I came to see the constructivist surge of the 90s as a liberal-institutionalist renaissance. Standing in for legal rules, formal institutions and corporate personality, norms and identity look like a conceptual breakthrough to a generation of scholars who had been taught to dismiss old-time liberal IR. In the 2000s, a shifting panorama of events (genocide etc.) prompted a straight-on liberal institutionalist revival with lots of help from lawyers. Meanwhile, a much more diverse range of scholarship has come to be styled constructivist for lack a better label. Finally, there has emerged a gang of 'third generation' constructivists who now actively repudiate their predecessors from the 90s. They speak my language, but I'll let them speak for themselves.
How, do you think, do 'turns' in IR relate to the broader context of real-world historical events? If the origins of social constructivism have been located in the end of the Cold War, is there some kind of dialectic whereby social constructivism then impacts on the course of history? For instance, social constructivism is by now so established that a big part of newer generations of practitioners in IR are probably social constructivists. How does that influence international politics? In other words, does social constructivism as an illocutionary theoretical approach hold perlocutionary effect on its object of study?
I have some reservations about the metaphor 'turn.' Do we imagine IR as a colossal ship that turns, however slowly, all of a piece? I've already used the ship metaphor, but in this context it's not appropriate—we're not that put together, and, besides, no one is steering (not even those legendary gate-keepers). Or a herd of wildebeests, in which all the members of the herd turn together by keying off each other once one senses danger and turns? I don't think so, even if we do sometimes see signs of a herd mentality.
Back in the late 60s, Karl Deutsch suggested that the field had even then experienced a succession of waves. I like this metaphor better because it captures both the messiness of what's going on and a sense that perhaps not much is changing in deeper water. You yourself switch metaphors on me when you mention a new generation of constructivists. As it happens, I like this metaphor a lot (and have a piece entitled 'Five Generations of International Relations Theory' forthcoming in a new edition of International Relations Theory Today, which Ken Booth and Toni Erskine are editing). It suggests a dynamic internal to any field of study rather than one prompted by external events. Inasmuch as constructivism got its start before the Cold War ended but afterwards changed its profile significantly tells us the story is actually rather complicated.
The more interesting question is whether constructivism will, as you say, impact the course of history. The quick and dirty answer is, yes, but in ways too subtle to document. We already know how difficult it is to establish any impact from IR as a scholarly pursuit on world affairs. That is, any impact beyond realism and raison d'état. As we become more specialized in what we do and so does everyone else, it seems ever less likely that we'll be able to pin down extended causal chains. But I suspect that you have something more like 'mood' in mind. Once liberal institutionalists adopted a slick kind of constructivism, they were pretty much in sync with the Zeitgeist, at least for a decade or so. So, yes, as a not very helpful generalization, we can surmise that some degree of co-constitution was then at work. Always is.
One last point. I don't have even the slightest sense that my own scholarly work has had anything have much to do with large-scale world-making, or that it will in any near-term. I don't have to be told that my work is too austere and forbidding to reach very many people—though I am told this often enough. Years from now, who knows? Yet my teaching career convinces me that there's more co-constitution going on in the classroom than anywhere else we're likely to find ourselves. Interacting with hundreds of MA and PhD students in Washington DC over 28 years—during which I noodled through what would become World of Our Making—affected me and them in ways beyond measure. Some of those students became scholars, but many more have spent their lives in public service.
What has been, to you, the biggest surprise or exciting move in IR since social constructivism saw the light?
The biggest and most surprising 'move' has been the move offshore. I speak of course as someone raised, trained and employed in the US when IR was 'AnAmerican Social Science.' For the last twenty years, IR has not so much left the US as gained strength everywhere else. Better to say, its center of gravity has moved. In the process, IR has transformed, both as a claimant discipline and as a theory-driven enterprise. As a participant-observer, I see IR as an institutional beneficiary of globalization and, to a lesser degree, those of us in IR as agents in this hugely complicated process.
Globalization has meant, among much else, the extraordinary growth of higher education and its institutional apparatus. The proliferation of universities is an acknowledgment of cosmopolitan imperatives and an accommodation of national needs, exemplified in programs for the grooming of managerial elites. For IR, this large process has been colored by an ostensible rejection of American hegemony. One expression of this anti-hegemonial sentiment is the fashion for post-positivist scholarship and the sort of constructivism that is now conventionally ascribed to Fritz Kratochwil and me. For me personally, it's just wonderful to be taken seriously everywhere but my own country.
You recently have turned attention towards cognitive and evolutionary psychology. This is a pretty underrepresented field, in terms of its being mined in IR. What challenge has this literature to pose, in your view, to dominant IR?
Long ago, I ventured into cognitive studies as a consequence of casting a broad net in social theory. Since then, several disciplines have converged in making cognitive studies just about the most exciting game in town. I cannot imagine anyone not being fascinated (but then I am also fascinated by advances in cosmology, however little I understand the technical stuff). In recent years, I have developed a more specific interest in what cognitive and evolutionary psychology might tell about my mind, any mind, in relation to a world that my mind cannot access directly, the world of appearances. As you can see, I'm a philosophical idealist—with many qualifications, a Kantian idealist. Most people in IR are philosophical realists, for whom such issues are less compelling.
Let me comment briefly on any challenge the cognitive revolution might pose for IR in the philosophical realist mode. IR's substantive concerns are so far removed from the stuff of cognitive science (neurons and such) that I doubt scholars in IR will ever feel obliged take the latter into account. Nor should they. Positivist science is reductive—it always pushes down levels of analysis to explain what's going on at higher levels. But anyone pushing down risks losing touch with what seems to be substantively distinctive about one's starting point, and IR and its event-manifold are a long way up from the synchronized firing of neurons. I would qualify this bald statement somewhat to account for the recent interest of emotions in IR. At least some of the psychological literature on emotions taps into a deep pool of research where the age-old cognition-emotion binary has finally been put to rest.
You have a broad experience in IR. How do you see the evolution of the field? Is it a tragedy of unfolding rationalization and increasing division of labor, or is something else going on?
As I intimated earlier, IR has failed as a disciplinary project. I'm almost inclined to say, there's no hope for IR 'as we know it.' Better to say, IR has lost its self-told coherence. A hundred flowers bloom, but just barely, and there are a lot of weeds. I don't see this as a bad thing (your weeds may well be my flowers), although other disciplines, such as sociology and a resuscitated geography, cast shadows on our scraggly garden. I do think larger societal processes—modern rationalization and modernist functional differentiation—have conjoined to impose a coherence we don't see. Crudely, we are servants to other servants, all of us ultimately minions to run-away capital and victims of its techno-material seductions. I guess you could call this phenomenon a tragedy, though its very impersonality undercuts the sense of the term. I have no doubt, however, that it will eventuate in a catastrophe from we moderns will never recover. I have been saying this ever since the 1970s, when the debate over The Limits to Growth persuaded me that we would never turn the ship around.
A new 'turn' seems to be developing in the social sciences, possibly a swing of the ontological pendulum back to materialism—this time with a more postpositivist undertone. How do you relate to such a turn?
I am skeptical. It looks like a fad to me—people casting about for something new and interesting to say. Moreover, the vitalist, Bergsonian tenor of so much of the new materialism turns me off—I cannot see the case for ascribing agency (and thus purpose) to things when the language of cause suffices. (And I am not among those constructivists who will not speak of cause for fear of positivist contamination.) But there's another issue that troubles me: the continued power of the materialist-idealist binary. In IR, we call realists materialists and liberal institutionalists/soft constructivists idealists when it should be obvious that whatever separates them (in my view, not as much as they think) has nothing to do with idealism and materialism as philosophical stances. Security dilemmas, arms races and terrorist plots are not ideationally informed? Norm diffusion, identity crises and human rights are not materially expressed? Get serious.
I argued in World of Our Making that the material and the social are bound inextricably bound together. Rules do the job. They turn the stuff of the world into resources that we, as social beings, put to use. I think I got it right then. Needless to say, I also think students afflicted with mindlessly linked binaries can only benefit from reading that book.
Nicholas Greenwood Onuf is renowned as one of the founders of constructivism in International Relations. He is also known for his important contributions to International Legal Theory, International History, and Social Theory. Onuf's most famous work is arguably World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in Social Theory and International Relations (published in 1989), which should be on every IR student's must-read list. His recent publications include Nations, Markets, and War: Modern History and the American Civil War (2006, co-authored with his brother Peter Onuf) and International Legal Theory: Essays and Engagements, 1966-2006 (2008). Onuf is currently Professor Emeritus of International Relations at Florida International University and is on the editorial boards of International Political Sociology, Cooperation and Conflict, and Contexto Internacional. Professor Onuf received his PhD in International Studies at John Hopkins University, and has also taught at Georgetown University, American University, Princeton, Columbia, University of Southern California, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, and Kyung Hee University in Korea.
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FacultyProfile at the Florida International University Read Onuf's Rule and Rules in International Relations (2014 conference paper) here (pdf) Read Onuf's Fitting Metaphors: the Case of the European Union (New Perspectives, 2010) here (pdf) Read Onuf's Institutions, intentions and international relations (Review of International Studies, 2002) here (pdf) Read Onuf's Levels (European Journal of International Relations 1995) here (pdf)
Author's introductionNon‐human animals constitute an integral part of human society. They figure heavily in our language, food, clothing, family structure, economy, education, entertainment, science, and recreation. The many ways we use animals produce ambivalent and contradictory attitudes toward them. We treat some species of animals as friends and family members (e.g., dogs and cats), while we treat others as commodities (e.g., cows, pigs, and chickens). Our constructions of animals and the moral and legal status we grant them provide rich topics for sociological study.This teaching and learning guide can serve as a resource for those who want to learn more about the field or for those preparing to teach a course on animals and society. The materials have the common theme of examining animals within the context of larger social issues. The guide begins with an annotated list of major works in the area. It then lists useful online resources. Finally, it provides a sample syllabus, concluding with ideas for course projects and assignments.Author recommends:Arnold Arluke and Clinton R. Sanders, Regarding Animals (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1996). Regarding Animals was the first book‐length sociological work on human‐animal relationships. Arluke and Sanders focus on the ambivalent and contradictory ways that we humans view other species. It examines how we cherish some animals as friends and family members, while we consider others as food, pests, and resources. Based on research in animal shelters, veterinary clinics, primate research laboratories, and among guide‐dog trainers, the book provides sociological insight into how we construct animals – and how in the process we construct ourselves.Arnold Arluke and Clinton R. Sanders, Between the Species: A Reader in Human‐Animal Relationships (Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon, 2009).Arluke and Sanders have divided this reader into three units. The first, animal, self, and society, includes topical sections on 'Thinking with Animals', 'Close Relationships with Animals', 'The Darkside', and 'Wild(life) Encounters'. The second unit, which focuses on animals in institutions, includes readings on science, agriculture, entertainment and education, and health and welfare. The third unit is organized around the 'changing status and perception of animals'. Its chapters examine healing, selfhood, and rights. The articles, drawn largely from social science journals, have been edited for readability at the undergraduate level.Clifton Flynn, Social Creatures: A Human and Animal Studies Reader (New York, NY: Lantern, 2008).Flynn's edited volume examines the role of animals in language, as food, and as companions. It delves into issues of animal abuse and grief after pet loss. It contains over 30 chapters, mostly reprints of articles in scholarly journals, representing a range of perspectives. Part I gives an overview of the field of human–animal studies. Part II focuses on studying human‐animal relationships. Part III offers comparative and historical perspectives on those relationships. Animals and culture is the focus of Part IV. Part V examines attitudes toward animals. Part VI offers essays on criminology and deviance. Inequality and interconnected oppression focuses the essays in Part VII. The chapters in Part VIII concern living and working with animals, and Part IX includes readings on animal rights, as both philosophy and social movement. Each chapter offers study questions for study and discussion.Adrian Franklin, Animals & Modern Cultures: A Sociology of Human‐Animal Relations in Modernity (London, UK: Sage, 1999).This book examines the changes in human‐animal relationships over the 20th century. It argues that at the start of the century, animals were regarded most often as resources. Moreover, we drew a distinct boundary between humans and other animals. By the end of the century, our attitudes toward animals had changed, and we began to question the subordination implicit in the human–animal boundary. Franklin highlights companionship with animals, hunting and fishing, the meat industry, and leisure activities involving animals, such as bird watching and wildlife parks. He emphasizes variations by gender, class, ethnicity, and nation.Leslie Irvine, If You Tame Me: Understanding our Connection with Animals (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2004).This book examines our relationships with dogs and cats, arguing that animals have a sense of self. Drawing on research conducted at an animal shelter, in dog parks, and in interviews and observation, the author argues that animals become such important parts of our lives because of the subjective experience they bring to the relationship. Challenging the view that we simply anthropomorphize animals, Irvine offers a model of animal selfhood that explains what makes relationships with animals possible. Offering an alternative to George Herbert Mead's perspective on the self, Irvine argues that interaction with animals reveals complex subjectivity, emotionality, agency, and memory.Linda Kalof and Amy Fitzgerald, The Animals Reader: The Essential Classic and Contemporary Writings (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).This edited volume is notable for its diversity in perspectives. It includes readings on ethics, philosophy, sociology, cultural studies, environmental studies, history, and anthropology. It examines questions ranging from 'what is an animal?' to those surrounding the ethics of cloning. Part I examines animals as philosophical subjects. Part II includes essays that suggest that animals are reflexive thinkers. Part III considers the various roles of animals as domesticates, 'pets', and food. The chapters in Part IV focus on animals in sport and spectacle. Part V focuses on animals as symbols. Part VI examines animals as scientific objects. Each chapter offers an introduction and list of further readings.David Nibert, Animal Rights/Human Rights: Entanglements of Oppression and Liberation (Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002).David Nibert connects oppression based on species, gender, ethnicity, and social class to the institution of capitalism. By modifying Donald Noel's theory of ethnic stratification, Nibert explains the oppression of non‐human animals in all forms, from meat eating to vivisection. He then argues that the systematic oppression of animals led to the oppression of other humans.Online materials Animals and Society Section of the American Sociological Association http://www2.asanet.org/sectionanimals/ This website offers membership information specifically for sociologists interested in human–animal studies. It is especially notable for its online syllabi from courses on animals and society. Animals and Society Institute http://www.animalsandsociety.org/ The Animals and Society Institute includes programs in three areas: Human–animal Studies; AniCare, a program dedicated to animal abuse and other forms of violence; and the Animals' Platform, a set of guidelines for animal protection legislation at the state, local, or national levels. The website's homepage includes a link to a video introducing the institute and its programs. The 'Resources' link leads to useful web and print documents and other web pages, including lists of human–animal studies centers and courses. Animal Studies Bibliography http://ecoculturalgroup.msu.edu/bibliography.htm This extensive, well‐organized bibliography is the project of the Ecological & Cultural Change Studies Group at Michigan State University. It includes works on Animals as Philosophical and Ethical Subjects; Animals as Reflexive Thinkers; Domestication and Predation; Animals as Entertainment and Spectacle; Animals as Symbols and Companions; Animals in Science, Education, and Therapy; and a 'miscellaneous' category. HumaneSpot.org http://www.humanespot.org/node HumaneSpot is the creation of the Humane Research Council. It requires registration as a user, and users must complete a short online application and attest that they are animal advocates, but advocacy in the form of scholarship counts. Once registered, users have access to extensive research on all aspects of animal welfare. Users can also have summarized updates of recent studies delivered by email. The Hoarding of Animals Research Consortium (HARC) http://www.tufts.edu/vet/cfa/hoarding/ The HARC website offers a collection of research on animal hoarding or 'collecting'. The studies address issues of animal welfare, public health, mental health, connections with other forms of abuse, and intervention. Pet‐Abuse.com http://www.pet‐abuse.com/ Alison Gianotto started Pet‐Abuse.com after someone kidnapped one of her cats and set him on fire. The cat died of the subsequent injuries and the abuser was never caught. Despite its name, Pet‐Abuse addresses abuse among many species, not just those commonly kept as pets. The project tracks incidents of cruelty throughout the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Australia, and Spain. The website offers a database that is searchable by location, type of cruelty, gender of offender, and more. It also allows for the creation of real‐time graphic displays of statistics on cruelty cases.Sample syllabusPart I: introduction and overviewWhat is human–animal studies? How can we study animals sociologically? What can the study of animals offer to the field?Reading:Arnold Arluke, 'A Sociology of Sociological Animal Studies,'Society & Animals 10 (2002): 369–374. Leslie Irvine, 'Animals and Sociology,'Sociology Compass 2 (2008):1954–1971. Jennifer Wolch, 'Zoöpolis,' In: Jennifer Wolch and Jody Emel (eds), Animal Geographies: Identity in the Nature Culture Borderlands (London, UK: Verso), 119–138.From Social Creatures:Kenneth J. Shapiro, 'Introduction to Human: Animal Studies'Clifton Bryant, 'The Zoological Connection: Animal‐related Human Behavior'Barbara Noske, 'The Animal Question in Anthropology'Part II: studying human‐animal relationshipsHow can we study our interactions and relationships with animals? What approaches have been used, and what are their strengths and weaknesses?Leslie Irvine, 'The Question of Animal Selves: Implications for Sociological Knowledge and Practice,'Qualitative Sociology Review 3 (2007): 5–21.From Social Creatures:Kenneth J. Shapiro, 'Understanding Dogs through Kinesthetic Empathy, Social Construction, and History'Alan M. Beck and Aaron H. Katcher, 'Future Directions in Human – Animal Bond Research'Clinton R. Sanders, 'Understanding Dogs: Caretakers' Attributions of Mindedness in Canine – Human Relationships'Part III: historical and comparative perspectivesIn this section, we examine how people have regarded animals in other times and places.Reading:Lynda Birke, 'Who – or What – are the Rats (and Mice) in the Laboratory?'Society & Animals 11 (2003): 207–224.From Social CreaturesBarbara Noske, 'Speciesism, Anthropocentrism, and Non‐Western Cultures'Michael Tobias, 'The Anthropology of Conscience'Harriet Ritvo, 'The Emergence of Modern Pet‐keeping'Part IV: animals and cultureThis section focuses on how animals are portrayed in language, advertisements, and other media. It also considers how culture influences our attitudes toward animals.Reading:Rhonda D. Evans and Craig J. Forsyth, 'The Social Milieu of Dogmen and Dogfights,'Deviant Behavior 19 (1998): 51–71.Fred Hawley, 'The Moral and Conceptual Universe of Cockfighters: Symbolism and Rationalization,'Society & Animals 1 (1992): 159–168.Linda Kalof and Amy Fitzgerald, 'Reading the Trophy: Exploring the Display of Dead Animals in Hunting Magazines,'Visual Studies 18 (2003): 112–122.Jennifer E. Lerner and Linda Kalof, 'The Animal Text: Message and Meaning in Television Advertisements,'The Sociological Quarterly 40 (1999): 565–585.From Social Creatures:Andrew Linzey, 'Animal Rights as Religious Vision'Leslie Irvine, 'The Power of Play'Tracey Smith‐Harris, 'There's Not Enough Room to Swing a Dead Cat and There's No Use Flogging a Dead Horse'Part V: attitudes toward other animalsThis part of the course examines how we think about animals, including what research reveals about how our attitudes develop.Reading:Mart Kheel, 'License to Kill: An Ecofeminist Critique of Hunters' Discourse,' In: Carol J. Adams and Josephine Donovan (eds), Animals and Women: Feminist Theoretical Explorations (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995): 85–125.From Social Creatures:Harold Herzog, Nancy S. Betchart, and Robert B. Pittman, 'Gender, Sex‐role Orientation and Attitudes toward Animals'Elizabeth S. Paul and James A. Sarpell, 'Childhood Pet Keeping and Humane Attitudes in Young Adulthood'David Nibert, 'Animal Rights and Human Social Issues'Part VI: criminology and devianceThis section examines animal abuse and neglect, and its possible connections to other forms of violence, particularly that directed at human beings.Reading:Arnold Arluke, 'Animal Abuse as Dirty Play,'Symbolic Interaction 25 (2002): 405–430.From Social Creatures:Frank R. Ascione, 'Children Who Are Cruel to Animals: A Review of Research and Implications for Developmental Psychology'Linda Merz‐Perez, Kathleen M. Heide, and Ira J. Silverman, 'Childhood Cruelty to Animals and Subsequent Violence against Humans'Clifton P. Flynn, 'Women's Best Friend: Pet Abuse and the Role of Companion Animals in the Lives of Battered Women'Gary J. Patronek, 'Hoarding of Animals: An Under‐recognized Public Health Problem in a Difficult‐to‐study Population'Part VII: inequality – interconnected oppressionsThis section considers how our treatment of other animals influences our treatment of others, especially women and people of color.Reading:Isabel Gay Bradshaw, 'Not by Bread Alone: Symbolic Loss, Trauma, and Recovery in Elephant Communities,'Society & Animals 12 (2004): 144–158.Linda Kalof, Amy Fitzgerald, and Lori Baralt, 'Animals, Women, and Weapons: Blurred Sexual Boundaries in the Discourse of Sport Hunting,'Society & Animals 12 (2004): 237–251.From Social Creatures:Marjorie Spiegel, 'An Historical Understanding'Carol J. Adams, 'The Sexual Politics of Meat'David Nibert, 'Humans and Other Animals: Sociology's Moral and Intellectual Challenge'Part VIII: living and working with other animalsWe hold contradictory attitudes toward animals. We love our pets, but we consider some animals as disposable. What do our close living and working relationships with animals reveal about the roles of animals in society?Reading:Leslie Irvine, 'Animal Problems/People Skills: Emotional and Interactional Strategies in Humane Education,'Society & Animals 10 (2002): 63–91.Rik Scarce, 'Socially Constructing Pacific Salmon,'Society & Animals 5 (1997): 115–135.From Social Creatures:Andrew N. Rowan and Alan M. Beck, 'The Health Benefits of Human—Animal Interactions'Rose M. Perrine and Hannah L. Osbourne, 'Personality Characteristics of Dog and Cat Persons'Gerald H. Gosse and Michael J. Barnes, 'Human Grief Resulting from the Death of a Pet'Stephen Frommer and Arnold Arluke, 'Loving Them to Death: Blame‐displacing Strategies of Animal Shelter Workers and Surrenderers'Mary T. Phillips, 'Savages, Drunks, and Lab Animals: The Researcher's Perception of Pain'Part IX: animal rights – philosophy and social movementThis section examines the leading animal rights perspectives. It also considers who animal activists are and how animal rights exists as a social movement.Corwin Kruse, 'Gender, Views of Nature, and Support for Animal Rights,'Society & Animals 7 (1999): 179–197.From Social Creatures:Peter Singer, 'All Animals are Equal'Tom Regan, 'The Case for Animal Rights'Josephine Donovan, 'Animal Rights and Feminist Theory'Lyle Munro, 'Caring about Blood, Flesh, and Pain: Women's Standing in the Animal Protection Movement'Project ideasEssay topicsWrite an essay on each of the following topics: Topic 1: Focus on any species (other than dog or cat) and explore and present the nature of human–animal relations for that species. You should find and evaluate scholarly and popular print and Internet resources regarding this species and its relationships with humans. At least two of your sources should come from articles in scholarly journals.Topic 2: Find current media coverage of an event or issue that applies and extends material in the assigned text. This can involve an individual animal, a group of animals, or an entire species. For example, coverage of the role of livestock in global warming could be approached through several of the readings in the course. You cannot predict when these events will occur, so be continually on the lookout throughout the semester. JournalingTo help you think about the readings and ideas we are discussing, as well as relate the material to your own lives, you must keep a journal throughout the semester. You must have two entries per week. These need not be long; one page for each entry will suffice. However, they must demonstrate that you are thinking about the issues we are studying. The entries are to be analysis, not cute stories of how much you love animals. You must apply the material to your thoughts about and/or your interaction with animals. Each entry should have three parts: a personal reflection, a sociological insight, and an action step.1. Personal reflection (In this section, note any new observations, feelings, epiphanies, or other insights prompted by the course material.) Example: I never knew, or even thought about, the emotional lives of farm animals. Somehow, I have been able to draw a line between pets and other animals. I know many wild animals have emotions. I have seen programs about elephants experiencing grief, for example. However, I always bought into the idea that cows, chickens, and pigs were 'dumb'. I guess we have to think of them that way in order to treat them the way that we do. I was particularly struck by ... 2. Sociological insight (In this section, draw out some of the sociological relevance of the material.) Example: Farm animals have such a huge role in so many institutions. So much of the economy has to do with raising animals, transporting animals, killing them, processing their skin, muscle, organs, coats, and bones. It makes sense that we have commercials promoting 'Beef, it's what's for dinner' and 'Got Milk' ads. If it were 'natural' and necessary to consume animals, we would not need advertising campaigns designed to encourage us to do so. The 'animal industrial complex' depends on a steady supply of consumers. Vegetarians and vegans are very threatening to the status quo. No wonder popular culture makes fun of them.Farm animals also have a huge role in families. We eat animals on most of our holidays and other occasions. In addition, the histories of agricultural families go back ... 3. Action Step(s) (In this section, note at least one and as many as three ways that you will share your new knowledge. Action steps might include taking your cat to the vet, finding out about volunteering at an animal shelter, or becoming vegetarian.) Example: I intend to tell my roommates about the emotional lives of farm animals, and about the animal industrial complex. I will look for information about Farm Sanctuary online and pass it on to my sister.
India is experiencing a period of high economic growth and rapid social and demographic change. There is increasing concern about the manner in which this transformation is impacted by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. While the Government of India has taken significant measures to curb the spread of HIV/AIDS, much remains to be done. Given the complexity of the challenge, an effective response requires the engagement of all sectors. The private sector, alongside other stakeholders, can play an important part not only by contributing to the efforts for HIV/AIDS prevention and the reduction of stigma and discrimination, but also for the care, support and treatment of Persons Living with HIV/AIDS (PLHA). The report presents challenges, good practices and success stories about how Informational Technology (IT) companies in India are addressing the issues of HIV/AIDS. It demonstrates the mounting will and commitment of IT leaders to respond to the epidemic. The IT industry in India is young in terms of both its stage of development and the age of its workforce which averages 18-35 years. Reflecting the composition of the sector, the report documents the experiences not only of large companies in India's IT sector, but also of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). Each company has used different approaches to address HIV/AIDS among its workforce including community outreach activities. By capturing these companies' experiences, the report seeks to foster a more active response to HIV/AIDS from India's IT community and to encourage new partnerships to leverage the goodwill and competencies of this sector.
How diversity initiatives end up marginalizing Arab Americans and US Muslims One of Donald Trump's first actions as President was to sign an executive order to limit Muslim immigration to the United States, a step toward the "complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States" he had campaigned on. This extraordinary act of Islamophobia provoked unprecedented opposition: Hollywood movies and mainstream television shows began to feature more Muslim characters in contexts other than terrorism; universities and private businesses included Muslims in their diversity initiatives; and the criminal justice system took hate crimes against Muslims more seriously. Yet Broken argues that, even amid this challenge to institutionalized Islamophobia, diversity initiatives fail on their promise by only focusing on crisis moments.Evelyn Alsultany argues that Muslims get included through "crisis diversity," where high-profile Islamophobic incidents are urgently responded to and then ignored until the next crisis. In the popular cultural arena of television, this means interrogating even those representations of Muslims that others have celebrated as refreshingly positive. What kind of message does it send, for example, when a growing number of "good Muslims" on TV seem to have arrived there, ironically, only after leaving the faith? In the realm of corporations, she critically examines the firing of high-profile individuals for anti-Muslim speech—a remedy that rebrands corporations as anti-racist while institutional racism remains intact. At universities, Muslim students get included in diversity, equity, and inclusion plans but that gets disrupted if they are involved in Palestinian rights activism. Finally, she turns to turns to hate crime laws revealing how they fail to address root causes. In each of these arenas, Alsultany finds an institutional pattern that defangs the promise of Muslim inclusion, deferring systemic change until and through the next "crisis."
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Der Datensatz besteht aus 131 XLSX-Tabellen mit über 1.100 Zeitreihen zu verschiedenen Themen für Deutschland in den verschiedenen Grenzen, beginnend frühestens 1834, der Gründung des Zollvereins. Anlass war eine in Zusammenarbeit mit der Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung erstellte Publikation "Deutschland in Daten". Das Projekt beschränkte sich dabei auf die Zusammenstellung publizierter Daten 1. in langer Zeitreihenperspektive und 2. ohne regionale Differenzierung. Ziel des Projektes war es, verstreut vorhandene historische Zeitreihen zu identifizieren und zusammenzustellen und bei vertretbarem Aufwand diese zu ergänzen bzw. zu aktualisieren. Dabei sollten die bestmöglichen bzw. wichtigsten Daten zusammengestellt werden. Es sollten dabei nur solche Zeitreihen aufgenommen werden, für die zumindest theoretisch für den gesamten Zeitraum ab 1834 Werte vorhanden sein können. Wesentlicher Aspekt des Konzeptes war die Kombination der Zusammenstellung der Daten mit einer kritischen Kommentierung und Begleitung des Auswahlprozesses durch ausgewiesene Experten. Die Daten wurden von über 40 Personen an 25 Standorten bearbeitet und zusammengestellt. Insgesamt wurden 24 Themen bearbeitet (in Klammern die verantwortlichen Autoren): 1. Umwelt, Klima und Natur (Paul Erker); 2. Bevölkerung, Haushalte, Familien (Georg Fertig/Franz Rothenbacher); 3. Migration (Jochen Oltmer); 4. Bildung und Wissenschaft (Volker Müller-Benedict); 5. Gesundheitswesen (Reinhard Spree); 6. Sozialleistungen (Marcel Boldorf); 7. Öffentliche Finanzen und Steuern (Mark Spoerer); 8. Politische Partizipation (Marc Debus); 9. Kriminalität (Dietrich Oberwittler); 10. Erwerbsarbeit, Lebensstandard und Konsum (Toni Pierenkemper/Ulrich Pfister); 11. Kultur, Tourismus und Sport (Heike Wolter/Bernd Wedemeyer-Kolwe); 12. Religion (Thomas Großbölting/Markus Goldbeck); 13. Volkswirtschaftliche Gesamtrechnung (Thomas Rahlf); 14. Preise (Rainer Metz); 15. Geld und Kredit (Richard Tilly); 16. Verkehr und Kommunikation (Christopher Kopper); 17. Land- und Forstwirtschaft (Michael Kopsidis); 18. Unternehmen, Industrie und Handwerk (Alfred Reckendrees); 19. Bauen und Wohnen (Günther Schulz); 20. Handel (Markus Lampe/ Nikolaus Wolf); 21. Zahlungsbilanz (Nikolaus Wolf); 22. Internationale Vergleiche (Herman de Jong/Joerg Baten); 23. Einkommen, Vermögen und ökonomische Ungleichheit (Charlotte Bartels / Jan-Otmar Hesse); 24. Gender (Rainer Fattman / Sibylle Lehmann-Hasemeyer / Mark Spoerer); Resümee und Ausblick: Deutschland regional; Dokumentation zur Buch-Publikation: Rahlf, Thomas (Hg.), Deutschland in Daten. Zeitreihen zur Historischen Statistik, Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 2. Aufl. 2022. ISBN 978-3-8389-7133-9. Die Dokumentation nennt die verwendeten Quellen.
The aim of this work is to read the history of the French welfare state in the light of the theory of a predatory state. An approach to social protection taken by the State in which protection is an instrument of predation is opposed to an approach described as 'Social' dominated by a 'welfare' society and focused on the self-governance of individuals. The welfare state is the culmination of modern mass war and social policy (in particular population policy) is geared towards the needs of war. However, although it is in part the result of the war, social protection also has its roots in France's assertion of a good being borne by the citizens themselves and not by the State. The origins of this French exception date back to the municipality of 1871 and continue with the creation of the general social security system in 1945/1946. It will be shown that the whole history of the French welfare state is to regain ownership of the self-managed citizen's well-being through a process of reforms initiated from 1947 onwards. This astonishing movement for the welfare community, in addition to being a depository of the political power of self-government of citizens, has been accompanied by the merchandising of social policies. ; Ce travail a pour objet de relire l'histoire de l'Etat providence français à la lumière de la théorie d'un Etat prédateur. On oppose une approche de la protection sociale portée par l'Etat où la protection est un instrument de la prédation à une approche qualifiée de « La sociale » dominée par un « citizen welfare » et axée sur un auto gouvernement des individus. L'Etat providence est l'aboutissement de la guerre de masse moderne et la politique sociale (notamment la politique de population) est orientée vers les besoins de la guerre. Cependant bien qu'elle soit en partie le résultat de la guerre, la protection sociale trouve aussi ses racines en France dans l'affirmation d'un bien être porté par les citoyens eux-mêmes et non par l'Etat. Les origines de cette exception française remontent à la ...
