Suchergebnisse

IX. JAHRGANG, 1904 Oberösterreichische Bauzeitung (-) IX. Jahrgang, 1904 (IX. JG., 1904) ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis. ( - ) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 1. Linz, 1. Jänner 1904. (Nr. 1. Linz, 1. Jänner 1904.) ([1]) Inhalt. ([1]) Eine eigentümliche Grundrisslösung. ([1]) [Plan]: ([1]) Adaptierungs-Arbeiten im k. k. Post- und Telegraphen-Direktionsgebäude in Linz. ([1]) Internationale Bauaustellung in Wien 1904. (2) Die Vorteile der Sauggasanlagen. (2) [2 Abb.]: (3) Ueber Akustik in Theater und Konzertsälen. (4) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (6) Lokale Baunotizen. (6) Umlegung der Kremstalbahn. Bauherstellungen in der Landes-Gebäranstalt. Erfindung. (6) Zum Kirchenbau in Kleinmünchen. (6) Strassenbau. Bau eines Badebassins. Kirchhofbau. Vergebung der Bauarbeiten zum Kasernenbau in Steyr. (7) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. Stand und Geschäftsergebnisse der in der Bauindustrie und Industrie der Steine und Erden tätigen Aktiengesellschaften Oesterreich-Ungarns. Briefkasten. (7) Werbung (7) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (2)Anmeldung für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (8) Sonstiges (190) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 2. Linz, 15. Jänner 1904. (Nr. 2. Linz, 15. Jänner 1904.) ([9]) Unsere Wohnungen als Krankheitsherde. ([9]) Erfahrungen mit neuen Arten der Strassenbefestigung. (10) Ueber die Befestigung der Fahrdämme. (11) Bürgersteige. (12) Die Promenaden. Reitwege. Radfahrwege. Der Stassenbahnkörper. (13) Die Druckfestigkeit von Backsteinmauerwerk. (13) [Tabelle]: Als mittlere Bruchlasten bei solchen Pfeilern, die mit Sorgfalt aufgeführt waren, ergaben sich die Ergebnisse nachstehender Tabelle: (13) Brandschäden durch elektrische Anlagen. (14) Lokale Baunotizen. (15) Bauaussichten 1904. Vergebung der Arbeiten und Lieferungen für den städtischen Haushalt 1904. Bau einer Betonbrücke. Bildhauer-Atelier F. Stark. Pumpenanlage. Rekonstruktion eines Elektrizitätswerkes. Baunachrichten aus Tirol. (15) Patentliste. (15) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (16) Werbung (16) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 3. Linz, 1. Februar 1904. (Nr. 3. Linz, 1. Februar 1904.) ([17]) Inhalt. ([17]) Bau-Vandalismus. ([17]) Enquete über das Schätzungswesen von Realitäten. (19) Acetylen als Beleuchtungsmittel für kleinere Städte. (19) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (21) Lokale Baunotizen. (21) Eisenbahnbau. Eisenkonstruktions-Arbeiten. Villenbauten. Strassenreinigung. Schulhausbau. - Amtsgebäude. (21) Donau-Regulierungsarbeiten in den Jahren 1904 bis 1911. (21) Korpskommando-Gebäude. - Grundpreise. Schulbau. Zur Konkurrenzreiterei. (22) Patentliste. (22) Aus der Fachliteratur. Das Beizen und Färben des Holzes. Wilhelm Zimmermann (22) Briefkasten. (23) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (23) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (24) Werbung (24) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 4. Linz, 15. Februar 1904. (Nr. 4. Linz, 15. Februar 1904.) ([25]) Projekt zu einer Markthalle. ([25]) [2 Pläne]: (1)Ansicht. (2)Grundriss. ([25]) Protokoll der am 24. Jänner 1904 im Gasthofe "zur Austria" in Linz, Harrachstrasse, abgehaltenen Generalversammlung des Vereines der Baumeister in Oberösterreich. (26) Das neue Polizeigebäude in Wien. (27) Feuergefährlichkeit der Dachwohnungen. (28) Leistungen des amerikanischen Arbeiters und die Bemessung der Lohnsätze. (29) Lokale Baunotizen. (30) Schulbau. Kanalbau. Flussregulierungen. Brückenkonstruktion. Naubau. (30) Bauaussichten. Brückenbestellungen für die Pyhrnbahn. Das Hausieren mit Bauprojekten. (31) Aus der Fachliteratur. Hie Europa - hie Amerika! Jul. H. West. (31) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (2)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (31) Briefkasten. (32) Werbung (32) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 5. Linz, 1. März 1904. (Nr. 5. Linz, 1. März 1904.) ([33]) Versuch an einem Theatermodelle und Massregeln zum Schutze des Publikums bei Theaterbränden. ([33]) [2 Pläne]: (1)Grundriss des Theatermodelles. (2)Längsschnitt durch das Ringtheater in Wien. ([33]) Einiges über die Bedeutung des historischen Stiles. (35) Inhalt. (37) Lokale Baunotizen. (37) Wandverkleidung mit Asbest-Zement-Schiefer-Platten. Umgestaltung einer Hausfassade. Auszeichnung. Vorkonzession. Wasserleitung. Flexenstrasse. Bau der Innbrücke. Wasserleitung. Steuerbefreiung. - Wasserleitung. Zugbeförderungs-Anlage. (37) Patentliste (38) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (2)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (38) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (39) Werbung (40) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 6. Linz, 15. März 1904. (Nr. 6. Linz, 15. März 1904.) ([41]) Inhalt. ([41]) Zu Beginn der Bausaison. ([41]) Bauerhaltung in Italien. ([41]) Versuche an einem Theatermodelle und Massregeln zum Schutze des Publikums bei Theaterbränden. (43) Geschichte der Grundsteinlegung eines Gebäudes. (45) Lokale Baunotizen. (46) Elektrizitätswerk in Bad Hall. Elektrizitätswerk in Ischl. Brückenbau bei Gmunden. Hausbau. Schulbau in Ebelsberg. Zum Bau des städtischen Gymnasiums in Wels. Brückenbau in Grein. Bau von Familienhäusern. (46) Aus Tirol und Vorarlberg (46) Strassenbauten. (47) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. "Neueste Erfindungen in Bild und Wort". Briefkasten. (47) Werbung (47) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke. Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (48) Werbung (48) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 7. Linz, 1. April 1904. (Nr. 7. Linz, 1. April 1904.) ([49]) Projekt für ein Geschäfts- und Wohnhaus in Salzburg. ([49]) [3 Pläne]: (1)[Ansicht] (2)Parterre [Grundriss] (3)1. Stock [Grundriss] ([49]) Bauerhaltung in Italien. II. (50) Unser Submissionswesen. (51) Geschichte der Grundsteinlegung eines Gebäudes. (53) Inhalt. (54) Lokale Baunotizen. (54) Die Wünsche der Baumeister. Schlosserarbeiten. Parzellierung. Errichten wir Einzelnwohnungen. Neubau. Zum Kasernenbau in Steyr. Villenbauten. Bau eines Postgebäudes in Innsbruck. (54) Patentliste (54) Briefkasten. (55) Werbung (55) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (55) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (56) Werbung (56) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 8. Linz, 15. April 1904. (Nr. 8. Linz, 15. April 1904.) ([57]) Inhalt. ([57]) Die Konkurrenzreiterei im Baufache. ([57]) Die Ausgrabung der römischen Lagerstadt "Aquincum" bei Budapest. ([57]) Ueber Fassaden-Farbe. (58) Die Grundprinzipien des modernen Stiles. (59) Bauleitung und Baumaterial. (60) Lokale Baunotizen. (62) Zur Beilage I. Fensterverschluss. Zur Beilage II. Vom Neubau Haslinger. Auszeichnung. Ueber Schulbauten. Adaptierungsarbeiten. Vortrag. Malerarbeiten. Aus Tirol. (62) Patentliste. Briefkasten. (63) Werbung (63) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (63) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (64) Werbung (64) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 9. Linz, 1. Mai 1904. (Nr. 9. Linz, 1. Mai 1904.) ([65]) Prämiierte Grundrisslösung für eine Zinshausgruppe in München. ([65]) [Plan]: ([65]) Häuser aus Kalk und Sand. ([65]) [Tabelle]: Hat man nun groben Sand (Kies) mit dem vierten Teil, Mittelsand mit dem dritten Teil, so verfährt man ungefähr folgendermassen: ([65]) [Tabelle]: Um sicher zu gehen, tut man indessen gut, die Menge des Mittel-Sandes zu verringern, statt dessen aber etwas mehr Kalk zu nehmen, so dass die Rechnung etwa so zu stehen kommt würde: (66) Die Ausgrabung der römischen Lagerstadt "Aquincum" bei Budapest. (66) Die Feuersicherheit der Bausteine. (67) [Tabelle]: Der Koeffizient der räumlichen Ausdehnung der hauptsächlichsten, für die wichtigeren Gesteinsarten in Betracht kommenden Mineralien ist wie folgt bestimmt worden: (67) Wie "alte Meisterbilder" gemacht werden. (68) [Abb.]: Neuer Fensterverschluss. (69) Lokale Baunotizen. (69) Arbeiten für das Allgemeine Krankenhaus. Für Privat-Ingenieure. Die Wünsche der Baumeister. Ankauf des Hotels "zur Stadt Frankfurt". Schutzdämme. Kirchenbau in Wels. (69) Rohrlieferung. (69) Wasserleitung. Bau eines Gerichtsgebäudes. Strassenbau. Direktionswechsel. Aus Tirol. (70) Patentliste. Briefkasten. (70) Werbung (70) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (2)Anmeldung für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (71) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (72) Aus der Fachliteratur. M. Mayr. Das Formen und Modellieren. (72) Werbung (72) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 10. Linz, 15. Mai 1904. (Nr. 10. Linz, 15. Mai 1904.) ([73]) Inhalt. ([73]) Reflexionen über die Errichtung von Arbeiterhäusern. ([73]) Unvorsichtigkeit von Handwerkern bei Gebäudeausbesserungen. ([73]) Die neue Fischhalle in Wien. (74) Wasserkräfte. (74) Die Weltausstellung in St. Louis 1904. (75) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (Sitzung vom 11. Mai.) (77) Lokale Baunotizen. (77) Lieferungen für das Linzer Allgemeine Krankenhaus. (77) Ausschreibung. Lieferung und Arbeit für die k. k. Staatsbahn. Kunstschlosserarbeiten. Bautätigkeit in Freistadt. Baunachrichten aus Tirol. Strassenbau. Eisernes Tragwerk. (78) Patentliste (78) Patentwesen. (79) [Abb.]: Metallplatte zum Einfassen von Bedachungen. (79) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (79) [Tabelle]. (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke. (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (80) Werbung (80) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 11. Linz, 1. Juni 1904. (Nr. 11. Linz, 1. Juni 1904.) ([81]) Inhalt. ([81]) Zur Verschönerung der Landstrasse in Linz. ([81]) Die Weltausstellung in St. Louis 1904. (Fortsetzung.) ([81]) Erziehungswesen. Kunst. Der Kunstpalast. (82) Freie Künste (liberal Arts). (82) Manufakturen. Maschinenwesen. (83) Hygiene der Schulgebäude. (83) A. Gesamtanlage des Schulhauses. (83) B. Schulzimmer. (84) Die Baukunst im Mittelalter. (84) Lokale Baunotizen. (85) Lieferung und Montierung einer Lokomotivdrehscheibe. Wasserleitung in Ebelsberg. Bau eines Garnisonsspitals. (85) Wasserwerksanlage. (85) Vom Kasernenbau in der Stadt Steyr. Tunnelbau. Vom Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. Pflasterungsarbeiten. Aussperrung von Bauarbeiten in Wien. (86) Patentliste. Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (86) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (87) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (88) Werbung (88) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 12. Linz, 15. Juni 1904. (Nr. 12. Linz, 15. Juni 1904.) ([89]) Projekt für ein Krankenhaus im Kronlande Salzburg. ([89]) [3 Pläne]: (1)Parterre. (2)I. Stock. (3)Situationsplan. ([89]) Die Weltausstellung in St. Louis 1904. (Schluss.) (90) Elektrizitätswesen. (90) Verkehrswesen. (90) Ackerbau. Forstwesen. Bergbau und Metallurgie. Volkswirtschaft. Internationale Kongresse und Vereinswesen. Die Beteiligung der Regierung, der Vereinigten Staaten. (91) Die Neuanlage des National-Museums zu Neapel. (91) Hygiene der Schulgebäude. (92) C. Turnhalle. (93) E. Schulhof. F. Sonstige Schuleinrichtungen. (94) Lokale Baunotizen. (94) Zur Bausaison 1904. (94) Vom Hotel zur "Stadt Frankfurt". (94) Kanalisierungsarbeiten. Wasserleitung in Ried. Hydroelektrische Anlage. Heizanlage. Kirchenrestaurierung. Zum Bau der Kirche in Kleinmünchen. Schlosserarbeiten. Familienhäuser. Zum Bau des neuen Realschulgebäudes in Linz. Kanalbau. Ein neues Elektrizitätswerk. Bau eines Sparkassengebäudes. Bau eines Turmes in Lind (Kärnten). (95) Patentliste. Briefkasten. (95) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für den Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (96) Werbung (96) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 13. Linz, 1. Juli 1904. (Nr. 13. Linz, 1. Juli 1904.) ([97]) Inhalt. ([97]) Kritik über einige oberösterreichische Ziegelwerke. ([97]) Eine Reise in das österreichische Donautal. (98) Das neue städtische Polizeigefangenenhaus in Wien. (99) Lokale Baunotizen. (100) Lieferungen für das Allgemeine Krankenhaus. Zu- und Aufbau der Landesgebäranstalt. Zum Stelzhamer-Denkmal. Adaptierungsarbeiten. Einbau eines Heizkörpers. Zum Bau der Kadettenschule in Enns. Bau einer Volksschule. Villenbau. (100) Bau eines Wohnhauses. (100) Kaiserdenkmal in Braunau. Verein der Techniker in Oberösterreich. Kirchenbau in Tirol. Für Brückenbauanstalten. (101) Zum Mauerstreik in Salzburg. (101) Permanente Ausstellung bautechnischer Neuheiten u. Spezialerzeugnisse in Wien. (101) Patentliste (102) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (102) [Tabelle]: Aisweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (103) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (104) Werbung (104) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 14. Linz, 15. Juli 1904. (Nr. 14. Linz, 15. Juli 1904.) ([105]) Inhalt. ([105]) Zum Bau der Infanterie-Kadettenschule in Enns. ([105]) a) Hauptgebäude. b) Offiziers-Wohngebäude. c) Mannschaftsgebäude. d) Spitalgebäude für Zöglinge. ([105]) e) Nebengebäude. ([105]) Moderne Schaufensterarchitektur. (106) Eine Reise in das österreichische Donautal. (Schluss.) (107) Staubbekämpfung auf Strassen und Plätzen. (109) Lokale Baunotizen. (110) Zur Beilage. Vom neuen Volksgartensalon. (110) Villenbau. (110) Bau einer neuen Pfarrkirche und Pfarrhof in Linz. Restaurierung eines Speisesaales. Anleihe zu Bauzwecken. Altarbauten. Bautätigkeit in Freistadt. Fassadenrenovierung. Bau einer Volksschule. Zum Brückenbau in Gmunden. (111) Verein österreichischer Ziegel- und Kalkfabrikanten. (111) Patentliste (111) Briefkasten. (112) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (112) Werbung (112) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 15. Linz, 1. August 1904. (Nr. 15. Linz, 1. August 1904.) ([113]) [Plan]: Grundrisse für ein herrschaftliches Wohnhaus in Innsbruck. ([113]) Erklärung der eingezeichneten Buchstaben: ([113]) Die Stadterweiterung in Rom. ([113]) Das Wiener Versorgungsheim in Lainz. (115) Technische Notizen. (116) Holzstoff-Riemenscheiben. (116) Ein Meisterwerk der Wiener Schlosser. Neues Fenster-Sicherheitsgerüst für Bauzwecke. (117) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. (117) Inhalt. (117) Lokale Baunotizen. (117) Versorgungshauszubau. Bahnumbau. (117) Vergebung des Baues der Traunbrücke im Zuge der Kremstalbahn. (117) Lokalveränderung. Vom Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. Schulbau. Strassenbau und Wasserleitung. Bau einer Turnhalle. Strassenbau. Staub als Brandstifter. (118) Patentliste (118) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (119) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (119) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (120) Werbung (120) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 16. Linz, 15. August 1904. (Nr. 16. Linz, 15. August 1904.) ([121]) Inhalt. ([121]) Zu den vielen diesjährigen Feuersbrünsten in Oberösterreich. ([121]) Die Stadterweiterung in Rom. (122) Wie man in Amerika Häuser baut. (123) Das Iroquois-Theater in Chicago und die Brandkatastrophe vom 30. Dezember 1903. (123) Technische Notizen. (125) Färbiger Sandstein. Herstellung von Fusswegen längs des Bahnkörpers in Russland. Atlas-Isolit. (125) Neue Goldfunde in Mexiko. (125) Lokale Baunotizen. (126) Kanalisierung. Bauausschreibung. Herstellung eines Steges über die Eisenbahn. Vergebung von Baumeister- und Zimmermannsarbeiten. Bau von Arbeiterhäusern. Zum Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Wasserinstallation. Hochbauten. Werkzeugmaschinen. Pfostenlieferung. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Oberbauschwellen. (126) Strassenbau. (126) Lokalbahnbau. Wettbewerb für den Wiederaufbau des Königsschlosses in Kopenhagen. (127) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. Die Kontorarbeiten. Mörtel. Einfamilienhäuser. (127) Offene Stellen. (127) Briefkasten. (128) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (128) Werbung (128) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 17. Linz, 1. September 1904. (Nr. 17. Linz, 1. September 1904.) ([129]) Inhalt. ([129]) Ueber städtisches Wohnungswesen mit besonderer Beziehung auf das Familienwohnhaus. I. ([129]) Die neuen städtischen Strombäder im Wiener Donaukanale. (130) Das Iroquois-Theater in Chicago und die Brandkatastrophe vom 30. Dezember 1903. (131) Lokale Baunotizen. (133) Ausschmückung eines Restaurationslokales. (133) Projekt zur neuen Urfahrer Stadtpfarrkirche. Desinfektionsanstalt. Bau einer Equitationsreitschule für eine Artilleriebrigade in Linz. Zum Gymnasialbau in Wels. Kasern- und Spitalbau. Baumeisterarbeiten. Zum Bau der Infanteriekadettenschule in Enns. Bau eines Steges. Werkstättengebäude. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Fortschritte der Bauarbeiten in den grossen Alpentunnelen. (134) Patentliste (134) Briefkasten. (135) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (135) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (136) Werbung (136) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 18. Linz, 15. September 1904. (Nr. 18. Linz, 15. September 1904.) ([137]) Inhalt. ([137]) Linzer Neubauten 1904. ([137]) [Abb.]: Das Josef Haslinger'sche Haus Ecke der Schiller- und Schützenstrasse in Linz. ([137]) I. Das Josef Haslinger'sche Haus Ecke der Schiller- und Schützenstrasse in Linz. (138) Ueber städtisches Wohnungswesen mit besonderer Beziehung auf das Familienwohnhaus. II. (138) Verkehrsgeschwindigkeiten zu Lande einst und jetzt. I. (139) [4 Tabellen]: (1)Wie durchschlagend der Erfolg der Eisenbahnen sich in der Erhöhung der Reisegeschwindigkeit geltend machte, ergibt sich aus der nachstehenden Zusammenstellung der zwischen Paris und Calais üblichen Reisegeschwindigkeit. Dieselbe betrug: (2)Wir beginnen mit einigen Angaben über Reisegschwindigkeiten. (3)An sonstigen in Amerika ausgeführten Schnellfahrten nennt Olshausen nach der "Railroad Gazette" und "Locomotive Engineering": (4)Die längsten, ohne Aufenthalt durchlaufenen Strecken sind: (141) Ein wirksames Kanalreinigungssystem. (141) [Abb.]: (141) Technische Notizen. (141) Unterbietungsverfahren. (141) Ein Mittel um die Fällungszeit des Holzes zu erkennen. Die Durchdringung unserer Mauern durch Gase. (142) Lokale Baunotizen. (142) Adaptierungsarbeiten. Aus Gmunden. Masswerkeinsetzung. Wasserleitung in Ried. Brückenbau. (142) Wasserleitung. Regulierungsarbeiten. Kanalisierungsarbeiten. (143) Patentliste. Aus der Fachliteratur. Taschen-Rechenschieber für Techniker. Briefkasten. (143) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasswerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (144) Werbung (144) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 19. Linz, 1. Oktober 1904. (Nr. 19. Linz, 1. Oktober 1904.) ([145]) Inhalt. ([145]) Zur Geschichte des Ornaments. ([145]) Verkehrsgeschwindigkeiten zu Lande einst und jetzt. II. (146) [Tabelle]: Nach Julius Roches beliefen sich die Kosten für 1 Kilometer für jeden Reisenden zwischen Paris und Calais auf. (146) Der Meistertitel. (147) Wer darf den Meistertitel führen? Was hat nun der zu tun, welcher zu dem Meistertitel gelangen will? (148) Lokale Baunotizen. (149) Das neugestaltete Café Baumgartinger in Linz. Korksteinzwischenwände. Zum Bau der Kasernerweiterung in Wels. Bau der Traunbrücke in Gmunden. Lokomotiv-Drehscheibe. Strassenbau und Flussregulierung. (149) Aus den Gmeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 21. September 1904. (149) Patentliste (150) Aus der Fachliteratur. L. Hofstetter. Der Bau und die Konstruktion der Treppen. Briefkasten. (151) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (151) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (152) Werbung (152) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 20. Linz, 15. Oktober 1904. (Nr. 20. Linz, 15. Oktober 1904.) ([153]) Inhalt. ([153]) Die Eishäuser in Budapest. ([153]) [Abb.]: ([153]) Die gschäftlichen Verhältnisse im Baufache in den Provinzorten Oberösterreichs. ([153]) Die Steinmetzhütten des Mittelalters. (154) Der Bau des Panama-Kanels. (155) Bauliche Verhältnisse in Russland. (157) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 12. Oktober. (157) Lokale Baunotizen. (158) Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal. Kirchenbau. Strassenherstellung und Pflasterung. Bahnhofbau. Hebung der Baulust in Enns. Hotelbau in Linz. Errichtung von Pissoirs. Dampfkessellieferung. Neue Bauordnung. (158) Diverses. (158) Deckung des Schienebedarfes der österreichischen Staatsbahnen. (158) Eine heizbare Stadt. (159) Patentliste (159) Ist der Partieführer Arbeitgeber oder der Ur-Unternehmer? Briefkasten. (160) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (2)Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (160) Werbung (160) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 21. Linz, 1. November 1904. (Nr. 21. Linz, 1. November 1904.) ([161]) Das Kaltenbrunner-Denkmal in Enns. ([161]) [Abb.]: ([161]) Winke für junge Plastiker bei Abfassung von Denkmalprojekten. ([161]) Eine Nacht im Dampfkessel. (162) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 19. Oktober. (164) Lokale Baunotizen. (165) Bau von Schutzdämmen. Traunbrücke. Bau eines Sparkassengebäudes. Ausschreibung von Bauarbeiten. Villenbauten. (165) Fabriksvergrößerung. (165) Bau eines Elektrizitätswerkes. Wasserleitung. Bau der Eisackbrücke. Wettbewerb für ein Krankenhaus in Komotau. Erstehung des Bahnhofbaues in Görz. Bau einer Landes-Irrenanstalt. Offertausschreibung. (166) Diverses. Die Nachteile der Lichtschächte. (166) Patentliste. Offen Stellen. Briefkasten. (167) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (2)Anmeldung für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (168) Werbung (168) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 22. Linz, 15. November 1904. (Nr. 22. Linz, 15. November 1904.) ([169]) Zum Schlusse der Bausaison 1904. ([169]) [Tabelle]: Nachstehend die Namen der Bauherren, der Baumeister sowie der Oertlichkeiten, wo die Bauten aufgeführt wurden: ([169]) a) dreistöckige Zinshausbauten: ([169]) b) zweistöckige Zinshausbauten: ([169]) c) einstöckige Bauten: d) Zu- und Aufbauten: (170) Die Haftpflicht der Kommunen. I. (170) Wandelnde Wohnhäuser. (171) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen in Linz. Sitzung vom 9. November. (173) Inhalt. (174) Lokale Baunotizen. (174) Gefährliche Adaptierung. Fachkurs für Maler und Anstreicher. Berichtigung. Bau eines neuen Bezirksgerichtsgebäudes. Zum Bau des neuen Postamtsgebäudes. Avis für Beleuchtungsunternehmungen. Das Hebewerk im Donau-Oderkanal. (174) Wettbewerb für den Bau eines Bankgebäudes in Darmstadt. (174) Unter- und Hochbauarbeiten. Schlachthofanlage. (175) Diverses. Versuche mit Stahlpflaster. Patenliste. (175) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (176) [Tabelle]: Anmeldungen für Wasserbezug aus dem städtischen Wasserwerke (176) Werbung (176) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 23. Linz, 1. Dezember 1904. (Nr. 23. Linz, 1. Dezember 1904.) ([177]) Inhalt. ([177]) Noch eine Kritik über die Linzer Neubauten. ([177]) Die Haftpflicht der Kommunen. II. ([177]) Wesentliche Verbesserungen an Dampfmaschinen. (178) Aus den Gemeinderats-Sitzungen. (Sitzung vom 23 November). (179) Lokale Baunotizen. (179) Projektierter Hausbau. Bau eines Schul und Menagegebäudes. Traunbrücke. Uferverbauung. Spitalsbau. (179) Vergifteter Boden. (179) Villenbau. Bau einer Knabenbürgerschule. Anlage für Desinfektion von Waggons. Eisen, Stifte. Bau einer Wasserleitung. Kai- und Brückenbau. Elektrische Beleuchtung. Kanalisierung. Betonbau. Kanalisierung und Wasserversorgung. Permanente Ausstellung bautechnischer Neuheiten und Spezialerzeugnisse. Wettbewerb zur Erlangung von Entwürfen für das Gebäude der Landeshypothekenbank in Darmstadt. (180) Staatsvoranschlag pro 1905. (180) Patentliste (181) Aus der Fachliteratur. (181) Oesterreichischer Hausbesitzerkalender. (181) Hohe Warte. (181) Adressbuch der Architekten, Baumeister, Bauingenieure, Bauunternehmer, Maurer- und Zimmermeister Deutschlands. (182) Briefkasten. (182) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Urfahr. (182) [Tabelle]: Ausweis über die Umschreibung von Immobilien in Linz. (183) [Tabelle]: Angesuchte Baulizenzen in Linz. (184) Offene Stellen. (184) Werbung (184) IX. Jahrgang, Nr. 24. Linz, 15. Dezember 1904. (Nr. 24. Linz, 15. Dezember 1904.) ([185]) Inhalt. ([185]) Die Haftpflicht der Kommunen. ([185]) Vom Kreditgebenmüssen. (186) Wie kann der Landwirt billig bauen? (187) 1. Die Billigkeit in Bezug auf die Grundformen des Gebäudes. 2. Die Billigkeit in Bezug auf die Höhe des Gebäudes. (187) 3. Die Billigkeit in Bezug auf den Querschnitt des Gebäudes. (187) Kanalisation und Wasserversorgung von St. Petersburg. (188) Lokale Baunotizen. (189) Restaurierung alter Häuser. Gipsmodell. Hoher Besuch in einem Maleratelier. Zur Stadtbeleuchtung in Enns. Prämiierung. Schulgebäudeprojekt. Kanalisierungsarbeiten. Bau eines Feuerwehrmagazins. Oesterreichische Gesellschaft zur Bekämpfung des Strassenstaubes. (189) Neuer Krankenhausbau. Fortschritte der Bauarbeiten in den grossen Alpentunnels. Wie gelangt der Handwerker zu Wohlstand?. (190) Offene Stellen. Briefkasten. (190) Werbung (190)

1. IntroducciónEn la ponencia se abordarán las relaciones entre instituciones y desarrollo económico focalizando en el problema de la autonomía administrativa de los entes autónomos en Uruguay. El llamado "dominio industrial y comercial" del Estado era la principal herramienta de intervención estatal en la economía en las tres primeras décadas del siglo (lo siguen siendo hoy en día, aunque de una manera diferente). El proceso de construcción de dicho dominio arranca con la fundación del BROU en 1896. La intención original por la cual se dio autonomía administrativa al instituto fue separar la administración de problemas complejos, de las angustias políticas o financieras de los gobiernos. Construir institutos de intervención en la economía que no estuvieran sujetos al juego de la "política menuda" (al decir de Carlos Real de Azúa) fue uno de los propósitos orientadores en la forja de los Entes Autónomos. Este principio fue imaginado como un mecanismo que permitiría una intervención racional del Estado en la economía privilegiando los criterios técnicos de actuación sobre los políticos. Sin embargo, la autonomía administrativa presentaba un problema crucial para el andamiaje institucional del Estado: no estaban previstos en la constitución de 1830. Al momento en que se reforma la constitución (hacia 1917) el problema aparece a los legisladores como un tema de difícil resolución. El artículo 100 de la constitución que entra en vigencia en 1919 pretende dar una solución a esta anomalía. Sin embargo, la solución propuesta deja en manos de la ley la reglamentación definitiva de la autonomía administrativa de cada ente Autónomo. Esta resolución no logra corregir los problemas previos y plantea otros que deberán ser resueltos por los gobiernos sucesivos. Un elemento clave de los intentos de los gobiernos por abordar la definición de la autonomía administrativa durante los años de 1920 es que se encontrarán con la oposición de los mismos Entes Autónomos, los cuales no querrán ceder en cuanto al grado de autonomía alcanzado previamente. En éstos, y especialmente en el más antiguo que era el BROU, se había forjado una fuerte cohesión entre los Directorios y los principales funcionarios de carrera que lideraban el instituto.Los gobiernos se enfrentan a un nuevo actor, el actor burocrático que pugna por mantener la situación de autonomía, consolidada en los años previos a 1920.En el trabajo original de investigación que sustenta esta ponencia, el objetivo central era describir el primer impulso racionalizador del Estado uruguayo. En esta ponencia abordaremos un aspecto crucial de ese primer impulso que fue el surgimiento dentro de las empresas públicas de un personal jerárquico con características particulares. Nuestra principal hipótesis es que al amparo de la autonomía administrativa surgió un estamento de burócratas con una clara conciencia de su rol en la política democrática. Intentaremos mostrar cómo este grupo de "high civil servants" se percibía a sí mismo como un grupo necesario y diferente del actor político. Creemos que esta hipótesis ilumina un aspecto poco estudiado de la construcción del Estado uruguayo y sus mecanismos de intervención en la economía y la sociedad. Tradicionalmente se ha estudiado el rol de los políticos, de los empresarios, de los trabajadores y las diferentes formas de articulación de estos actores en la conformación de las estructuras del Estado uruguayo. Nosotros quisiéramos agregar un actor más, el cual creemos tiene su propia historia para contar, y que es el actor burocrático.El foco de nuestra ponencia estará en el Banco República y en la figura de su primer gerente de carrera, don Octavio Morató.A continuación, delimitaremos las dimensiones analíticas que empleamos para abordar nuestro objeto de estudio. Nos limitaremos a enunciar las principales hipótesis con las cuales interrogaremos el material empírico recolectado. El lector que así lo quiera, puede profundizar el marco teórico en el libro de próxima aparición (BAUDEAN, 2011).De la reflexión de Max Weber sobre la burocracia tomamos el énfasis que éste hace en la importancia del marco legal en la construcción de los roles que llevarán a cabo políticos y burócratas y en la definición de las características organizacionales de la burocracia. Con esta idea como guía abordaremos el marco constitucional y legal que dio forma al sistema de empresas públicas en su origen y particularmente al Banco República. Del institucionalismo de corte estructuralista, tomamos la hipótesis según la cual en el momento en que el Estado conquista cierta autonomía en el manejo de problemas específicos se convierte en arena del conflicto social (EVANS, RUESCHEMEYER, 1985). Esta hipótesis nos conducirá a precisar cuáles eran los aspectos críticos de la autonomía administrativa que generaban conflicto entre burocracia y clase política. La reflexión de Rudolph y Hoeber Rudolph (1984) nos hará profundizar en laimportancia del manejo del poder hacia el interior de la organización. En este sentido, intentaremos mostrar cuáles eran los problemas que Directores y altos burócratas del BROU veían en la posibilidad de mayores controles por parte del poder político en el manejo interno de la organización.La reflexión de Morstein Marx (1963) sobre el high civil service nos llevará a darle especial importancia al pensamiento del actor burocrático. De aquí el foco en el pensamiento de Octavio Morató. Dicho pensamiento será interpretado como un indicador de la autopercepción que los altos burócratas tenían sobre su rol en la política democrática.Por último, de la corriente neo-institucionalista (MEYER, ROWAN, 1991) nos interesará explorar la hipótesis según la cual las organizaciones son construidas y modeladas en su estructura y funcionamiento por los valores y principios institucionalizados prevalecientes en las sociedades donde están insertas. Esta hipótesis permite prever que las organizaciones que se alejan de dicho entorno de valores y principios institucionalizados encontrarán problemas en su consolidación y legitimación. En consecuencia, el trabajo de reconstrucción histórica realizado enfatiza en los conceptos institucionalizados a lo largo del siglo XIX sobre la estructura del Estado, el valor político y social de la burocracia y la organización del sistema financiero. La idea de la autonomía administrativa obtenía legitimidad de ciertos principios institucionalizados sobre las finanzas así como entraba en conflicto con otros vinculados a la relación entre los partidos y sus bases sociales. 2. El problema de investigación en su contexto históricoEl período que va desde la década de 1870 hasta la segunda década del siglo XX es el momento histórico de la consolidación y centralización del poder estatal. En el mismo se pasa desde un Estado de cuño liberala un Estado interventor en la economía. El corolario de este proceso es la institucionalización de la democracia con la constitución de 1919. Con esta reforma se inician la depuración de los procesos electorales y los arreglos institucionales que conducirán a la coparticipación de los partidos tradicionales en la administración.En las primeras décadas del siglo XX, con Batlle y Ordoñez en la presidencia (1), se consolidan las principales instituciones que mediarán en la intervención en la economía por parte del Estado: las empresas públicas o entes autónomos(2). Dichos entes eran, precisamente, autónomos en un país cuyos cimientos constitucionales prefiguraban un estado "unitario y centralista" al decir de historiadores y constitucionalistas. Dicha autonomía, implicaba que los directorios de los entes tenían potestad de "libre, franca y general administración": capacidad de designar y destituir funcionarios y de elaborar su propio presupuesto. Los directorios, a su vez, eran designados por el Ejecutivo con previa venia del Senado(3). Sin embargo, según la constitución de 1830 -en curso al momento de la creación de los primeros entes- el poder Administrador recaía en el Ejecutivo. Es así que la descentralización administrativa y la creación de una burocracia estatal autónoma comienza en Uruguay con elementos emparentados con las reformas que por la misma época (1870-1920) se implementaban en Europa y Estados Unidos (RAMOS, 2004). El elemento en común es el problema de"resolver el cómo se deberá producir la politización y despolitización simultánea que se debe operar al interior del sistema Ejecutivo de gobierno" (RAMOS, 2004). Es decir, el problema de cómo construir una burocracia meritocrática relativamente autónoma de los vicios de la política, pero al mismo tiempo capaz de servir a los gobiernos democráticamente elegidos. Sin embargo, el origen del concepto de autonomía tiene una historia que se hunde en los problemas del Estado uruguayo en el siglo XIX. En particular, el problema de generar una estructura estatal con autonomía financiera de los sectores económicamente dominantes en el país. El Banco República fue pensado –entre otros fines- para resolver este problema. En la coyuntura marcada por la crisis de 1890, uno de los problemas centrales que proponía una institución bancaria vinculada al Estado radicaba en la desconfianza que este vínculo despertaba en los sectores que dominaban el crédito a nivel local. En un sistema de patrón oro, dicho grupo tenía múltiples mecanismos para desestabilizar el normal desarrollo de una nueva institución estatal. La autonomía de la que gozará por ley el BROU (desde 1896) fue una fórmula de compromiso, fruto de la debilidad del Estado frente al capital financiero local. Dicha autonomía aseguraba a éstos últimos que la nueva institución no iba a ser manipulada para sofocar las angustias financieras de los gobiernos.Ahora bien, hay dos elementos escasamente subrayados en toda su importancia en lo que respecta a esta creación institucional (la descentralización vía la creación de entidades autónomas).En primer lugar, que esta idea se constituyó en una verdadera tradición en nuestro país. Pero lo más importante es que esta tradición de autonomía (4) fue defendida y fundamentada en conceptos de eficiencia organizacional e interés público por las mismas empresas, sus directorios y altos jerarcas (especialmente en el caso del BROU que será el foco de interés de esta ponencia). Esto es de resaltar porque –en el lenguaje teórico que emplearemos- es un indicador del temprano desarrollo de un actor burocrático con conciencia de un rol diferenciado del actor político partidarios así como de otros actores sociales.En segundo lugar, el BROU fue a la postre el modelo sobre el cual se inspiraron el resto de las empresas públicas del período. Con la fundación del BROU el concepto de autonomía administrativa aparece por primera vez en su máximo grado de expresión (Sayagues Laso, 1991, 225-253). Batlle y Ordoñez vislumbró en la formula organizacional de la autonomía una forma eficiente de administrar organismos complejos y sujetos a la sospecha de "manejo político" y la respetó, difundió y alentó. El concepto de autonomía se volvió problemático cuando se le quiso dar estatuto constitucional. La primera solución es la del artículo 100 de la constitución de 1919. La misma fue una solución incompleta. Desde la entrada en vigencia de la constitución llevó a polémicas tanto a nivel jurídico como entre las nuevas empresas y el Poder Ejecutivo. Tras varios intentos frustrados de reglamentación del artículo 100 a lo largo de la década de 1920, el mismo quedó sin reglamentar. El Consejo Nacional de Administración (5) (CNA) era quien tenía a cargo la supervisión general de los entes. En sucesivas reformas constitucionales, la tradición autonómica persiste y se desarrolla a nivel constitucional (1934, 1942 y 1952). Pero persistirá manteniendo características diferentes a las originales. En 1983, Solari y Franco escribían que las autonomías de las empresas públicas fueron altas hasta 1930 (6) y que con la constitución de 1934 comienzan a verse limitadas, cerrándose un ciclo de re-centralización hacia la constitución de 1967. Asimismo sugieren que el estudio de las autonomías a posteriori de 1967 es más complejo de lo que parece si uno se guía exclusivamente por el marco legal (7).Ahora bien, poco se sabe de los debates y tensiones que se generaron en el período histórico que va de 1920 a 1933, momento en que la autonomía de las empresas públicas es fuertemente criticada. ¿Cuáles fueron las posiciones de políticos y burócratas en torno a la autonomía?, ¿cuáles eran los grandes temas que se discutieron?, ¿qué alternativas se planteaban para dar solución a los conflictos generados? En el resto de la ponencia abordaremos dos temas que permiten responder parcialmente las preguntas planteadas. Primero, la sanción constitucional de la autonomía administrativa de los entes autónomos (1917-1919). Este es el marco legal que da pie a los encuentros y desencuentros entre el BROU y el Poder Ejecutivo durante el período de duración de la segunda constitución que tuvo el país (1919-1933). Encuentros y desencuentros que estarán pautados por la discusión del alcance que la nueva constitución daba a la autonomía del instituto (particularmente en lo referente a la elaboración y sanción de su presupuesto) y la definición del estatuto de sus funcionarios (el debate acerca de si los mismos debían ser considerados funcionarios públicos o especiales). Segundo, profundizaremos en la perspectiva burocrática sobre estos problemas. Para ello abordaremos el pensamiento de Octavio Morató, gerente del BROU entre 1921 y 1937. (8)3. La autonomía administrativa del dominio industrial del Estado y la reforma de la constituciónEl marco en el que se debatió y se procesó la reforma que culminó en la constitución de 1919 fue una coyuntura donde se superpusieron nuevos y viejos problemas. Como lo expone Benjamín Nahum (NAHUM, 1998: 53-54), dicha coyuntura estuvo marcada por la resolución de al menos tres grandes problemas.En primer lugar, la experiencia de la guerra civil había puesto de manifiesto la necesidad de superar las limitaciones que la primera constitución oponía al sufragio. En segundo lugar, los nuevos entes autónomos creados no estaban "previstos ni regulados" por la vieja Constitución.En tercer lugar, y vinculado al problema anterior, la Constitución de 1830 era excesivamente centralista y ponía en manos del Presidente de la República una suma de poder que lo convertía en figura clave en la sociedad. Esta centralización era un problema para la democracia y la reforma constitucional debía dar una respuesta.En virtud de esta agenda, la discusión de dicha constitución fue uno de los momentos ideológicos más importantes del siglo XX en Uruguay (PANIZZA: 1990). Básicamente se discutió todo el andamiaje institucional que ordenaba la vida política del país. El problema jurídico que representaba la existencia de organismos y servicios tuvo un largo proceso de discusión que derivó en la redacción del artículo 100 de la Constitución de 1919. Veremos las diferentes posiciones sobre el problema a continuación.3.1. Posiciones sostenidas a nivel parlamentario sobre el problema de la descentralización (previo a la Constituyente de 1917) Veremos un resumen de las principales posiciones sostenidas en los debates parlamentarios tal como las resume Sayagués en el "Tratado de Derecho Administrativo" (1991: 144 y 145).Básicamente se sostuvieron tres criterios diferentes frente al problema de los nuevos organismos y servicios descentralizados: Posición 1. Las Cartas Orgánicas creadas mediante la ley eran inconstitucionales cuando consagraban una descentralización amplia.El principal argumento giraba en torno a la defensa del Poder Ejecutivo como "jefe superior de la administración" y al cual la ley no podía quitar las potestades que la Constitución le atribuía expresamente (dictar reglamentos, nombrar y destituir empleados públicos) para cederlas a las autoridades de los nuevos entes. Por otra parte, se cuestionaba fuertemente el hecho de que los presupuestos de gastos de algunas organizaciones (caso del BROU) pudiesen ser sancionados por sus propios directorios o con aprobación del Poder Ejecutivo, desconociendo de esta forma la competencia del Parlamento para autorizar los gastos públicos.Posición 2. Las Cartas Orgánicas creadas por la ley eran constitucionales. Esta posición fue mantenida por quienes defendieron la creación de los entes en el Parlamento (fuertemente por el sector batllista, pero también por blancos principistas como Martín C. Martínez). Resume Sayagués Laso (1991b: 145): "Se argumentaba diciendo que el Presidente era el jefe superior de la administración general de la República, pero no de las administracionesespeciales que el legislador crease; por tanto, concluíase que la ley podía dar amplios poderes de decisión a las autoridades de esos servicios. Un razonamiento análogo los llevaba a limitar la competencia del Poder Legislativo en materia presupuestal". (énfasis original).Posición 3. Las Cartas Orgánicas creadas por la ley no eran constitucionales ni inconstitucionales, sino EXTRACONSTITUCIONALES. Esta posición fue defendida por algunos legisladores que votaron favorablemente la creación de los nuevos entes. Se argumentaba que la Constitución de 1830 no preveía la descentralización administrativa por servicios, que comenzó a desarrollarse a posteriori por la vía de los hechos y por circunstancias especiales. En consecuencia, "el texto constitucional no la había permitido ni prohibido, sino simplemente ignorado"(SAYAGUÉS LASO, 1991: 145) .Los grandes temas que dividían las opiniones se centraban en:Los poderes de decisión de los directorios de los entes y su relación con la posición institucional del Poder Ejecutivo.La autoridad de la ley para crear dichos servicios frente a la autoridad de la Constitución misma.La competencia del Parlamento frente a los presupuestos de gastos de dichos servicios.Como puede observarse, se trata de una compleja mezcla de problemas jurídicos por una parte, y otros que van directamente a la relación entre política y administración. Estaba en juego la progresiva constitución de áreas de la administración que –de seguir las pautas de desarrollo que mantenían- podrían constituirse en arenas de decisión con alta independencia de los partidos en materias económicas, financieras y sociales. El problema radicaba en la precaria situación que tenía el Parlamento frente a estos nuevos segmentos de la administración.3.2. La Convención ConstituyenteHubo coincidencia entre los constituyentes en que la nueva Constitución consagrase el principio de la autonomía y en que el proyectado Consejo Nacional de Administración (CNA) tuviese a su cargo la superintendencia de dichos organismos. Las mayores divergencias surgieron en torno a la definición de la autonomía y a la conveniencia o no de extenderse sobre la misma en el texto constitucional. Existía diversidad de situaciones en los grados de autonomía que tenían los organismos y servicios descentralizados y también en la independencia económica que podían llegar a tener frente al Ejecutivo. Esto condujo a que no prosperara entre los constituyentes la idea de Martín C. Martínez de darle un contenido preciso al concepto mismo de autonomía. Predominó la idea de que sería la ley la que fijaría la extensión de la autonomía en cada caso. En consecuencia, el reconocimiento constitucional de la descentralización se redujo a un solo artículo (artículo 100) (8), no explicitándose el alcance de la autonomía. Esto generó la necesidad de definir con mayor precisión la relación entre el CNA y los diversos entes mediante la ley. Dado que preexistían diversas opiniones a nivel político sobre el tema y que los entes tenían posición tomada en defensa de la autonomía, se generaron debates y enfrentamientos mientras duró la Constitución de 1919 que nunca llegaron a resolverse en forma coherente y unificada.Pese a estos problemas, el artículo 100 fue un logro en varios sentidos. Constitucionalizó el proceso de descentralización administrativa que se había iniciado al margen de la Constitución de 1830. Con ello consagró un amplio traspaso de poderes de administración hacia los Consejos Directivos o Directorios de los entes.3.3. Las bases legales del conflicto entre gobierno y burocraciaTeniendo en cuenta estas disposiciones constitucionales, el problema estaba en resolver qué pasaba con las previas Leyes Orgánicas de los entes y servicios descentralizados: el artículo 100, ¿derogaba o no esas leyes? En caso afirmativo: ¿en qué medida se había operado dicha derogación? (SAYAGUÉS LASO, 1991:151).El BROU (9) se amparaba en la frase "serán administrados por Consejos Autónomos" para considerar derogadas de las previas Leyes Orgánicas todo lo referente a los controles administrativos que eventualmente el Ejecutivo pudiera imponer en el gobierno del instituto. Asimismo, en la postura institucional del BROU se consideraba como taxativos todos los casos de intervención del CNA enumerados en la segunda parte del artículo 100. En general, la postura de los entes fue acompañada por la doctrina jurídica de la época, siendo la mayor discrepancia el tema de las potestades presupuestales (donde juristas como Demichelli, Ramela de Castro y Martín C. Martínez mantenían posturas diferentes) (SAYAGUÉS LASO, 1991: 152). Por su parte, el Poder Ejecutivo (fundamentalmente el CNA) y el Parlamento sostuvieron la tesis de que el artículo 100 consagraba solamente el principio de la autonomía, dejando la precisión del alcance de la misma en manos del legislador. En consecuencia, mientras no se dictase la ley reglamentaria se deberían considerar vigentes todos los artículos de las previas Leyes Orgánicas que preveían intervenciones del Ejecutivo o el Parlamento en la administración de los entes. Esta divergencia dio lugar a enfrentamientos entre los poderes y las empresas. En nuestra opinión –pese a no tener evidencia contundente al respecto- las empresas se vieron en la obligación de exagerar sus fueros autonomistas debido a que la constitución de 1919 implicaba por primera vez la coparticipación de ambos partidos tradicionales en la conducción de temas administrativos de gobierno. Es plausible que las empresas -frente a un CNA que contenía en su interior a representantes de la oposición por primera vez- buscasen separar más radicalmente su administración de las injerencias de los poderes como forma de preservar el amplio margen de maniobra al que estaban acostumbradas.(1) Más precisamente, en su 2da presidencia: 1911 – 1916.(2) Luego de 1933 y en un contexto económico y político diferente, las empresas públicas también serán usadas con fines regulatorios junto a otros andamiajes institucionales destinados a tal fin.(3) Este modelo, que es el que corresponde a la 1era Carta Orgánica del Banco de la República (1896), se repitió –con variantes que delimitaban diversos grados de autonomía- para las empresas públicas creadas durante la 2da presidencia de Batlle.(4) Tradición que tuvo tiempo de madurar y permear la conciencia de los burócratas de carrera del Banco República por lo menos a lo largo de 3 décadas (desde la fundación del instituto hasta entrada la década de los '30).(5) Según la constitución de 1919 el Poder Ejecutivo se dividía en dos organismos: Presidente y Consejo Nacional de Administración con funciones específicas y diferenciadas.(6) Una prueba tangencial de ello son los debates con los gobiernos que se verán en el cuerpo central de esta tesis.(7) "Hasta esta última fecha [1967], sin embargo, la autonomía real frente al poder ejecutivo era elevada salvo en los casos, cada vez más frecuentes, de pérdida de la autonomía financiera . Sin embargo, la cuestión de la autonomía y su disminución no es tan simple. En forma paralela a la causa financiera se va produciendo también un proceso de pérdida de la autonomía real frente a los partidos políticos. Estos cada vez recurren con más fuerza al sector empresarial estatal, como recurso político. La paradoja es que dada la estructura de los partidos, la pérdida de autonomía frente a ellos puede traducirse muy a menudo en el surgimiento de la posibilidad de afirmar la autonomía frente al poder ejecutivo, inclusive en casos de imposibilidad de autofinanciamiento". Más adelante concluyen: ".surge la interrogante sobre si lo más característico del período actual es la disminución generalizada de las autonomías, lo que en algunos aspectos parece evidente, o una compleja transformación por la cual antiguas autonomías reales han sido sustituidas por otras diferentes, pero no menos reales" (SOLARI, FRANCO, 1983: 94-95).(8) Artículo 100: "Los diversos servicios que constituyen el dominio industrial del Estado, la instrucción superior, secundaria y primaria, la asistencia y la higiene públicas serán administrados por Consejos Autónomos. Salvo que sus leyes los declaren electivos, los miembros de estos consejos serán designados por el Consejo Nacional. A este incumbe destituir a los miembros de los consejos especiales con venia del Senado, ser juez de las protestas que originen las elecciones de los miembros electivos, apreciar las rendiciones de cuentas, disponer las acciones competentes en caso de responsabilidad y entender en los recursos administrativos según las leyes".(9) Junto con el BROU, también defendían dicha posición los entes autónomos que tenían en lo previo un grado similar de autonomía. *Profesor de Fundamentos de la Investigación Social, Métodos de investigación y Taller de Monografía.Depto de Estudios InternacionalesFACS – ORT Uruguay(ma.baudean@gmail.com). BIBLIOGRAFÍAABERBACH, J.; PUTNAM, R. ; ROCKMAN, B. 1981. Bureaucrats and politicians in western democracies. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.ACEVEDO, Eduardo. 1934. Anales históricos del Uruguay. Tomo IV. Montevideo: Barreiro y Ramos.Banco de la República Oriental del Uruguay [Raúl Montero Bustamante]. (s.f.) El Banco República en su Cincuentenario. 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4. La perspectiva de los burócratas: el pensamiento de Octavio Morató sobre la autonomía del BROU y el estatuto de los funcionarios bancarios Octavio Morató fue Gerente del BROU desde 1921 sucediendo a Jorge West. Dejó su puesto de Gerente en 1937, pasando a desempeñarse como Asesor Técnico del Banco hasta su jubilación definitiva en 1940. Fue funcionario del Banco desde su fundación en 1896. Inicia su carrera como Jefe de la sección Responsabilidades, pasa por Teneduría de Libros, Sub-Contador, Contador General, Gerente, Sub-Gerente A, hasta llegar a la Gerencia de la institución en 1921. Morató no sólo fue, además, uno de los economistas más influyentes de su época, referente permanente en cuestiones bancarias y financieras y activo participante en múltiples actividades académicas, políticas y técnicas a nivel nacional e internacional (1). La síntesis del pensamiento de Morató proviene de dos fuentes: la compilación de su actuación en el BROU titulada "Al servicio del Banco de la República y la economía uruguaya" (MORATÓ, 1976) y la conferencia dictada en 1924 en la Caja Nacional de Ahorros y Descuentos. Esta última fue publicada en forma de libro a posteriori, "Los funcionarios de las industrias del Estado" (MORATÓ, 1943). Este material es necesariamente incompleto. Como se consigna en "Al servicio.", Morató conservaba en su archivo personal copia de toda su actuación en el BROU, llenando la misma unos 50 biblioratos formato oficio. De ese archivo se incluyeron en el mencionado libro 52 informes referentes a múltiples cuestiones bancarias, económicas, proyectos de cambio y cuestiones de gobierno de la institución. Por tanto, queda dentro de nuestra exploración aquella zona de la actuación de Morató que el recopilador de "Al servicio ." encontró razonable y pertinente publicar. Por suerte, dicho recopilador (2) fue seguramente alguien que conoció de cerca los temas de mayor importancia para Morató y de los 52 informes publicados, hay 9 que están dedicados precisamente a temas relativos a la defensa de la autonomía administrativa de la institución (3).Esta síntesis tiene dos objetivos:Mostrar el sentido que para Morató comportaba el concepto de autonomía, como una forma peculiar de administración alejada de lo que él llama el"régimen desquiciador de la administración pública" (MORATÓ, 1976: 370).Mostrar los argumentos que empleó Morató para defender las prerrogativas del BROU para administrarse a sí mismo (dentro de lo que establecía la constitución y la tradición administrativa del instituto).4.1. El concepto de autonomía y su sentido en la vida política nacional según Octavio Morató. El punto basal de la defensa que hace Morató de la autonomía administrativa del BROU es su visión histórica de la misma. Es decir, su idea de que la autonomía es un producto peculiar de la historia del país. Como ha sido señalado (SOLARI, FRANCO, 1983), el origen histórico de la descentralización por servicios es algo que progresivamente fue perdiendo peso en los debates sobre las empresas públicas. De ahí la importancia de los argumentos de Morató: su argumentación histórica es una prueba de que en las empresas públicas se estaba creando un estamento muy particular de burócratas. Hay tres grandes ejes en la visión de Morató sobre los entes industriales y su rol en la vida política y económica del país:Hay una "razón histórica y una razón científica" para la autonomía administrativa.La organización autonómica (o ente autónomo) no puede ser tratada como el resto de la administración pública.Un ente autónomo busca la eficiencia de una empresa privada, pero no es una empresa privada.4.1.1. Hay una "razón histórica y una razón científica" para la autonomía administrativaComenzaremos por la conferencia dictada en 1924 en la Caja Nacional de Ahorros y Descuentos sobre el estatuto de los "funcionarios industriales" del Estado. En la misma, Morató defiende la tesis de que los funcionarios de la banca estatal son funcionarios "especiales". El objetivo es refutar la tesis rival según la cual a los mismos debían ser clasificados como funcionarios públicos. En el lenguaje de Morató, las autonomías (que constituyen la forma de organizar la intervención del Estado en la economía) tienen una "razón histórica y una razón científica". Para Morató, la historia impuso nuevas funciones al Estado y en la asunción de las mismas fue necesario delegar ciertos aspectos en corporaciones especializadas con variables grados de libertad para decidir. En un principio hubo autonomía técnica, pero la misma no implicaba autonomía administrativa. En la Instrucción Pública, Facultades de Estudios Superiores, Caridad Pública, etc.; el Poder Ejecutivo era quien nombraba los empleados, fijaba los sueldos, etc. Con la evolución de estos institutos, algunos de ellos comienzan a adquirir grados más elevados de autonomía administrativa en la medida en que por razón de su función perciben algún tipo de renta independiente de los recursos del Estado. Sucesivamente se llega a la constitución de los entes con mayor grado de autonomía, siendo – en la visión de Morató- los bancos República e Hipotecario los únicos con autonomía"completa"."Todas las escalas de autonomía que he descrito, no han resultado de la concepción de un plan general, sino de la gravitación de hechos, en algunos casos, de la ratificación de situaciones especiales creadas por la participación del Estado en empresas de servicio general en otros y del instinto, más que de la visión clara de las conveniencias públicas, en las primeras autonomías creadas; luego, de una concepción superior perfectamente disciplinada, que presidió las confirmaciones que se hicieron, reafirmando la política económica, dentro del terreno práctico de las autonomías, al reorganizar ciertos institutos" (MORATÓ, 1943: 26).Destaca el éxito del modelo organizacional del BROU y cómo dicho éxito"constituyó el más grande y poderoso estímulo para que el Estado se propusiera, con seguridad de éxito, entrar de lleno a detentar la explotación de industrias que estaban en manos de particulares, ya creando privilegios, ya adquiriendo instituciones privilegiadas, u organizándolas sobre la base de monopolios o constituyéndolas en competencia con la industria privada" (MORATÓ, 1943: 14-15).La base de la razón científica estará en la división del trabajo y la especialización de funciones. "Todas estas corporaciones [los Consejos Directivos de los servicios descentralizados] se constituyeron con el fin de entregar una gran parte de la gestión o de las funciones del Estado, a elementos especializados o que se especializaran en ellas, aplicando así la conocida y provechosa fórmula de la división del trabajo. Los consejos o Comisiones tenían, y tienen todavía, autonomía en su función técnica, es decir: en la función primordial, que ha sido objeto o es de su constitución. Naturalmente, la autonomía técnica debía girar dentro de las líneas generales que sus leyes orgánicas habían delineado, pero dentro de ellas, autonomía al fin" (MORATÓ, 1943: 23).Para Morató, división y especialización de funciones encarnan la búsqueda de la"eficiencia" en la administración pública:"(…) del estudio del conjunto de todas esas leyes especiales [las Cartas Orgánicas]y de su comparación se descubre que los grados de autonomía han sido inspirados, en todo tiempo, por estas dos ideas directrices: división del trabajo y la especialización de funciones, como medio de obtener la 'eficiencia' en ciertos ramos de la administración pública; la autonomía es el modo de realizar esos propósitos" (MORATÓ, 1943: 26).Como consecuencia de esta manera de pensar, Morató reclama que la autonomía se considere en toda la extensión del vocablo una vez aprobado el artículo 100 de la Constitución (4): "autonomía de gestión; autonomía de administración, por lo menos dentro de las líneas generales que las leyes especiales que rigen cada instituto y que no han sido derogadas, les ha acordado" (MORATÓ, 1943: 21).4.1.2. La organización autonómica (o ente autónomo) no puede ser tratada como el resto de la administración públicaMorató identifica a la administración pública con el predominio del patronazgo político en el ingreso y en el desarrollo de la carrera administrativa. Esto involucra una forma de organización no científica, irracional, "desquiciada"fruto del manejo "político" de su estructura. Frente a este concepto contrapone el de organización autonómica como aquella en la que es posible poner en práctica la "disciplina científica de la administración". Esto último es producto del hecho de no estar vinculada orgánicamente "al virus disolutivo de la política" (MORATÓ, 1976: 370) y tener la posibilidad de experimentar libremente con diferentes métodos de organización tal como sucede en la empresa privada. Un claro indicador de esta diferenciación está en la contraposición del régimen del BROU (o de los entes autónomos en general) como excepcional frente al de la administración pública como "régimen vulgar". Otro indicador es la constante asimilación que hace Morató del régimen autonómico con el de la empresa privada. Hay dos amenazas que Morató intenta conjurar. Por un lado, el problema del status de los funcionarios de los entes autónomos. Si los funcionarios del BROU son considerados como funcionarios públicos dos problemas enfrentan los administradores del instituto. Primero, el problema de la inflexibilidad del régimen de funcionarios públicos (se pueden contratar libremente pero no despedir libremente). Segundo, el problema de la autoridad de los administradores frente a los funcionarios. Si el ingreso y la carrera están sujetos a la intermediación política, el instituto pierde autoridad frente a sus funcionarios. La otra amenaza que percibe Morató es la posibilidad de que se multipliquen los controles del gobierno sobre las decisiones de los directorios autónomos. Más posibilidad de control central implica, para Morató, enlentecer la toma de decisiones del instituto.En lo que respecta a los funcionarios de los entes industriales, defiende la"condición excepcional" de los funcionarios del Banco (lo cual implica que no pueden ser considerados funcionarios públicos). Justifica esta excepcionalidad en la idea de organización "científica", asimilable en su régimen de ingreso y carrera al de la empresa privada:"Los funcionarios de las industrias del Estado están regidos por reglamentos especiales, dictados por el Directorio de la institución a la cual sirven. Los Directorios resuelven inapelablemente, sobre la situación de los empleados sometidos a su autoridad. Los empleados públicos son agentes del Estado; como tales tienen su representación y autoridad dentro del puesto para el cual han sido nombrados. Los empleados de las industrias del Estado tienen carácter privado y, como las instituciones de que forman parte, están sometidos a las disposiciones del derecho común, como cualquier particular. Los funcionarios de los Bancos de Estado, se encuentran en una posición -de hecho y de derecho- más aproximada a la de los Bancos privados, que a la de los empleados civiles del Estado"(MORATÓ, 1943: 31).En lo que respecta a los controles centrales, Morató critica –durante los años de 1930- algunos institutos creados con el fin de aumentar dichos controles. Tal es el caso del Tribunal de Cuentas. Este organismo fue creado en 1934 con el fin de realizar la vigilancia y superintendencia en todo lo relativo a presupuestos y gestión de la Hacienda Pública (5). En dos ocasiones, Morató escribió acerca de las disposiciones que regían al Tribunal y cómo las mismas afectaban el normal desempeño de las funciones del Banco (octubre de 1934 y agosto de 1936). En noviembre de 1936 Morató redacta un Memorando en el cual reúne sus opiniones sobre el Tribunal y su actuación con relación al BROU. En los primeros dos años de funcionamiento del Tribunal habían surgido frecuentes discrepancias con el BROU en cuanto a la apreciación de problemas de orden técnico-contable y administrativos y sobre las maneras de resolverlos (MORATÓ, 1976: 524-525).4.1.3. Un ente autónomo busca la eficiencia de una empresa privada, pero no es una empresa privadaEn este punto, aparece el otro elemento central de la concepción de ente autónomo. Si bien hay una constante asimilación de la organización y administración a los preceptos seguidos en la empresa privada, un ente autónomo no es una empresa privada. Se orienta a la consecución del lucro, pero no exclusivamente. Y esto porque el ente autónomo es el lugar, por excelencia para Morató, del interés público, entendido como el interés nacional más allá de "la divisa". Cuando Morató trata la defensa de la autonomía presupuestaria del BROU hace especial énfasis en este aspecto:"El Banco de la República no es una institución únicamente comercial, es una institución de carácter público y de utilidad pública. Como institución comercial, consulta los resultados financieros de sus negocios, hasta donde le permite asegurar la permanente solvencia de la institución; como entidad de carácter público, es un formidable punto de apoyo de las finanzas nacionales, del crédito público, del servicio de la circulación monetaria y de la estabilidad de la moneda y del cambio internacional; y, en fin, en su función de servicio público, fomenta el ahorro nacional, organiza toda clase de facilidades que pone a disposición del Estado y de la población en las mejores condiciones de comodidad; atiende los intereses superiores de la producción, del comercio y de la industria, con la multiplicación y diversificación de los servicios administrativos, técnicos e informativos, con el propósito principal de servir esos intereses .[Por tanto] no puede decidirse sobre el peso de los gastos administrativos del Banco de la República, considerados desde el punto de vista comercial, exclusivamente". (MORATÓ, 1976: 121)Y, en tanto el BROU (como ente autónomo) es el locus del "interés público", Morató siempre tiende a identificar el interés del BROU con el "interés nacional".No sólo el Banco debe estar protegido –vía descentralización autonómica- del "virus disolutivo de la política", sino también de las"conveniencias financieras del Estado". Un texto que resume estos 3 aspectos clave de la concepción autonomista de Morató es "El pacto de los partidos tradicionales y sus consecuencias en el Banco de la República" (MORATÓ, 1976). En el mismo hay una dura crítica del autor sobre el "pacto del chinchulín" celebrado entre los representantes batllistas y blancos en el CNA (6. En dicho documento, Morató advierte que las consecuencias del pacto serán el comienzo del fin de la "esencia básica de la formación de los entes autónomos", y en particular el fin de un estilo de dirección a nivel del BROU:"La adhesión del Directorio a la fórmula del Consejo Nacional de Administración, significa:el renunciamiento a la autonomía administrativa, dejándola en manos del Consejo Nacional;la sumisión de los intereses del Banco y los del país, comprometidos también, a las conveniencias financieras del Estado, identificados ambos para hacer frente a las vicisitudes que el tiempo pueda depararle a éste;la destrucción de la organización administrativa, de fundamental importancia para instituciones como el Banco de la República, y su sustitución por el régimen vulgar de la administración pública, donde predominan, no las condiciones de preparación y capacidad, sino las ventajas de interés político. El ingreso a la institución y el ascenso, no serán ya concedidos al más apto; el mejor adaptado triunfará" (MORATÓ, 1976: 369-370).5. ConclusionesPara cerrar la reflexión planteada en la ponencia, quisiéramos destacar tres elementos referidos al pensamiento del actor burocrático en los años veinte y treinta del siglo pasado.En primer lugar, la fuerte compenetración entre el personal jerárquico de carrera de la institución y los Directorios del BROU en la defensa de los "fueros autonómicos" del instituto.En segundo lugar, la relevancia del actor burocrático al momento de asegurar la continuidad de los objetivos para los cuales fueron creados los entes autónomos. Un aspecto no menor cuando se piensa en continuidades a nivel institucional. Para Octavio Morató el problema que está detrás de los cuestionamientos a las libertades administrativas de los entes frente a la administración central, es el desconocimiento de las razones históricas por las cuales los entes fueron dotados de dichas libertades. Consciente de que el formato autonómico es una rareza tanto desde el punto de vista constitucional como de los valores de la sociedad uruguaya, justifica la autonomía por razones "científicas". Por eso, el lenguaje abstracto de la"correlación entre función, gestión y agente" debe interpretarse con cuidado. No se trata de retórica positivista. Es un recurso argumental esgrimido en un momento en el cual la discusión sobre la administración de los entes se producía en forma desconectada con el marco histórico en el cual surgieron los mismos. Por eso Morató describe primero el marco histórico para luego justificarlo en términos"científicos".Por último, la autopercepción del actor burocrático acerca de su rol en la administración. Morató veía al conjunto de los Entes Autónomos Industriales y Comerciales como un espacio privilegiado para la realización del interés público. La clave de esta posibilidad estaba en la autonomía administrativa ya que permitiría una administración independiente del interés partidario. En la visión de Morató un Directorio autónomo es un Directorio que decide en función de los intereses del BROU, a los cuales equipara con los intereses del país. Un Directorio"político", "con divisa", nombrado en base a razones políticas o acuerdos electorales tendría como consecuencia transformar al BROU en una "repartición del Estado, a la manera de una oficina pública, bajo un director que no tiene facultades, atribuciones, ni independencia ni otro criterio que aquel que le permite el pequeñísimo margen de los reglamentos administrativos dictados por el CNA" (MORATÓ, 1976: 371).(1) Carlos Quijano al revisar la actuación del Banco República en la política monetaria de los años veinte comenta: "En ese período de nuestra historia bancaria hay dos o tres presidentes del Banco que actúan con una gran autoridad moral, pero hay un hombre que actúa con gran autoridad técnica, no obstante la modestia de su vida, que es don Octavio Morató, a quien no se le ha hecho la justicia que merece". (QUIJANO, 1995: 266)(2) En el libro referido no se aclara quien fue el recopilador, pero con toda seguridad fue el hijo de Morató, el Dr. Octavio Morató Rodríguez. Fue éste quien desde 1971 se ocupó de realizar gestiones ante el Senado para la publicación de la obra (MORATÓ 1976: 5 – 8). Es razonable pensar que el hijo de Morató conocía de cerca las preocupaciones de su padre dado que nació en 1901, contando con 42 años a la muerte de su padre en 1943.(3) Ver Morató (1976), asuntos nº: 5, 8, 9, 24, 25, 30, 32, 46 y 48.(4) Esta misma postura defendió el directorio del BROU a lo largo de los años de 1920. También coincidieron hombres de los partidos políticos como Martín C. Martínez que veían en el excesivo celo "literalista" de algunos juristas una traba a la realización de todo el potencial de los entes autónomos.(5) El artículo 201 de la Constitución de 1934 prescribe: "La vigilancia en ejecución de los presupuestos y la función de contralor en toda gestión relativa a la Hacienda Pública, será de cargo del Tribunal de Cuentas de la República, que actuará con autonomía funcional, siendo de resorte de la ley que proyectará el mismo Tribunal, la reglamentación de su autonomía, así como la fijación de las atribuciones no especificadas en este capítulo".(6) Téngase presente al leer las críticas de Morató que él mismo era de extracción batllista. 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DER VÖLKERKRIEG BAND 5 Der Völkerkrieg (-) Der Völkerkrieg Band 5 (5 / 1916) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Leopold Salvator ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Der Völkerkrieg. Die Ereignisse an der Westfront von Mai bis August 1915 / Belgien während des zweiten Kriegshalbjahres von Mitte Januar bis Anfang August 1915 / Frankreich während des zweiten Kriegshalbjahres / Die Schweizerische Eidgenossenschaft während des ersten Kriegsjahres ( - ) Die Ereignisse an der Westfront von Mai bis August 1915 ( - ) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Joseph Ferdinand Kommandant der 4. Armee ( - ) Die Kämpfe zwischen Maas und Mosel (193) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen Generalstabsmeldungen (193) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten beim Baden vor dem Unterstand in einem Walde zwischen Maas und Mosel (2)Deutsche Truppen in den Wäldern zwischen Maas und Mosel in Ruhestellung ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten in Ruhestellung bei Saint-Mihiel (2)Pferdeställe deutscher Kavallerie bei Saint-Mihiel ( - ) Die Kämpfe bei Les Eparges vom 20. Juni bis 6. Juli 1915. Zusammenfassende Berichte aus dem deutschen Großen Hauptquartier (202) Der Bericht vom 1. Juli 1915: (202) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgebiet zwischen Les Eparges und Combres. (Vgl. die Karte Bd. V S. 79.) (203) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Unterstände in den Wäldern zwischen Maas und Mosel (2)Deutsche Feldartillerie in Feuerstellung bei Saint-Mihiel ( - ) [2 Abb.]: Feldlager deutscher Truppen in der Gegend von Verdun (2)Deutsche Kavallerie führt ihre Pferde in die Meurthe bei Baccarac in die Schwemme ( - ) Der Bericht vom 21. Juli 1915: (205) Von den Kämpfen um Saint-Mihiel (208) Der deutsche Gewinn im Priesterwalde am 4. und 5. Juli 1915 (210) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Wirkung einer deutschen Granate auf einen französischen Pferdeschuppen im Kampfgebiet zwischen Maas und Mosel (2)Deutsche Soldaten im Quartier in einem französischen Bauernhause ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Gefangene nach dem Verhör durch deutsche Offiziere (2)Gottesdienst in der zu einem deutschen Lazarett umgewandelten französischen Kirche eines Dorfes zwischen Maas und Mosel ( - ) Episoden. In einem Beobachtungsstand (213) Die Kämpfe in Lothringen, in den Vogesen und im Sundgau. (215) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren französischen Meldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (215) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Alpenjäger in einem Schützengraben in den Vogesen 2000 m über dem Meeresspiegel (2)Französische Alpenjäger in den Vogesen an einem Maschinengewehr zur Abwehr von Flugzeug-Angriffen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Schufterei im deutschen Lager bei den "Drei Ähren" in den Vogesen (2)Aus einem deutschen Schützengraben an einem Berghang in den Vogesen. Im Hintergrund ein Gewehrständer ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Truppen auf dem Marsch ins Gefecht in den Vogesen (2)Ein deutsches Schanzwerk in den Vogesen, links auf dem Bilde durch vorgestellte Tannenbäumchen markiert ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein deutscher Waldfriedhof am Hexenweiher in den Vogesen (2)Ein deutscher Verbandplatz in den Vogesen. Verwundete wurden hinter die Front gebracht ( - ) Die Zerstörung des Viadukts von Dammerkirch am 30. Mai 1915 (226) Die Kämpfe um die Höhe von Ban-de-Sapt vom 22. Juni bis Ende Juli 1915 (227) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über die Gegend von Ban-de-Sapt und Saint-Dié (vgl. die Karte Bd. I, S. 241.) (229) Von den Kämpfen um das Lingemassiv und Münster vom 20. Juli bis 22. August 1915 (231) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Gepäckkolonne auf dem Marsch in den Vogesen (2)Ein deutscher Offiziers-Unterstand in den Vogesen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Sonntagmorgen vor einem deutschen Mannschafts-Unterstand in den Vogesen (2)Morgenstunde in einem deutschen Mannschafts-Unterstand in den Vogesen ( - ) Am Hartmannsweilerkopf (235) Episoden (238) Ein Kampf in den Lüften. Aus einem Feldpostbrief der "Frankfurter Zeitung" (238) Verwundete Armierungssoldaten (239) Die Lastkraftwagen in den Vogesen (240) Vom Luftkampf an der Westfront (243) Deutsche Fliegerangriffe auf Paris (243) Fliegerangriffe auf deutsche Städte und die deutschen Vergeltungsmaßnahmen (243) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein von den Deutschen an der Westfront herabgeschossenes französisches Flugzeug (2)Die Großherzogin-Mutter Luise von Baden und ihre Tochter die Königin Viktoria von Schweden besuchen in Karlsruhe die Hinterbliebenen der beim französichen Fliegerangriff Getöteten ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kronprinz Rupprecht von Bayern beim Vorbeimarsch deutscher Truppen (2)König Friedrich August von Sachsen beim Besuch der Westfront mit Generaloberst v. Heeringen ( - ) Von den deutschen Fürsten und Heerführern (251) Personalien (251) Besuche an der Front und Kundgebungen (251) Von den feindlichen Staatsoberhäuptern und Heerführern (253) Personalien (253) Besuche an der Front und Kundgebungen (253) Aus den besetzten Gebieten Frankreichs (255) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kaiser Wilhelm und Prinz Heinrich beim Tee im Quartier des Generalobersten von Heeringen (2)Kaiser Wilhelm und Prinz Heinrich während eines Gefechtes an der Westfront ( - ) [3 Abb.]: (1)Der französische General Sarrail (2)Der französische General Dubail. Der Kommandant der französischen Truppen in den Vogesen (3)Der französische General Humbert. Der Nachfolger General Sarrails im Kommando der III. Armee ( - ) Belgien während des zweiten Kriegshalbjahres. Von Mitte Januar bis Anfang August 1915. Fortsetzung von Band III, Seiten 225 bis 240. ([257]) Von König Albert und der belgischen Regierung. ([257]) Personalien ([257]) Maßnahmen und Kundgebungen ([257]) Militärische Maßnahmen (258) Von der deutschen Verwaltung in Belgien (259) Frankreich während des zweiten Kriegshalbjahres. Von Mitte Januar bis Anfang August 1915. Fortsetzung von Band III, S. 241 bis 276. ([263]) Enttäuschungen und Stimmungen ([263]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Familien, die ihre von der französichen Artillerie bedrohten Ortschaften räumen müssen, begeben sich in Begleitung deutscher Soldaten zum nächsten Bahnhof (2)Tägliches Konzert der Kapelle eines Garderegiments auf dem Marktplatz zu Vouziers ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Wachtparade deutscher landsturmtruppen auf der Grand' Place zu Lille (2)Junge militärpflichtige Franzosen einer von deutschen Truppen besetzten Ortschaft, die unter Bewachung gehalten werden, um ihr Entweichen zu verhindern. ( - ) Maßnahmen der französichen Regierung (267) Personalien (267) Militärische Maßnahmen (268) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der deutsche Generalgouverneur von Belgien Freiherr von Bissing verläßt das Museum der schönen Künste zu Brüssel nach seiner Wiedereröffnung (2)Der deutsche Generalkommissar für die Banken in Belgien Dr. Carl von Lumm (in der Mitte) mit seinen Mitarbeitern (von links nach rechts) Direktor Dr. Schacht von der Dresdner Bank, Dr. Gutleben von der Darmstädter Bank, Dr. Somari und Prinz Georg von Sachsen-Meiningen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Generalgouverneur von Belgien Freiherr von Bissing besichtigt die elektrischen Drahtversperrungen an der Grenze zu Limburg (2)Mittagskonzert einer deutschen Militärkapelle auf dem Marktplatz in Brügge ( - ) Die Kundgebung am 14. Juli 1915 (270) Proteste (271) Von den Beziehungen zu den verbündeten und neutralen Staaten (271) Aus den französischen Kolonien (273) Die Kriegstagung der französischen Kammern. Die ordentliche Session des Jahres 1915. II. Die wirtschaftlichen Maßnahmen sind auf den S 281 bis 286 zusammengefaßt. (274) Die äußere Politik (274) Die innere Politik der Tagung von Mitte Januar bis Anfang April 1915 (Fortsetzung von Band III, S. 253 bis 255) (275) Die innere Politik der Tagung vom 29. April bis Anfang August 1915 (276) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Generalissimus Joffre besichtigt französische Soldaten, die mit dem neuen Stahlhelm ausgerüstet sind (2)Die Sanitätskommission der französischen Kammer unter Führung des Unterstaatssekretärs Justin Godart (rechts auf dem Bilde) bei der Inspektion eines französischen Schützengrabens ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Unterstaatssekretär für Artillerie und Munition Albert Thomas (in der Mitte des Bildes) in den französischen Schützengräben in der Champagne; der Minister und seine Begleiter tragen den neuen Stahlhelm (2)Französische Munitionsarbeiterinnen in den Munitionswerken von Saint-Chamond, damit beschäftigt, Schrapnellhülsen mit Kugeln zu füllen. ( - ) Das französische Wirtschaftsleben im zweiten Kriegshalbjahr (281) Am Ende des ersten Kriegsjahres (286) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bundesrat Dr. Arthur Hoffmann. Präsident der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft im Jahre 1914 (2)Schweizerische Infanterie ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein schweizerischer Beobachtungsposten auf dem Pizzo Gallina an der Schweizerischen Grenze zwischen Wallis und dem Val Formazza (2)Schweizerische Truppen in Ruhestellung auf dem Splügenpaß ( - ) Die Schweizer. Eidgenossenschaft während des ersten Kriegsjahres. Vom August 1914 bis August 1915. Zusammenfassender Bericht von Werner Guggenheim, St. Gallen. Geschrieben im Dezember 1915 ([289]) [Gedicht]: Das Friedensland ([289]) Die Neutralität der Schweiz ([289]) Vom schweizerischen Volk (292) Innere Strömungen (292) Deutsche und welsche Schweiz (294) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bundesrat Giuseppe Motta. Präsident der Schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft im Jahre 1915 (2)Schweizerisches Wachtkommando an der Grenze im Hochgebirge ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein schweizerischer Militär-Transport im Hochgebirge (2)Ein schweizerischer Scheinwerfer-Posten an der französischen Grenze ( - ) Von der Regierung der Eidgenossenschaft. Die wirtschaftlichen und finanzpolitischen Maßnahmen der Regierung der Eidgenossenschaft sind im Kapitel "Der Einfluß des Kriegs auf die Wirtschaft der Schweiz" S. 303 f. zusammengefaßt. (298) Die Landesverteidigung (299) Von der schweizerischen Armee (299) Vom Grenzschutz (301) Falsche Gerüchte (302) Der Einfluß des Krieges auf die Wirtschaft der Schweiz (303) Die Panik (303) Die wirtschaftliche Rüstung beim Kriegsausbruch (304) Maßnahmen des Bundesrates (304) Die Staatsrechnung (306) Beschaffung von Geldmitteln (306) Der schweizerische Geldmarkt (308) Die Schwierigkeiten der Rohstoffzufuhr (308) Handel und Gewerbe (309) Die Liebestätigkeit in der Schweiz (312) Kleinere Hilfswerke (312) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ulrich Wille. General der Schweizerischen Armee (2)Ein Drahthindernis der schweizerischen Grenzbefestigung mit Wachtkommando ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Theophil Sprecher v. Bernegg. Oberstkorpskommandant und Generalstabschef der Schweizerischen Armee (2)Schweizerische Truppen an der Grenze beim Straßenbau ( - ) Die Agentur für Kriegsgefangene (313) Die Kriegsgefangenenpost (314) Die Internierten und Evakuierten (315) Die Schwerverwundetenzüge (316) Die Aufgabe der Schweiz (319) Das neutrale Fürstentum Liechtenstein. Ein staatsrechtliches Kuriosum ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein schweizerischer Beobachtungsposten an einem Waldrande der Westgrenze (2)Ein schweizerischer dreistöckiger Beobachtungsposten an einem Waldrande der Westgrenze ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schweizerische Flieger und ein Flugapparat, wie sie zum Grenzschutz Verwendung finden (2)Der schweizerische General U. Wille mit seinem Stabe bei einer Inspizierung des Grenzschutzes ( - ) Der Völkerkrieg. Der italienische Krieg bis zur dritten Isonzoschlacht / Italien und der Vatikan während der ersten Kriegsmonate / Der türkische Krieg von Ende Februar bis August 1915 / Die Türkei während des zweiten Kriegshalbjahres ( - ) Der italienische Krieg bis zur dritten Isonzoschlacht. Vom 23. Mai 1915 bis Anfang August 1915. ([1]) Italien, Tirol und Triest ([1]) Während des Aufmarschs in Oesterreich-Ungarn (3) Kundgebungen und Maßnahmen (3) Personalien (5) Kundgebungen der Völker der Monarchie (5) Während des Aufmarsches in Italien (7) Kundgebungen und Maßnahmen (7) Personalien (8) [3 Abb.]: (1)General Luigi Cadorna. Der Chef des italienischen Generalstabs (2)General Graf Carlo Porro. Unterchef des italienischen Generalstabs (3)Prinz Luigi v. Savoyen, Herzog d. Abruzzen. Oberbefehlshaber der italienischen Flotte ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Prinz Thomas von Savoyen, Herzog von Genua. Während der Abwesenheit des Königs an der Front Reichsverweser von Italien (2)Der Armeebischof Mons. Bartolomasi segnet die Fahnen zweier neuer italienischer Regimenter vor dem Ausmarsch an die Front ( - ) Das italienische Heer (10) Die Befestigungen an der italienischen Grenze Oesterreich-Ungarns (12) [Abb.]: Blick auf den österreichischen Teil des Gardasees. Links am Seeufer die Ponale-Straße, die von Riva ins Ledrotal führt; im Hintergrund links die Adamellogruppe, rechts die Brentagruppe ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Franzenshöhe am Stilfserjoch am Fuße der Ortlergruppe (2)Blick auf Trient, die Hauptstadt des Trentino ( - ) Zusammenfassende Darstellung der Kämpfe auf den italienischen Kriegsschauplätzen. Vom 23. Mai 1915 bis Anfang August 1915 (14) Vom italienischen Angriffsplan, der Kräfteverteilung und den Geländeverhältnissen der Kriegsschauplätze (14) Die italienischen Angriffe auf Tirol (16) [2 Abb.]: (1)K.u.K. General der Kavallerie Victor von Dankl. Der Oberkommandant an der Tiroler Front (1)Das Plateau von Folgaria - Lavarone (Vielgereuth - Lafraun) mit der Ortschaft Folgaria ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Plateau von Plätzwiesen in den Dolomiten (2)Blick auf das Dorf Serten in den Dolomiten ( - ) Die Kämpfe an der kärtnerischen Grenze (24) [2 Abb.]: (1)K.u.K. General der Kavallerie Franz v. Rohr. Der Oberkommandant an der kärnterischen Front (2)Ansicht von Malborgeth an der Eisenbahnlinie Pontebba - Tarvis ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)K.u.K. General d. Inf. Svetozar v. Boroevic. Der Oberkommandant aus der Isonzofront (2)Blick auf die Pögarbrücke und den Isonzo. ( - ) Die Schlachten am Isonzo (25) Bei den Tiroler Standschützen (29) [Karte]: Übersichtskarte über die italienischen Kriegsschauplätze ( - ) Die italienischen Angriffe auf Tirol (33) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (33) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Maschinengewehrabteilung der Tiroler Landesschützen im Kampf (2)Sonntagsandacht der Tiroler Standschützen an der Front ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarisches Gebirgsgeschütz in Deckung an der Tiroler Grenze (2)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Gebirgsbatterie wird an der Tiroler Grenze in Stellung gebracht ( - ) Auf der Wacht am Stilfserjoch (42) Um den Tonale-Paß (45) Der Ueberfall am Lago di Campo im Val Daone vom 1. bis 6. Juni 1915 (47) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Eugen von Oesterreich ( - ) Die Einnahme von Ala am 27. Mai 1915 (50) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgebiet an den Grenzen Südtirols. ([51]) Der Kampf um den Monte Coston (52) Die Tiroler Schützen bei Belfiore am 14. Juni 1915 (52) Die Kämpfe im Gebiet der Marmolata am 18. Juni 1915 (53) Der Kampf im Ampezzotal am 9. Juni 1915 (56) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienische Artillerie 2700 m hoch in den Dolomiten (2)Italienischer Schützengraben an der Tiroler Grenze ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kriegsgefangene Italiener (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Feldbatterie an der Tiroler Grenze 2100 m hoch ( - ) Die Kämpfe um den Monte Piano (58) Die Ereignisse um Serten seit Kriegsbeginn bis Anfang August 1915 (60) Episoden (63) Wie Sepp Innerkofler fiel (63) Ein Kriegsbilderfabrikant (63) Wackere Tiroler Schützen. Von den Standschützen. (64) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienische vorgeschobene Posten in den Tiroler Alpen 3000 m hoch (2)Eine österreichisch-ungarische Patrouille im Gefecht an der Tiroler Grenze ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Zeltlager österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen im Etschtal (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarischer Beobachtungsposten auf dem Dache eines Hauses bei Riva ( - ) Die Kämpfe an der kärntnerischen Grenze (65) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (65) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aus einem österreichisch-ungarischen Schützengraben an der Kärntnerischen Grenze (2)In einem italienischen Gebirgsschützengraben in Erwartung des Angriffs ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein österreichisch-ungarisches Maschinengewehr in Feuerstellung (2)Italienische Gebirgsartillerie im Feuer ( - ) Die Eroberung des Monte Paralba und des Monte Ciadini (73) Die Kämpfe am Plökenpaß (74) Von der Beschießung des Forts Hensel (75) Hinter der Front (76) Episoden (78) Auf einer kärnterischen Sperre. Die Russen. (78) Die Schlachten am Isonzo (79) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen. Alle wichtigeren italienischen Generalstabsmeldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (79) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gegen Fliegerangriffe geschütztes österreichisch-ungarisches Lager am oberen Isonzo (2)Die von den Italienern bei einem erfolglosen Angriff zurückgelassene Munition wird von österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen gesammelt ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Gebirgsbatterie am Isonzo (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer Offizier, der blutüberstömt von einem Patrouillenritt zurückkehrt; sein Pferd ist schwerverwundet niedergebrochen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarischer Beobachtungsposten in den Tiroler Bergen (2)Oesterreichisch-ungarischer Beobachter im Gipfel eines Baumes an der Tiroler Grenze ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Pioniere beim Verbessern der Wege und Herstellen neuer Verbindungsstraßen im Tiroler Kampfgebiet (2)Munition und Lebensmittel werden auf Packpferden an die österreichisch-ungarische Front in den Tiroler Bergen gebracht ( - ) Die erste Isonzoschlacht vom 6. bis 20. Juli 1915 (97) Von den Kämpfen um die Isonzoübergänge und den Görzer Brückenkopf (97) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Kampfgebiet an der küstenländischen Front von Flitsch bis Monfalcone. (99) Der Kampf um den Plava-Uebergang (101) Das Ringen im Krngebiet (Monte Nero). (103) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Gebirgstruppen mit Rennwölfen und Steigeisen ausgerüstet, besteigen einen Berggipfel (2)Das Abseilen eines Verwundeten von einem Berggipfel durch österreichisch-ungarische Gebirgstruppen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienische Gebirgstruppen erweisen einem gefallenen österreichisch-ungarischen Offizier die letzte Ehre (2)Ein italienisches schweres Geschütz in Stellung ( - ) Die zweite Isonzoschlacht am 30. Juni bis 6. Juli 1915 (105) Die dritte Isonzoschlacht vom 18. bis 27. Juli 1915 (107) Zusammenfassende Darstellung (107) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Stadt Cormons bei Görz (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarisches schweres Geschütz an der Isonzofront ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Verwundete österreichisch-ungarische Soldaten warten vor einem Etappen-Lazarett am Isonzo auf die ärztliche Behandlung (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer Artillerie-Beobachtungsposten am Telephon an der Isonzofront ( - ) Der 20. Juli 1915 am Monte San Michele (111) In Stadt und Festung Görz (113) Episoden (114) Zwischen den Stürmen (114) Italienische Erzählungen aus den Kämpfen um Podgora (115) Von den Taten österreichisch-ungarischer Panzerzüge (116) Ein Bajonettangriff (116) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ansicht der italienischen Stadt Ancona am adriatischen Meer (2)Blick auf Venedig von einem französischen Flugzeug aus 900 m Höhe photographiert ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ansicht des Hafens von Triest (2)Österreichisch-ungarischer Wachtposten an der Adria ( - ) Die Italiener und ihre "unerlösten Landsleute" (117) Die See- und Luftkämpfe (119) Die italienische Kriegs- und Luftflotte (119) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisches Lager im karstartigen Gebiet auf dem Doberdo-Plateau (2)Das Ausladen österreichisch-ungarischer Verwundeten vor einem Spital ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ansicht von Monfalcone im Isonzogebiet (2)Eine Partie aus Salcano am Isonzo-Ufer ( - ) Der Angriff der österreichisch-ungarischen See- und Luftflotte gegen die italienische Ostküste am 24. Mai 1915. Vergleiche die Uebersichtskarte S. 131. (121) Amtliche Meldungen (121) Aus den Einzelberichten (124) Die Flottenkämpfe in der Adria bis Mitte August 1915. Nach Meldungen des K.u.K. Flottenkommandos, des italienischen Admiralstabs und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (126) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarisches Lager auf dem Doberdo-Plateau (2)Auf dem Doberdo-Plateau. - Oesterreichisch-ungarische Soldaten füllen die Kochkisten, die dann in die Schwarmlinien gebracht werden. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch-ungarisches Geschütz in Stellung an der Isonzofront (2)Österreichisch-ungarische Proviantkolonne durchzieht einen Wald am Ufer des Isonzo ( - ) Die Flottenkämpfe in der Adria von Anfang Juli bis Mitte August 1915. Nach den Meldungen des K.u.K. Flottenkommandos, des italienischen Admiralstabs und ergänzenden Mitteilungen. (129) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über das Adriatische Meer. (131) Die Luftkämpfe von Ende Mai bis Mitte August 1915. Nach den Meldungen des K.u.K. Flottenkommandos, des italienischen Admiralstabs und ergänzenden Mitteilungen (135) [Abb.]: Admiral Haus der Kommandant der österreichisch-ungarischen Flotte ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch-ungarischer Artillerie-Beobachter an der Küste des adriatischen Meeres (2)Österreichisch-ungarisches Flieger-Abwehrgeschütz an der Küste des adriatischen Meeres ( - ) Die italienische Kriegsberichterstattung (142) Die italienischen Verluste (144) Von den österreichisch-ungarischen Fürsten und Heerführern (144) Kundgebungen und Auszeichnungen. (144) Der Besuch des Erzherzog-Thronfolgers an der Südwestfront (145) Von den italienischen Fürsten und Heerführern (146) Personalien und Auszeichnungen (146) Das Haus Savoyen im Felde (147) Von der italienischen Verwaltung der besetzten österreichischen Gebiete (149) Italien und der Vatikan während der ersten Kriegsmonate. Von Ende Mai bis Anfang August 1915. Fortsetzung von Band VI, S. 249 bis 318 ([150]) Die Stimmung des italienischen Volks ([150]) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Antonio Santore, der in der Isonzoschlacht vom 18. bis 27. Juli 1915 fiel (2)Der König von Italien und (von links nach rechts) General Porro, der Herzog Aosta, sowie General Zupelli verfolgen den Verlauf eines italienischen Angriffs am Isonzo ( - ) [3 Abb.]: (1)Salvatore Barzilai. Italienischer Minister ohne Portefeuille (2)General Alfredo Dallolio. Italienischer Unterstaatssekretär für Waffen und Munition (3)Der italienische Ministerpräsident Salandra beim Besuch an der Front ( - ) Von der italienischen Regierung (153) Die Besuche Salandras im Hauptquartier und die Reise des Grafen Porro nach Paris (153) Personalien (153) Militärische Maßnahmen (155) Maßnahmen gegen die Angehörigen feindlicher Staaten (156) Verwaltungsmaßnahmen (156) Das italienische Wirtschaftsleben während der ersten Kriegsmonate (157) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch-ungarische Truppen in einem Schützengraben am Isonzo (2)Österreichisch-ungarisches Lager mit Fliegerdeckung am Isonzo ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch-ungarische Truppen beim Reinigen der Gewehre am Isonzo (2)Österreichisch-ungarischer Vorposten in Deckung in einem Maisfeld am Isonzo ( - ) Von den nordafrikanischen Kolonien Italiens von Anfang Mai bis Anfang August 1915. Fortsetzung von Band VI, Seiten 262 bis 265. (161) Italien, die Türkei und der Balkan (163) Kundgebungen (163) Die Rede Salandras auf dem Kapitol am 3. Juni 1915 (163) Die Volkskundgebung am 6. Juni 1915 (168) [2 Abb.]: (1)Linienschiffsleutnant Egon Lerch. Kommandant des Unterseeboots "U 12", das am 12. August 1915 von einem italienischen Unterseeboot torpediert und versenkt wurde (2)Der italienische Panzerkreuzer "Amalfi", der am 7. Juli 1915 von einem österreichisch-ungarischen Unterseeboot in der Nordadria torpediert und versenkt wurde. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der italienische Kreuzer "Giuseppe Garibaldi", der am 18. Juli 1915 von einem österreichisch-ungarischen Unterseeboot bei Ragusa versenkt wurde (2)Das italienische Luftschiff "Citta di Jesi", das von den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen in der Nacht vom 5. auf den 6. August 1915 heruntergeschossen wurde, wird geborgen ( - ) Die Reden Giolittis und Barzilais. Die Entgegnung auf das österreichisch-ungarische Rotbuch. (169) Der Vatikan während der ersten Kriegsmonate. Fortsetzung von Band VI, S. 309 bis 318 (170) Vom Sitz und der Verwaltung des Heiligen Stuhls (170) Die Kriegsfürsorge des heiligen Stuhls (170) Die angebliche Papst-Unterredung der "Liberté" und ihre Richtigstellung (171) [Abb.]: Marschall Liman v. Sanders Pascha ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Türkische Artillerie auf dem Marsch zur Front (2)Türkische Kavallerie in den Straßen von Konstantinopel ( - ) Der Friedensaufruf des Papstes zum Jahrestage des Kriegsausbruchs (173) Der türkische Krieg. Von Ende Februar bis Anfang August 1915. Fortsetzung von Band IV, S. 169 bis 240 ([175]) "Heda, Türke, wach auf!" Der Weintraubenverkäufer ([175]) Die politische Bedeutung, die Lage und die Verteidigung der Dardanellen (178) [3 Abb.]: (1)General Sir Jan Hamilton. Der Oberbefehlshaber des Dardanellenkorps der Alliierten (2)Der französische General Gouraud (3)Der französische General D' Amade ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eines der alten Forts am Eingang der Dardanellen (2)Die französischen Generale Gouraud und Bailloud (sitzend) in einem Fort bei Sedd-ül-Bahr ( - ) [Karte]: Kartenskizze der Dardanellen (Vgl. die Karte S 191.) (181) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Erzherzog Thronfolger Karl Franz Josef und General der Kavallerie Franz v. Rohr bei einer Truppenbesichtigung an der Kärntnerischen Front (2)Der Erzherzog Thronfolger Karl Franz Josef dekoriert Soldaten auf dem südöstlichen Kriegsschauplatz bei St. Lucia ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalmajor Paul Nagy im Gespräch mit dem Gruppenführer des Kriegspressequartiers Hauptmann Hugo Weiser (2)Major Prinz Elias von Bourbon-Parma und Feldzeugmeister Wurm auf einer Fahrt zur Besichtigung der Front am Isonzo ( - ) Das Oberkommando und die Bildung des Expeditionskorps der Alliierten (186) Vom Oberkommando des englisch-französischen Expeditionskorps (186) Vom englisch-französischen Expeditionskorps (188) Lemnos, Tenedos und Mytilene als Operationsbasis der Alliierten (189) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über die europäische und kleinasiatische Türkei und die Nordostküste des Aegäischen Meeres (191) [3 Abb.]: (Dschewad Pascha, der Kommandant d. Dardanellen-Verteidigung (2)Admiral v. Usedom Pascha, der Kommandant d. Dardanellen-Verteidigung (3)Der Eingang der Dardanellen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Türkische Infanterie-Patrouille in den Straßen von Konstantinopel (2)Aus dem türkischen Militärspital zu Gülhane. Bei der Desinfektion der Uniformen verwundeter Dardanellen-Krieger ( - ) Zusammenfassende Darstellung der Kämpfe um die Dardanellen von Ende Februar bis Anfang August 1915 (193) Die Versuche zur Forcierung der Dardanellen durch die Flotte der Alliierten. Von Ende Februar bis Ende März 1915 (193) Die Landung der Alliierten an den Dardanellen und die Vorbereitungen dazu. Von Ende März bis Anfang Mai 1915 (196) Der Stellungskrieg an den Dardanellen. Von Anfang Mai bis Anfang August 1915 (200) [2 Abb.]: (1)Türkische Infanterie rastet während eines Marsches an den Dardanellen (2)Türkische Batterie in Feuerstellung auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Begräbnis türkischer Soldaten in Defterdar am Goldenen Horn (2)Ein Krankensaal im türkischen Lazarett zu Gülhane mit Verwundeten aus den Dardanellen- und Kaukasus-Kämpfen ( - ) Die Versuche zur Forcierung der Dardanellen durch die Flotte der Alliierten. Von Ende Februar bis Ende März 1915 (202) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers. Alle wichtigeren englischen und französischen Meldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben (202) [Karte]: Die Dardanellenschlacht am 18. März 1915. (207) Die Landungsversuche der Alliierten am 4. März 1915. Die angebliche Fahrt des "Amethyst" bis Nagara (209) Das Gefecht in der Nacht vom 10. auf den 11. März 1915 (209) Die Todesfahrt der englisch-französischen Flotte am 18. März 1915 (211) Episoden (216) Die Parade des Expeditionskorps in Alexandrien (216) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das englische Linienschiff "Triumph", das an der Schlacht vom 18. März 1915 teilnahm und am 25. Mai 1915 im Golf von Saros torpediert wurde (2)Die Rettung der Mannschaft des französischen Kreuzers "Gaulois", der in der Schlacht vom 18. März 1915 durch Geschützfeuer beschädigt wurde und später sank ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von der Landung der Expeditionsarmee auf der Südspitze der Halbinsel Gallipoli (2)Britische Landungstruppen werden in Booten auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli gelandet ( - ) Talaat-Bey (217) Die Landung der Alliierten an den Dardanellen und die Vorbereitungen dazu. Von Ende März bis 4. Mai 1915 (217) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers. Alle wichtigeren englischen Meldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (217) Aus dem amtlichen Bericht Sir Jan Hamiltons über die Kämpfe vom 25. April bis 4. Mai 1915. (223) [2 Abb.]: (1)Englischer Vizeadmiral John Michael de Robeck (2)Vizeadmiral Sackville Hamilton Carden mit seinem Adjutanten Lionel S. Ormsby-Johnson vor dem Gebäude der britischen Admiralität in Malta ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von den Truppentransporten der Alliierten. Ein britisches Transportschiff fährt an einem vor Anker liegenden französischen Schlachtschiff vorüber (2)Am Hafen von Mudros auf der Insel Lemnos ( - ) Einzelheiten der englisch-französischen Landungskatastrophe (226) Der Untergang von "E 15" am 17. April 1915 (232) [2 Abb.]: (1)An einer Pferdetränke auf Gallipoli (2)Türkische und deutsche Offiziere bei der Einweihung einer türkischen Munitionsfabrik an den Dardanellen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: Türkische Truppen auf dem Marsch auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli (2)Türkischer Schützengraben auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli ( - ) Episoden (233) Der Schützengraben der Toten (233) Von den Gefangenen und der Beute (234) Der Stellungskrieg an den Dardanellen. Vom 5. Mai bis Anfang August 1915 (235) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers. Die wichtigeren englischen, in den folgenden Gesamtberichten nicht enthaltenen Meldungen sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (235) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sir Jan Hamilton und General Gourand in Sedd-ül-Bahr (2)Der Kommandeur der 1. französischen Division besichtigt die vorderen französischen Schützengräben an der Südspitze der Halbinsel Gallipoli ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Fahne eines französischen Kolonial-Regiments mit ihrer Wache auf dem türkischen Friedhof zu Sedd-ül-Bahr (2)Britische Infanterie ruht nach einem Kampfe in den Unterständen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Trümmer eines von den Türken heruntergeschossenen französischen Flugzeugs (2)Ein türkischer Scharfschütze ("Sniper"), der sich als Busch verkleidet an die englische Linie herangeschlichen hatte und gefangen genommen wurde ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das britische Geschütz "Annie" im Feuer vor Krithia (2)Englische Militärbasis bei Teke Burun ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das französische Schlachtschiff "Bouvet", das in der Schlacht vom 18. März 1915 in den Dardanellen unterging (2)Das französische Schlachtschiff "Gaulois", das in der Schlacht am 18. März 1915 beschädigt wurde und später versank ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der russische Kreuzer "Askold", der sich an der Dardanellen-Aktion der Alliierten beteiligte (2)Drei türkische Kanonenboote am "Goldenen Horn" ( - ) Die Kämpfe auf der Gallipoli-Halbinsel vom 4. bis 22. Mai 1915 (254) [2 Abb.]: (1)Englischer Sanitätsunterstand auf der Südspitze der Halbinsel Gallipoli (2)Ein türkischer Schützengraben auf der Südspitze der Halbinsel Gallipoli ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Landung und Transport eines schweren Geschützes auf dem Strande von Kap Helles (2)Landung eines englischen 155 mm Geschützes auf einem Leichter bei Sedd-ül-Bahr ( - ) Von den Kämpfen auf der Gallipoli-Halbinsel vom 4. bis 28. Juni 1915 (257) Aus den amtlichen Berichten des Generals Sir Jan Hamilton über die Kämpfe an den Dardanellen vom 28. Juni bis 4. Juli 1915 (259) Bericht vom 1. Juli 1915 (259) Hamiltons Bericht vom 2. Juli 1915 (260) Hamiltons Bericht vom 6. Juli 1915 (261) Hamiltons Bericht vom 8. Juli 1915. (262) Im Zeltlager der Expeditionsarmee auf der Gallipolihalbinsel (262) [2 Abb.]: (1)Englische Truppen auf der Gallipoli-Halbinsel bei der Herstellung vom Bomben aus gebrauchten Konservenbüchsen (2)Französische Truppen während einer Kampfpause am 21. Juni 1915. Die Offiziere der aus dem Kampf zurückgekehrten und der neu für die Schlacht bereit gestellten Truppen beraten sich ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von den Türken auf der Gallipoli-Halbinsel gefangen genommene Briten in den Straßen von Pera (2)Türkische Gefangene werden von den Alliierten an der Dardanellenfront zu Arbeitsdiensten gezwungen ( - ) Die Fahrt des englischen Unterseeboots "E II" durch die Dardanellen am 25. Mai 1915 (265) Die Vernichtung der Schiffe "Goliath", "Triumph" und "Majestic" (266) Episoden (270) Aus den Schützengräben an den Dardanellen (270) Vom englischen Lager am "W-Strand" (271) Die Ereignisse im Schwarzen Meer. Von Ende Februar bis Anfang August 1915 (272) Der Bosporus und seine Verteidigung (272) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers (272) Die russische "Aktion" am Bosporus am 28. März 1915 (274) Der Untergang des "Medschidije" und die Rettung seiner Mannschaft (274) Im Mittelländischen und Aegäischen Meer (276) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den Meldungen des türkischen Hauptquartiers und ergänzenden Berichten (276) [2 Abb.]: Türkische Kolonnen auf dem Marsch im Kaukasus (2)Die deutsche Rote Kreuz-Expedition des Grafen Fritz von Hochberg auf der Reise durch das Taurusgebirge ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von einer Verbandsstelle des "Roten Halbmonds" (2)Türkischer Landsturm, der zum Ausbessern der Straßen aufgeboten wurde ( - ) Die Fahrt der deutschen Unterseeboote von der Nordsee bis Konstantinopel (281) Die Kämpfe im Kaukasus (283) Die Fahrt der deutschen Unterseeboote von der Nordsee bis Konstantinopel (283) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Freiluft-Gefängnis für gefangene Türken auf dem Deck eines englischen Kriegsschiffs (2)Von den Türken in den Gefechten auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli gefangen genommene Engländer in ihren Zelten ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Türkische Generalstabsoffiziere beobachten die Bewegungen der Alliierten auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli (2)Die Wohnung des Marschalls Liman v. Sanders in Galata mit einer Gruppe türkischer Offiziere ( - ) Zusammenfassende Darstellung (289) Die Kämpfe in Persien (291) Meldungen über die Kämpfe in Aserbeidschan (Vgl. die Karte in Band IV, S. 213.) (291) Zusammenfassende Darstellung (292) Der Aufruhr in Armenien, die Erklärung der Entente und die Antwort der türkischen Regierung (294) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der deutsche Kapitänleutnant Firle (2)Der kleine britische Kreuzer "Amethyst", der bis Nagara in die Dardanellen eingedrungen sein will ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der deutsche Kapitän Ackermann mit den Offizieren des großen Panzerkreuzer "Sultan Javus Selim" (Göben) (2)Blick auf Konstantinopel von der Galata-Brücke aus ( - ) Die Kämpfe am Persischen Golf (297) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den amtlichen türkischen Meldungen. Die wichtigeren Meldungen des indischen Amtes sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (Vgl. die Karte in Band IV, S. 217.) (297) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kamele des "Roten Halbmonds" mit Tragbahren für Verwundete (2)Türkische Pfleger vom "Roten Halbmond" bei der Abendmahlzeit in ihrem Lager ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein arabischer Landsturmmann in Bir'-es-Seeba (Beerseba) Palästina (2)aus einem Lager türkischer Truppen ( - ) Zusammenfassende Darstellung (302) Die Ereignisse auf den ägyptischen und arabischen Kriegsschauplätzen (304) Türkische Kundgebungen (304) Die Kämpfe an der ägyptischen Grenze (305) Eine Fahrt durch den Suezkanal (306) Die Kämpfe in Arabien (307) Völkerrechtsverletzungen der Alliierten (308) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein englischer Dampfer vor der Einfahrt in den Suezkanal (2)Ein von Australien kommender Dampfer ladet im Westhafen von Alexandria in der Nähe des Arsenals australische Truppen aus ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Parade englischer Truppen in Khartum im Sudan (2)Der Hafen von Aden. Im Hintergrund die von den Engländern stark befestigten "Roten Felsen" ( - ) Vom Sultan, den Prinzen und den Heerführern der osmanischen Armee (310) Vom Sultan (310) Von den Prinzen. Ernennungen. (311) Auszeichnungen (311) Vom Zaren (312) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapitänleutnant Otto Hersing, der Kommandant von "U 21" und "U51" (2)Das englische Linienschiff "Majestic" das am 27. Mai 1915 vor Sedd-ül-Bahr von dem deutschen Unterseeboot "U 51" torpediert wurde ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der engl. Kontreadmiral Sir Richard H. Peirse, der Smyrna bombardieren ließ (2)Eine Straße in Aleppo ( - ) Die Türkei während des zweiten Kriegshalbjahres. Von Ende Januar bis Anfang August 1915. Fortsetzung von Band IV, Seiten 234 bis 240 ([313]) Von der ersten Kriegstagung des türkischen Parlaments ([313]) Maßnahmen der türkischen Regierung. Die wirtschaftlichen Maßnahmen sind auf den S. 316 und 317 zusammengefaßt. (314) Militärische Maßnahmen (314) Maßnahmen gegen die Angehörigen fremder Staaten (314) Von den Beziehungen zu den Verbündeten. Von den Beziehungen zum Vatikan. Die Türkei, die Balkanstaaten und Italien (315) Ein englisch-französisches Komplott gegen die Türkei (316) Vom türkischen Wirtschaftsleben (316) Von den innerpolitischen Verhältnissen Aegyptens (318) Kundgebungen des Kalifen und des Khediven (318) Vom englischen Oberkommando (318) Vom "Sultan" von Aegypten (319) Maßnahmen der britisch-ägyptischen Regierung (319) Nachrichten aus dem Sudan (320) Der Völkerkrieg. Die Ereignisse an der Ostfront nach der Wiedereroberung von Przemysl bis zum Fall von Warschau ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Kriegsminister Enver Pascha und Admiral Souchon schreiten die Front einer Abteilung türkischer Marinesoldaten ab (2)Der türkische Thronfolger Jussuf Izzedin † mit seinem Stabe bei einer Besichtigungsreise auf der Gallipoli-Halbinsel ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Herzog v. Mecklenburg wird vom Kommandanten der Dardanellentruppen Liman v. Sanders Pascha empfangen (2)Deutsche und türkische Offiziere in Bir'-es-Seeba (Beerseba) Palästina. Von links nach rechts: Oberleutnant Issuf Isef, Oberst Trommer, Kommandeur der achten Division, Grenzkommandant Oberstleutnant Behdschet-Bey, Generalstabsoffizier Rüschdi ( - ) Saat und Ernte ([1]) Zusammenfassende Darstellung. Von Anfang Juni bis Anfang August 1915 (3) Das Ende des galizischen Feldzugs. Von Anfang Juni bis 22. Juli 1915 (3) Nach der Eroberung Lembergs bis zur großen Offensive der Verbündeten gegen das westrussische Festungssystem. Vom 23. Juni bis Mitte Juli 1915 (8) [2 Abb.]: (1)Verwundete Russen werden von deutschen Soldaten von einem Schlachtfeld Galiziens fortgeschafft (2)Deutsche Soldaten sammeln die Beute in einem erstürmten russischen Schützengraben in Galizien ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten besuchen die Gräber ihrer gefallenen Kameraden in einem galizischen Dorfe (2)Eine deutsche Sanitätsabteilung der Südarmee bringt schwerverwundete Deutsche und Russen nach dem stabilen Feldhofspital in Tucholka ( - ) Die große Offensive der Verbündeten gegen das westrussische Festungssystem bis zum Fall von Warschau. Von Mitte Juli bis 10. August 1915 (10) [Karte]: Uebersichtskarte über die Entwicklung der Ostfront von Mitte März bis Anfang August 1915. Ueber die Befehlsverteilung an der Front in Galizien und in der Bukowina vor dem 14. Juli 1915 vgl. die Karten S. 35. ([15]) Südlich der oberen Weichsel bis zur Einnahme von Lemberg (21) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen und österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen vom 4. bis 23. Juni 1915 (21) [2 Abb.]: (1)Talaat-Bey. Der türkische Minister des Innern (2)Die osmanische Geistlichkeit in einem Festzug anläßlich des Gedenktages der 482. Wiederkehr der Eroberung Konstantinopels ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Frauen von Hebron, die ihre im Kriege gefallenen Männer betrauern (2)Dschemal Pascha, der Oberbefehlshaber der ägyptischen Expeditionsarmee mit seinem Stabe vor seinem Hauptquartier ( - ) Die Kämpfe bei Mosciska vom 4. bis 6. Juni 1915 (33) Die Wiederaufnahme der Offensive gegen Lemberg und der Rückzug der Russen (34) [3 Karten]: Die Entwicklung der Front der Verbündeten in Ostgalizien vom 12. Juni 1915 bis zur Wiederoberung von Lemberg am 22. Juni 1915. (1)Die Front der Verbündeten am 12. Juni 1915 vor dem Durchbruch bei Lubaczow-Jaworow. (2)Die Front der Verbündeten vom 17. bis 20. Juni 1915 beim Kampf um den Grodek - Wereszyka-Abschnitt. (3)Die Front der Verbündeten vom 21./22. Juni 1915 während des Kampfes um Lemberg. (35) Der Kampf um die Grodek - Wereszyca-Stellung. Zusammenfassender Bericht aus dem Deutschen Großen Hauptquartier vom 27. Juni 1915 (vgl. die Karten S. 35). (39) Die Einnahme von Lemberg (40) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Unterstand österreichisch-ungarischer Infanterie in Südpolen (2)Eine Feldmesse bei einem österreichisch-ungarischen Ulanen-Regiment ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oesterreichisch-ungarische Soldaten bei der Verteilung des Essens (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarisches Landsturmregiment lagert in einem Walde Galiziens ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Proviantkolonnen der Verbündeten zwischen Przemysl und Lemberg (2)Kurze Rast deutscher Truppen in Mosziska auf dem Vormarsch nach Lemberg ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Wirkung eines großkalibrigen Geschosses der Verbündeten vor Lemberg (2)Abtransport russischer Soldaten, die vor Lemberg gefangen genommen wurden ( - ) Im Kampf um den Dnjestr vom 9. bis 22. Juni 1915 (45) Die Kämpfe der Armee Pflanzer-Baltin in Südostgalizien und in der Bukowina. Vom 9. bis 23. Juni 1915 (46) Episoden (48) Eine Husaren-Geschichte (48) Eine Robinsonade im Kriege (48) Jung Heidelberg (49) Ostgalizien und Lemberg unter russischer Herrschaft (50) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Offiziere des Korps Hofmann (2)General Szibulka mit seinem Stabe vor seinem Quartier in Stanislau ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch-ungarische Ulanen-Vorhut an einem Waldrand (2)Verbandplatz vor einem österreichisch-ungarischen Feldlazarett ( - ) Südlich der oberen Weichsel von der Wiedereroberung Lembergs bis zur großen Offensive (53) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen und österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen vom 24. Juni bis 16. Juli 1915 (53) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine deutsche Trainkolonne durchzieht ein Dorf in Südpolen. Im Vordergrund schlafende deutsche Soldaten (2)Deutsche Artillerie während einer Ruhepause ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Badeanstalt deutscher Truppen in einem Dorfe Südpolens (2)Deutsche Soldaten auf der Jagd nach Läusen ( - ) Zwischen Weichsel und Bug vor der großen Offensive der Verbündeten gegen das westrussische Festungssystem. Von Ende Juni bis Mitte Juli 1915 (63) [2 Abb.]: (1)General v. Emmich mit seinem Stabe in Ostgalizien (2)Eine bei den Kämpfen vor Lemberg erbeutete zerschossene russische Kanone ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Starke russische Befestigungen an einer Eisenbahnbrücke über den Stryj an der Strecke Stryj-Lemberg. Hinter den Drahtverhauen brückenkopfartig gebaute Betonbefestigungen mit Schießscharten (2)Das Proviantamt in Jaroslau. - Im Vordergrund russische Gefangene ( - ) Die Deutschen im Verbande der K.u.K. 4. Armee bei Idalin. Am 6. und 7. Juli 1915 (65) Vom Marsch der Heeresgruppe Mackensen zwischen Weichsel und Bug (66) Zamosc (68) Der Uebergang über den Dnjestr und die Kämpfe bis zur Besetzung der Zlota-Lipa-Stellung. Vom 23. Juni bis Mitte Juli 1915 (69) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vom Vormarsch aus Galizien nach Polen. Bagagekolonnen beim Ueberschreiten eines Flusses in Polen (2)Vom Vormarsch aus Galizien nach Polen. Mittagsrast in einem galizischen Dorfe ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefangene Russen mit ihren Maschinengewehren auf dem Transport hinter die Front in Galizien (2)Ein österreichisch-ungarischer 30,5 cm-Mörser wird in Ostgalizien östlich von Stryj in Stellung gebracht ( - ) Weiter nach Osten (73) In der Bukowina (74) Episoden (75) Aus den Kämpfen in Ostgalizien (75) An der Zlota-Lipa (76) In Polen von der Wiedereroberung von Przemysl bis zum Beginn der großen Offensive. Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen und österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen vom 18. Juni bis Mitte Juli 1915 (77) Nördlich der unteren Weichsel von der Wiedereroberung von Przemysl bis zum Beginn der großen Offensive. Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen Generalstabsmeldungen vom 18. Juni bis 13. Juli 1915 (79) Von den Fürsten und Heerführern der Verbündeten. Von Anfang Juni bis Mitte Juli 1915 (81) Kundgebungen, Auszeichnungen und Personalien (81) Kaiser Wilhelm in Galizien (83) König Ludwig III. von Bayern, König Wilhelm II. von Württemberg und Prinz Johann Georg von Sachsen an der Ostfront (85) Die große Offensive nördlich der unteren Weichsel bis zum Fall von Warschau (87) Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen Generalstabsmeldungen vom 14. Juli bis 12. August 1915 (87) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Chef des österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabs Freiherr Conrad v. Hötzendorf nach dem Einzug in das wiedereroberte Lemberg im Gespräch mit dem römisch-katholischen Erzbischof Bilczewski und dem armenischen Erzbischof Theodorowicz (2)Blick auf die Stadt Lemberg ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine von den Russen erbaute und vor ihrem Abzug wieder zerstörte Luftschiffhalle in Lemberg (2)Eine von den Russen gesprengte Eisenbahnbrücke bei Lemberg wird von einer deutschen Eisenbahnkompagnie wieder aufgebaut. ( - ) Die deutsche Kultur der baltischen Ostseeprovinzen (97) [Abb.]: Generalfeldmarschall Prinz Leopold von Bayern ( - ) Der Vormarsch auf Mitau (101) Das Kgl. sächsische Karabinerregiment in den Kämpfen bei Alt-Autz und Hofzumberge am 17. und 18. Juli 1915 (104) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von den Russen auf der Flucht aus Ostgalizien verbrannte Eisenbahnwagen (2)Verladen russischer Gefangener auf dem Bahnhof in Stryj ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Öesterreichisch-ungarische Artillerie in Feuerstellung an der Zlota-Lipa (2)Der Kommandant der 36. Infanterie-Truppen-Division Ritter Schreitter von Schwarzenfeld mit seinem Stabe vor der Kampffront in Ostgalizien ( - ) Die Kämpfe vor Szawle am 21. Juli 1915 (108) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine von den Russen kampflos geräumte Infanterie-Feldstellung vor der Festung Rozan (2)Von deutschen Truppen im Sturm eroberte russische Feldstellung vor der Festung Rozan ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aus dem vollständig zusammengeschossenen Rozan (2)Die von deutschen Pionieren bei Rozan erbaute Narew-Brücke, daneben die Reste der von den Russen vor ihrem Abzug zerstörten Brücke ( - ) Ein Gefecht in Kurland Ende Juli 1915 (109) Die Einnahme von Mitau am 1. August 1915 (111) Der Durchbruch bei Prasznysz am 13. bis 15. Juli 1915. Zusammenfassender Bericht aus dem deutschen Großen Hauptquartier vom 31. Juli 1915 (113) Der Angriff gegen die Nordwestfront des westrussischen Festungssystems. Von Mitte Juli bis 10. August 1915 (116) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine deutsche Munitionskolonne überschreitet auf einer Notbrücke den Narew-Fluß (2)General v. Scholz mit seinem Stabe in Kolno ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick auf das gut erhaltene Lomza vom Narew aus (2)Ein Teil der Stadt Kolno (Gouvernement Lomza), der von den Russen angezündet, niederbrannte ( - ) Die Württemberger vor Rozan und die Erstürmung der Bahnlinie Warschau - Ostrolenka. Vom 20. Juli bis 3. August 1915 (118) Wie Lomza fiel. Vom 7. bis 10. August 1915 (120) [2 Abb.]: (1)General von Gerok (2)General der Kavallerie v. Böhm-Ermolli mit seinem Armee-Generalstabschef Generalmajor Dr. Bardolff ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Oberbefehlshaber der Südarmee General der Infanterie v. Linsingen und Prinz Georg von Bayern (links vom Gneral v. Linsingen) an der ostgalizischen Front (2)König Ludwig III. von Bayern bei seinem Besuch in Lemberg im Gespräch mit General der Kavallerie v. Böhm-Ermolli ( - ) Episoden (121) Ritt in Kurland (121) Vor Rozan. Das große Reinemachen (122) Die große Offensive südöstlich der oberen Weichsel bis zum Fall von Warschau. Chronologische Uebersicht nach den deutschen und österreichisch-ungarischen Generalstabsmeldungen vom 16. Juli bis 10. August 1915. Einzelne Meldungen des russischen Generalstabs sind zur Ergänzung beigegeben. (123) [Karte]: Übersichtskarte der Kämpfe in Kurland. Vergleiche die südlich anschließenden Übersichtskarten von Ostpreußen Band II vor S 33, von Polen Band IV vor S. 33 und von Galizien Band II vor S 1. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

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Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Week 11 Final Paper Wilsonianism in the First World War: Progressivism, American Exceptionalism, and the AEF Doughboy Brian P. Bailes A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH 562B Dr. John Broom August 16, 2020 Bailes 2 While the duration of American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) involvement in First World War combat operations remained short compared to the armies of the European powers, the experience had a lasting impact on the United States' status as a global power. President Woodrow Wilson's mediation in the European affair throughout American neutrality, his integration of the AEF into Allied operations, and his contribution to the post-war peace process cast him as a central figure of the conflict as well as a harbinger of United States interventionist foreign policy. Through the more than a century since the end of the war, historians have analyzed and debated various facets of United States belligerency. Historians have explored President Wilson's ideologies and the decision making that ultimately led to him making his April 1917 appeal to Congress for American belligerency. Additionally, historians have expanded on AEF actions in Europe and argued how General Pershing's adamancy on maintaining an independent American command created tension with the Allied leaders. Historians have not connected these two topics to analyze how a reader can conceptually link Wilson's ideas and doughboy exploits in Europe. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Throughout the historiography of United States involvement in the First World War, specific themes reoccur as significant areas of consensus. The historiography presents two primary arguments in which historians agree. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives drastically differed from those of the Allies, and historians agree that these differences motivated Wilson's decisions regarding how the United States would enter the war. Historians also agree that friction existed between General Pershing and the Allied Commanders once the AEF arrived in Europe and began combat operations. These two commonalities in the historiography remain Bailes 3 relatively constant throughout the past 50 years of historical research, and even when portraying more positive sentiments expressed between AEF and Allied soldiers, historians still note some tension between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives differed significantly from those of the Allies. David Woodford argues that the gap between British imperial interests and Wilson's peace objectives affected the alliance between the United States and England throughout the war.1 William Widenor argues that Wilson failed in achieving his goals during the Versailles Peace Settlement because he attempted to make too many concessions for enduring peace, and he claims that Wilson grew at odds with the Allied leaders at the peace conference.2 George Egerton argues that British policymakers were closely monitoring the dispute within the United States Senate during the Treaty of Versailles conference, and he suggests that British leadership remained skeptical of Wilson's League of Nations.3 Historians capture Wilson's opposing peace aims throughout the European conflict, and they seemingly agree on how these aims influenced Wilson's policies and actions. Some historians cite the most significant gap in peace aims as existing between the United States and France. David Stevenson argues that French leaders were continually at odds with Wilson throughout the war as the French war aims focused much more on their national security, which they saw as requiring the destruction of Imperial Germany.4 Stevenson points out that while Wilson's peace aims differed from England as well as France, many French objectives 1 David R. Woodward, Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 7-25, 35-43, 77-80, 125-9, 208-20. 2 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," Modern American Diplomacy, eds. John M. Carroll and George C. Herring (Lanham: SR Books, 1996), 46-59. 3 George W. Egerton, "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920," The Historical Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1978): 885-911, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638973. 4 David Stevenson, "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918," The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Bailes 4 were more aggressive against Germany as they involved reclaiming land lost to Germany in previous wars, specifically the 1870 Franco-Prussian War.5 Stevenson highlights the fact that Wilson could not get French officials to see the "two Germanys" concept that prevailed in American thinking at the time. While the American public generally saw two Germanys – the autocratic ruling party dominated by the Prussian elite and the German people living under that oppressive regime – Stevenson argues that France only saw Imperial Germany as a total enemy.6 Robert Bruce explains that during the post-war occupation period, the American doughboys perceived Frenchmen as distrustful and hateful toward German soldiers, and this sullied the alliance between France and the United States.7 In line with Wilson's ideology, historians cite Wilson's desire for Europe to achieve a "peace without victory" as he attempted to serve as a mediator during the United States period of neutrality. These historians ultimately conclude that Wilson believed any of the European powers achieving their aims through victory would lead to a continuation of balance of power politics in Europe. They argue that Wilson thought merely putting an end to the fighting would be the only way to achieve lasting peace. Ross Gregory argues that Wilson acted as a persistent mediator throughout the war as he strove for a "peace without victory."8 Arthur Link explains that Wilson believed a "peace without victory" and a "draw in Europe" proved the best solution for establishing a new system to replace the broken power structure in Europe.9 Ross Kennedy portrays Wilson as advocating the United States as a neutral mediator striving for a "peace 5 Stevenson, 884, 892-4. 6 Stevenson, 885. 7 Robert B. Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms: America & France in the Great War (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003), 286-95. 8 Ross Gregory, The Origins of American Intervention in the First World War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1971), 115-6. 9 Arthur Link, "Entry into World War I," Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, eds. Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970), 141. Bailes 5 without victory" before the U.S. entered the war, then as an advocate of "just peace" after they entered the war.10 Kennedy argues that Wilson blamed the international system that led to power politics and wanted to have a separate voice in the peace process to shape a new diplomatic and global political order.11 Historians point to Wilson's ideology as a reason for his differing peace objectives, and historians point to Wilson's Christian faith as a significant motivation for his progressive philosophy. Lloyd Ambrosius highlights Wilson's four tenets of national self-determination, open-door economic globalization, collective security, and progressive history as the framework in which he envisioned a global order shaped by American democratic ideals that would bring the world to peace.12 Ambrosius examines Wilson's embrace of "American Exceptionalism" and looks at how his Anglo-American bias clouded his vision and prevented him from seeing the various cultural factors throughout the world.13 Ronald Pestritto examines Wilson's progressive form of history while arguing that Wilson saw democracy emerging within society as a phenomenon only natural to specific groups of people, and he only saw a few civilizations as "progressed."14 Pestritto notes Wilson's Christian inspiration, referencing early manuscripts written by Wilson titled "Christ's Army" and "Christian Progress."15 William Appleman Williams argues that Wilson maintained a Calvinist idealism that intensified the existing doctrine 10 Ross A. Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 15, 29, https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. 11 Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," 2-3. 12 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 2-47. 13 Ambrosius, Wilsonianism, 125-34; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 33-49; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism," The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. 14 Ronald J. Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), 6-61. 15 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 23, 40. Bailes 6 based on God's supposed ordination of American influence and expansion in the world.16 Richard Gamble explains that Wilson's vision and rhetoric nested with many of the Christian messages of progressive religious leaders in the United States during the First World War who saw the war as a Christian crusade to spread American ideals.17 Historians seem in unanimous agreement that Wilson's separate peace aims formed the primary impetus for him seeking an independent American presence in the war effort. David Esposito argues that Wilson wanted to have an American presence in the war because he realized that to establish a dominant American voice in the post-war peace talks, the United States needed to make a significant contribution to Allied victory.18 Edward Coffman details the United States' experiences in the First World War by explaining Wilson's desire to gain an independent voice in the peace process.19 David Trask maintains that Wilson wanted to "remain somewhat detached from the Allies" in defeating Imperial Germany to provide Wilson leverage so that he could directly influence the post-war peace process.20 Arthur Link explains that Wilson did see the benefit of not joining the Entente but keeping the United States independent of "any political commitments" with the Allies as providing a chance to ensure an American presence at the peace conference.21 Thomas Knock argues that Wilson faulted the "balance of power" politics of Europe and saw the United States as the actor to save Europe and create a new system of 16 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959; New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009), 67-112. Page references are to the 2009 edition. 17 Richard M. Gamble, The War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2003), 22-3, 86-208, 254-5. 18 David M. Esposito, "Woodrow Wilson and the Origins of the AEF," Presidential Studies Quarterly 19 no. 1 (Winter 1989): 127-38, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574570. 19 Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968), 5-8. 20 David F. Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918 (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993), 2-6. 21 Link, "Entry into World War I," 141. Bailes 7 diplomacy.22 Overall, historians agree that President Wilson desired very different peace outcomes for a post-war Europe, and this influenced him as he made decisions regarding United States actions throughout the war. In addition to the agreement that Wilson's peace aims differed from the Allies, historians also agree that once the United States did enter the war and the AEF arrived in Europe, friction quickly developed between General Pershing and the Allied commanders. David Trask argues many instances of "increasing friction" existed between Pershing and the French and British command. Trask includes a case where the Allies "attempted to bypass Pershing" by working directly with Wilson even though Wilson had appointed Pershing as Commander in Chief of the AEF.23 Trask argues that Pershing believed that the preceding few years of trench warfare had "deprived the French and even the British of offensive spirit," and he maintains that with Pershing's "open warfare" tactics, his methods of training drastically differed from the Allies.24 Michael Adas cites disagreement between Pershing and the Allied commanders immediately after Pershing arrived in France due to Pershing's unwillingness to listen to the experienced French and British leaders as they tried to suggest ways to employ the AEF.25 Adas argues that Pershing's desire to pursue "open warfare" did not take into account the realities of trench warfare and resulted in costly casualties.26 Russell Weigley cites frequent tensions between Pershing and the Allied commanders, including an example in September of 1918 in which AEF 22 Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 30-69. 23 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 38-9. 24 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 25 Michael Adas, "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I," Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 705-7, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. 26 Adas, "Ambivalent Ally," 710. Bailes 8 "traffic congestion" caused a significant disturbance in a visit from Georges Clemenceau.27 Weigley explains that Pershing's belief in "open warfare" would not work due to the enormous American divisions built for the trenches, arguing that Pershing would need "smaller, maneuverable divisions" if he wanted his open warfare to work.28 All historians agree that the issue of AEF amalgamation with the French and British forces served as the primary reason for the friction between the military leaders. David Woodford cites the notion that AEF amalgamation would "undermin[e] the significance of the American military role." Hence, Pershing remained adamant in his stance not to let the Allies use American soldiers to fight under French or British flags.29 Woodward notes that Pershing felt his AEF superior to the Allies as he "believed that the Americans had almost nothing to learn from French and British officers."30 Woodford explains that war aims and peace objectives formed the basis of a fractured Anglo-American relationship that finally crumbled during the peace conference.31 Mitchell Yockelson argues that despite tension between Pershing and the Allied leaders regarding the question of amalgamation, the 27th and 30th Divisions contributed significantly to the Allied effort under British command. Yockelson highlights a fascinating illustration of Pershing's stubbornness in noting that Pershing did not follow the exploits of these divisions even though they proved instrumental in the offensive against the Hindenburg Line.32 As an enduring theme throughout the amalgamation debate, historians point to Pershing's desire for the United States to deliver the decisive blow against Germany with an independent 27 Russell F. Weigley, "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 333. 28 Weigley, "Pershing and the American Military Tradition," 341-2. 29 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 57-8. 30 Woodward, 88. 31 Woodward, 7-80, 112-220. 32 Mitchell A. Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 92-228. Bailes 9 American army. Allan Millett argues that Wilson gave Pershing the explicit directive to keep the AEF separate from the Allies and allowed Pershing the freedom to make decisions on how to integrate the AEF.33 Millett cites Pershing's initial plan to use an AEF offensive on Metz as the critical blow that would decide the war and establish an American contribution to defeating Imperial Germany. Pershing would not have his AEF ready to carry out this offensive until 1919, and his stubbornness in dealing with the requests for amalgamation in the interim "frustrated the Allies."34 Bullitt Lowry narrates Pershing's attempt to shape the post-war peace terms by arguing that Pershing wanted to force Germany into an "unconditional surrender." While Lowry concludes that Pershing's effort to influence the political realm failed, he believed that the only way to "guarantee victory" would be to crush Germany in battle.35 David Woodward argues that Pershing believed that the AEF would decide the war by becoming "the dominant role in the war against Germany."36 Woodward cites Pershing's ideas regarding "the aggressive American rifleman, whose tradition of marksmanship and frontier warfare" could rid the Western Front of trench warfare and execute a great offensive against Germany.37 Historians cite the notion throughout the ranks of the AEF that the United States should remain independent from the Allies, and historians point to the fact that many doughboys saw themselves as superior soldiers to the Allies. Robert H. Zieger argues that "virtually the entire military establishment" agreed with Pershing's desire to have an independent American 33 Allan R. Millett, "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918," Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, eds. Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986), 237. 34 Millett, "Over Where?," 239. 35 Bullitt Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. 36 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 81. 37 Woodward, 89, 207. Bailes 10 command.38 Still, Zieger does note that this separate American command relied heavily on the Allies for logistics support, and the AEF "misunderstood the military dynamics of the Western Front."39 Richard Faulkner argues that Pershing's doctrine rested on his belief that the "superior American rifle marksmanship, aggressiveness, and skilled maneuvering" could win the fight for the Allies.40 Faulkner argues that American soldiers saw themselves as intervening in the war effort to help the failing French and British, taunting their British partners by claiming AEF stands for "After England Failed." He devotes a chapter named as such to explain the AEF belief in the superiority of the American fighting man.41 Harold Winton argues that Pershing believed that the United States soldier was superior to his European counterpart.42 Jennifer Keene argues that issues such as the treatment of African-American soldiers and disagreements about which nation contributed the most to the Allied victory created rifts between the two allies.43 In her full text, Keene narrates AEF interactions with their French Allies, and she claims that doughboys saw themselves as superior fighters who could help turn the tide of war.44 Michael Neiberg explains that United States citizens and soldiers came away from the conflict with the belief in the "inherent superiority" of the American system over that of Europe.45 38 Robert H. Zieger, America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000), 92-102. 39 Zieger, America's Great War, 96. 40 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders: The American Soldier in World War I (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017), 285. 41 Faulkner, 281-304. 42 Harold Winton, "Toward an American Philosophy of Command," The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1059, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. 43 Jennifer D. Keene, "Uneasy Alliances: French Military Intelligence and the American Army During the First World War," Intelligence and National Security 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 18-36, https://doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432461. 44 Jennifer D. Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 105-11. 45 Michael S. Neiberg, The Path to War: How The First World War Created Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 23. Bailes 11 Even when historians convey a more positive relationship between the AEF and their Allied counterparts, they still address the tension between Pershing and Allied leadership. Robert Bruce portrays a much more positive partnership between the doughboy and his French ally. Bruce documents Marshal Joseph Joffre's visit to the United States after Congress declared war against Germany to muster American support for the French. By comparing France's visit to Britain's, Bruce argues that Joffre established the framework for an intimate Franco-American partnership.46 Bruce maintains that the French respected the American soldier and viewed the entry of the AEF into the war as the saving grace of the Allies. Bruce narrates a bond between doughboys and French troops that increased as they trained and fought together.47 Despite this positive portrayal by Bruce of the French and AEF bond, Bruce still highlights the tension in Pershing's interactions with French commanders as well as noting the general perception amongst French commanders that Pershing thought "he knew everything there was to know about modern warfare."48 Bruce adds that different peace aims and post-war sentiments towards Germany created disagreements amongst American and French soldiers that fractured the relationship built during the war.49 Of note, Bruce suggests that the doughboys harbored what they saw as a "perceived lack of aggressiveness in the French."50 After synthesizing the historiography, the question remains regarding how these two arguments can be linked. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale 46 Robert B. Bruce, "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917," Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066; Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 32-59. 47 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 86-121. 48 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 128, 143. 49 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 286-95. 50 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 122. Bailes 12 coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. Perhaps a reader will identify that the AEF demonstrated trends in Europe that highlight an "American way of war" that still resonates in United States coalition operations today. When President Wilson brought the United States into the First World War in April of 1917, he sold it as an effort to make the world safe for democracy. In Wilson's war address to Congress, Wilson called Imperial Germany's resumption of their unrestricted submarine campaign "warfare against mankind."51 Wilson maintained that Imperial Germany had given the United States no other choice but to declare war when they resumed their submarine attacks on merchant ships in the early spring of 1917. Still, Wilson furthered his justification for war by appealing to the broader ideal of fighting to defeat the Imperial German autocracy. Wilson described the "selfish and autocratic power" against which a free people needed to wage war.52 Later in his address, Wilson stated that he found hope in what he saw as the restoration of power to the people demonstrated in the Russian Revolution. Wilson saw a pre-Lenin revolution as 51 Woodrow Wilson, "Address to a Joint Session of Congress Calling for a Declaration of War" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, ed. Mario R. DiNunzio (New York: NYU Press, 2006): 399, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.15. 52 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 400. Bailes 13 bringing democracy to the people of Russia, and it opened the door for the realization that the Allies fought because "the world must be made safe for democracy."53 Arthur Link comments on Wilson's initial optimism on hearing of the Russian Revolution overthrowing Czar rule.54 While the Russian Revolution took a different turn in the following years, the initial news of the Russian people revolting against the Czar gave Wilson confidence that democracy could spread in Europe since now the Allies truly represented a democratic system. Wilson had spent the first years of the war trying to mediate peace in Europe through United States neutrality, and he tried to negotiate an end to the fighting without a victory for any of the imperial belligerents. Wilson did not see a lasting peace coming to Europe if any of the imperial powers achieved their peace objectives, so he attempted to mediate a truce. Kendrick Clements narrates how Wilson's desire to keep the United States neutral grew at odds with his economic support for the Allies. War for the United States rose to be more likely as Imperial Germany became increasingly aggravated with the United States for supplying aid to France and Britain while professing neutrality.55 Fraser Harbutt argues that at the initial outbreak of war in Europe, leaders as well as citizens of the United States concerned themselves with the economic impacts of the war primarily, and the United States benefited economically by supporting the Allies, specifically in the steel trade.56 Imperial Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare, as well as the capture of Germany's Zimmerman Telegram in January 1917, soliciting an alliance with Mexico, prompted Wilson to support waging war on Imperial Germany. Now American entry into the conflict presented Wilson with some new options for shaping the post- 53 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401-2. 54 Link, "Entry into World War I," 122-3. 55 Kendrick A. Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004: 62-82, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. 56 Fraser J. Harbutt, "War, Peace, and Commerce: The American Reaction to the Outbreak of World War I in Europe 1914," An Improbable War? The Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914, eds. Holger Afflerbach and David Stevenson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 320-1. Bailes 14 war world. Thomas Knock describes how even though the United States entry into the war meant the essential failure of Wilson's "Peace Without Victory," the international community had seemingly bought into Wilson's concept of "collective security."57 In the previous few years of American neutrality, Wilson had advocated for creating a collection of democratic nation-states to band together to prevent war, and by 1917 the international community seemed interested. Wilson would use American belligerency to shape his new world order for peace. Russia's withdrawal from the war in March of 1918 made the need for a United States presence all the more significant for the Allies. The American soldier would be a crusader of sorts, attempting to cure Europe of the diplomacy of old that had brought her to destruction. The European July crisis of 1914 that erupted in a full-scale war the following month proved to be the culmination of decades of the European balance of power diplomacy that led to rival alliances and an armament race between the feuding dynasties.58 European power politics had dominated the continent for centuries, which inevitably escalated into a world war, and the United States soldier would have the opportunity to save the nations from which most of their ancestors had descended. Michael Neiberg argues that by 1917, the American people felt an obligation to enter the war to save Europe. While the people of the United States supported neutrality initially, Neiberg explains that public opinion swayed over time toward a desire to save Europe from the terror of Imperial Germany.59 The United States Secretary of War from 1916-1921, Newton Baker, published a text almost two decades after the armistice in which he maintained that the United States went to war to stop Imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy. Baker took issue with the 57 Knock, To End All Wars, 115. 58 James Joll and Gordon Martel, The Origins of the First World War, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 9-291. 59 Neiberg, The Path to War, 7-8, 31-3, 235. Bailes 15 historians of the 20s and 30s who claimed that economic interest influenced the United States entry into the war, and he argued they ignored the necessity of U.S. involvement to stop Germany. Baker explained that the American public remained overwhelmingly critical of the German autocracy and desired to intervene to save the European people.60 Private Alexander Clay of the AEF's 33rd Division demonstrated this sense of duty as he wrote regarding his 1918 deployment to France. As Clay's ship passed the Statue of Liberty while leaving the New York harbor, he thought to himself of the French leader Lafayette's role in securing United States victory during the American Revolution. He wrote that the AEF went to France to "repay the debt of our gratitude to your country for your country's alliance with our country in obtaining liberty from an oppressor England."61 For the United States to effectively reshape the world, there needed to be an independent American command that would ensure the United States contributed to the victory over Imperial Germany, which would give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks. In a January 22, 1917 address to the Senate in which he articulated his vision for peace in Europe, Wilson claimed that the warring European nations could not shape a lasting peace. While Wilson still did not advocate for United States intervention at this point, he did state that to achieve peace "[i]t will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it."62 In this speech, Wilson advocated for a "peace without victory" because he did not envision a peaceful 60 Newton D. Baker, Why We Went to War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936), 4-10, 20, 160-3. 61 Private Alexander Clay in American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents, 1917-1920, ed. Martic Marix Evans (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001; New York: Routledge, 2013), 19, Kindle. 62 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 393. Bailes 16 outcome if any of the imperial powers achieved victorious peace terms.63 Wilson reiterated his stance that the United States should play a decisive role in shaping post-war Europe and ensuring that "American principles" guided the rest of the world.64 When the United States declared war against Imperial Germany a few months after this speech, it essentially put Wilson's vision into motion. Diplomatic historian William Widenor argues that Wilson realized that the United States needed to participate in the war "rather than as an onlooker" to achieve his visions for peace.65 Widenor notes Wilson's desire for the United States to enter the war as an "associate" to the Entente as opposed to an "ally," and Widenor maintains that Wilson desired to change the world and "democratize and also, unfortunately, to Americanize it."66 The late international historian Elisabeth Glaser captures the Wilson administration's balancing between maintaining an economic relationship with the Entente powers while attempting to remain "an independent arbiter in the conflict."67 Wilson appointed General Pershing to lead the American effort, and Wilson gave him the simple instruction to keep the American Expeditionary Forces as a command separate from the Allies. In 1928, the Army War College published The Genesis of the American First Army, which documented the details surrounding how the War Department created an independent army of the United States. The text includes a caption from Secretary of War Baker's memorandum to Pershing. Baker informed Pershing of Wilson's order to "cooperate with the forces of the other countries employed against the enemy; but in so doing the underlying idea must be kept in view that the forces of the United States are a separate and distinct component of 63 Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 394. 64 Wilson, 396-7. 65 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," 42. 66 Widenor, 42-3. 67 Elisabeth Glaser, "Better Late than Never: The American Economic War Effort, 1917-1918," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 390. Bailes 17 the combined forces, the identity of which must be preserved."68 The President did give Pershing the authority to decide how the AEF would integrate into Allied operations. Upon Pershing's June 13, 1917 arrival in Paris, he began making decisions regarding AEF employment as it pertained to logistics, training, and an initial American area of operations on the Western Front. With a plan of achieving a force of 1,328,448 men in France by the end of 1918, Pershing needed to ensure his troops were able to build combat power and prepare for war while simultaneously ensuring that he maintained a distinct American command.69 The following 17 months of conflict with American boots on the ground in Europe saw significant political and diplomatic friction between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Pershing attempted to keep his AEF intact while satisfying Allied requests for American soldiers to replace French and British casualties, especially when Germany launched their Spring 1918 offensives. Pershing described in his memoirs that the French and British requested American soldiers to fill their gaps on the front lines when they had each sent diplomatic missions to America shortly after the United States entered the war. Pershing maintained his adamancy against the United States "becoming a recruiting agency for either the French or British," and he recounted that the War Department retained his position as well.70 While Allied leaders ostensibly supported having an independent American army participate in the war effort, the need to replace casualties in the trenches proved to be their immediate concern. Russia withdrawing from the conflict allowed Germany to reinforce their strength on the Western Front and mount a series of offensives. Germany knew they had a limited window of time for victory 68 Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section, The Genesis of the American First Army (Army War College, 1928), Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library (Coppell, TX, 2020), 2. 69 The Genesis of the American First Army, 2-9. 70 John J. Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1 (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 30-3. Bailes 18 with the United States continuing to build combat power, so they surged in the early months of 1918. Pershing faced a strategic dilemma of trying to support the Allies and get his troops in the fight while simultaneously attempting to build an independent American army. Ultimately, Pershing gave the Allies some of his army divisions as much needed replacements, and he made an effort to ensure that these divisions remained as intact as possible. Pershing endeavored to organize these divisions under a U.S. corps level command, but this corps command proved mostly administrative rather than tactical.71 By the time Pershing activated his independent American First Army, it only spent a few months in combat. The temporarily amalgamated doughboys Pershing gave to the Allies to meet their requests had contributed more to the defeat of Imperial Germany than Pershing's independent army. Mostly because Pershing had interspersed his divisions throughout the French and British fronts to meet the Allied requests for replacements, the American First Army did not activate until August of 1918. The September 20-25 Meuse-Argonne offensive would be the first significant operation for Pershing's independent army.72 David Trask concludes his critique of Pershing by recognizing the contribution that the American soldier played in providing manpower to the Allies. Trask commends the bravery of the American doughboy, but he argues that the amalgamated U.S. divisions contributed more to victory than the American First Army.73 In a similar vein, Mitchell Yockelson contends that the 27th and 30th Divisions who remained under British command throughout the war benefited over the rest of the AEF from extensive training led by the experienced British troops, and they contributed significantly to the Allied 71 The Genesis of the American First Army, 9-46. 72 John J. Pershing, Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919), 37-8; The Genesis of the American First Army, 45-58. 73 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174-7. Bailes 19 victory.74 Pershing detailed his plans to capitalize on the initiative gained with his Meuse-Argonne offensive to deliver his decisive blow against Germany. The November 11 armistice came before he could achieve his grand vision.75 While the American doughboy played a critical role in providing an Allied victory over Imperial Germany, Pershing never realized his concept of an independent American command autonomously crushing the German army. The American soldier contributed most significantly to the Allied victory by taking part in offensives planned and conducted under the control of French and British Generals. Understanding American motivation during the war effort requires understanding the Progressive Movement taking place in the early-twentieth-century United States. Michael McGerr writes a detailed account of the cause and effect of the Progressive Movement. McGerr describes the wealth disparity brought about by Victorian society and the Gilded Age, and the class conflict emerging from this gave birth to a social and political movement that attempted to enact massive change in the American system.76 McGerr claims that the Progressive Movement attempted such major reform that no social or political action since has tried "anything as ambitious" due to the adverse reactions of such massive change.77 The Progressive Movement engulfed American society and brought about changes in family structures, race relations, and governmental powers. Herbert Croly illustrated the drive for monumental change rooted in the Progressive Movement with his text Progressive Democracy. In his narrative, Croly advocated for a complete overhaul of the American system to achieve freedom and alleviate wealth disparity. Croly saw governmental reform as the method for spreading democracy to all 74 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 213-23. 75 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 355-87. 76 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 3-146. 77 McGerr, 315-9. Bailes 20 citizens.78 In describing American public opinion during the time of United States entry into World War I, David Kennedy argues that for those Americans who championed progressive ideals, "the war's opportunities were not to be pursued in the kingdom of commerce but in the realm of the spirit."79 While the United States maintained a formidable economic link with the Allies throughout American neutrality, Wilson appealed to American ideals to garner public support for the war. United States entry into the war did not come as the natural development of the Progressive Movement. Still, the American public's reason for supporting the war certainly borrowed progressive sentiments. Wilson championed progressive initiatives that had ingrained themselves in the national mood of early-twentieth-century America. Wilson ran for President in 1912 on the principles he codified the following year in his text The New Freedom. Wilson argued that the Jefferson era of United States democracy had long ended. Wilson maintained that because of the new complexities found in American society, a "reconstruction in the United States" needed to occur to achieve real economic and social freedom.80 Ronald Pestritto articulates Wilson's vision for a governmental system as it relates to a society's history and progress. According to Wilson, the method of government that works for people depends on how far that population has progressed. In that manner, the government should always change to reflect the progression of its people best.81 Pestritto argues that a major theme found in Wilson's 1908 text Constitutional Government in the United States rests in the idea that: [T]here are four stages through which all governments pass: (1) government is the master and people are its subjects; (2) government remains the master, not through 78 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1914; New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers; Second printing 2006), 25, 103-18. 79 David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980; New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 39. 80 Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913), www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf. 81 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 34-42. Bailes 21 force but by its fitness to lead; (3) a stage of agitation, when leaders of the people rise up to challenge the government for power; and (4) the final stage, where the people become fully self-conscious and have leaders of their own choosing.82 Wilson epitomized the Progressive Movement's ideals regarding the government adapting to the changes of the people to create a more representative system of government. He would appeal to these principles in advocating for United States intervention in Europe. An underlying sentiment existed within the Progressive Movement that sought to bring about massive change, and this energy extended into the war effort. Lloyd Ambrosius explains the rise of the United States as an imperial power during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The outcome of the American Civil War created a more powerful central government, and economic growth during the following decades allowed more opportunity for global expansion.83 As the United States extended its global presence, the ideals that formed the nation began to influence foreign policy. David Kennedy writes about the shift in prominent progressives toward support of the war effort. Kennedy references John Dewey as a significant advocate for utilizing the war to satisfy progressive initiatives. According to Kennedy, progressives found appeal in Wilson's reasons for American belligerency in Europe as "a war for democracy, a war to end war, a war to protect liberalism, a war against militarism, a war to redeem barbarous Europe, a crusade."84 Michael McGerr states that the First World War "brought the extraordinary culmination of the Progressive Movement."85 Regardless of the typical progressive view of war, progressives could find merit in Wilson's justification for United States involvement. 82 Pestritto, 37. 83 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 26-32. 84 Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society, 50-3. 85 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 280. Bailes 22 Even though a vast segment of the United States population did not support going to war in Europe, the notion of saving Europe still permeated throughout American society. In a series of essays published in the July 1917 edition of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, multiple thinkers of the time expressed the necessity of the United States entering the war to save Europe. Miles Dawson argued the importance of the United States' mission in the war by documenting the five "fundamentals" that made the United States unique, and he explained the importance of spreading those principles globally. Dawson advocated for the spreading of American ideals throughout the rest of the world.86 George Kirchwey argued that the United States must go to war to defeat Imperial Germany and secure peace. Kirchwey suggested that the war was a fight against an autocratic empire and a crusade to make the world safe for democracy. Kirchwey maintained that the United States needed to lead the effort in creating a world order for peace.87 Samuel Dutton saw the purpose of the United States as transcending party lines. Dutton suggested that the aim of defeating autocratic Imperial Germany needed to be a united American mission.88 Emily Greene Balch wrote that the United States "enters the war on grounds of the highest idealism, as the champion of democracy and world order."89 Walter Lippman argued that once the United States entered the war, they were obligated to fight to make the world safe for democracy. Lippman placed the blame for the war squarely on Germany and their aggression in Belgium and unrestricted submarine warfare. Similar to Wilson in his war address, Lippman drew parallels to the Russian Revolution and the 86 Miles M. Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. 87 George W. Kirchwey, "Pax Americana," Annals, 40-48, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. 88 Samuel Dutton, "The United States and the War," Annals, 13-19, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. 89 Emily Greene Balch, "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order," Annals, 28-31, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643 Bailes 23 importance of it signaling that the Allies truly represented democracy.90 Wilson's reasons for war had found a voice in the academic circles of the United States, and they nested well with the progressive message. Wilson's goals for peace illustrate how Progressive initiatives manifested into the global sphere. In his August 18, 1914 address advocating for the American population to remain neutral during the European conflict, Wilson maintained that the United States held a responsibility "to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend."91 Similarly, when addressing the Senate over two years later communicating his persistent intent of mediating peace in Europe through American neutrality, Wilson criticized the demands for peace submitted by the Entente that sought revenge over Imperial Germany rather than a lasting peace. Wilson instructed that "peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again."92 In line with his progressive ideology, Wilson believed in United States intervention in the European conflict that would fundamentally improve their diplomatic system entirely. The United States would intervene in Europe to not only end the conflict but restructure the political climate in a more peaceful, progressive manner. Kendrick Clements argues that Wilson's economic and diplomatic decisions throughout United States neutrality drew him into the war gradually as he continued to side with the Allies. Wilson attempted to maintain his ideals for peace as the United States continued to get closer to belligerency.93 When the United States entry into the war proved virtually inevitable, Wilson 90 Walter Lippman, "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy," Annals, 1-10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. 91 Woodrow Wilson, "An Appeal for Neutrality in World War I," 390. 92 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 392. 93 Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," 63-81. Bailes 24 ensured that the reasons for fighting aligned with the progressive energy that moved within American society. A religious vigor inspired military action that can be seen as a product of the Progressive Movement as well. Richard Gamble narrates the origin of the opinion that the United States represented a light for the rest of the world, and he describes how this concept brought the nation into the war. Gamble argues that these Christian ideals drove the political climate as Wilson's vision echoed the religious sentiment, and they prompted men to fight.94 Gamble describes the "social gospel" movement that had energized progressive Christians in the United States as extending into the international realm. The same energy that had influenced Christians to enact domestic change had transcended into a desire to improve the world, and Wilson ensured these sentiments carried over into United States foreign policy.95 Ronald Pestritto argues Wilson's religious conviction and explains that Wilson linked his faith with his duty to help shape the rest of the world. Pestritto explains the belief that "America was a key battleground in the victory of good over evil."96 Richard Gamble's mention of literature such as Washington Gladden's 1886 "Applied Christianity" highlights the popular message of progressive faith that nests with Pestritto's argument.97 Wilson illustrated the linkage of religion and progressive reform when he spoke in Denver, Colorado, in a 1911 build-up to his run for the Presidency. Wilson commented that "liberty is a spiritual conception, and when men take up arms to set other men free, there is something sacred and holy in the warfare."98 Wilson went on to champion the necessity of finding truth in the Bible's message, and he concluded by warning against believing "that 94 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 5-87. 95 Gamble, 69-87. 96 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 40-3. 97 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 49-67. 98 Woodrow Wilson, "The Bible and Progress" in "On Religion," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.7, 54. Bailes 25 progress can be divorced from religion."99 To Wilson, Christianity taught the spiritual duty of working toward social progress, and most progressive men of faith believed in these same sentiments which carried over toward United States actions in France. At the core of this Progressive energy and Wilson's peace aims were the sentiments surrounding an idea of American Exceptionalism. Many of the same ideas found in the religious aspect of the need to work for social progression catered to a sense of American Exceptionalism. In the same May 7, 1911 address in Denver, Colorado, Wilson spoke of the greatness of the United States as a direct correlation to the religious zeal and Biblical principles with which the founders had established the nation. According to Wilson, "America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world."100 Wilson believed that the United States should serve as the model of Christian values for the rest of the world as "America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture."101 In his text In Search of the City on a Hill, Richard Gamble describes how the United States narrative utilized an interpretation of divine providence to create an image of a nation built on religious principles that should serve as an example for the rest of the world.102 Lloyd Ambrosius describes the prevalent belief in the early twentieth-century United States that considered the United States a "providential nation" as citizens attempted to justify global expansion.103 If the United States existed as a providential manifestation of God's will, then that could rationalize the spread of the American system into the international realm. 99 Wilson, "The Bible and Progress," 53-9. 100 Wilson, 56. 101 Wilson, 59. 102 Richard M. Gamble, In Search of the City on a Hill: The Making and Unmakng of an American Myth (London: Continuum International Publishng Group, 2012), 6-119. 103 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and Ameriam Internationalism, 33. Bailes 26 Men of faith found a divine message in the need for the United States to intercede in the global sphere to mold the world in her image. Wilson's brand of progressive history nested well with his idea of American Exceptionalism. Lloyd Ambrosius explains Wilson's fundamental belief that "primitive peoples moved toward greater maturity over the generations."104 Wilson applied this to the history of the United States. As Ronald Perstritto describes, Wilson believed that "the history of human progress is the history of the progress of freedom."105 As people progressed, they, in turn, developed a governmental system that allowed for more representation for its citizens. According to Ambrosius, Wilson believed that "the United States represented the culmination of progressive historical development."106 The American people had achieved real progression in Wilson's historical model, and democracy achieved through the American Revolution solidified his theory. Wilson certainly made this point evident in his writings regarding history. Wilson suggests that "the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development."107 The United States embodied the ideal form of Wilson's progressive history. Wilson saw it as the responsibility of the United States to spread its exceptional personification of progressive history with the rest of the world. Wilson acknowledged his views on the uniqueness of the United States in his New Freedom. While arguing for progressive reform in the states, Wilson stated that "[t]he reason that America was set up was that she might be different from all the nations of the world."108 Indeed, Wilson believed in the providential nature of the United States, and he desired to shape the rest of the world. 104 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 105 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 37. 106 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 107 Woodrow Wilson, "The Historian," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 216, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.10. 108 Wilson, The New Freedom, 16. Bailes 27 Early in the war during the period of United States neutrality, Wilson's reasons for remaining neutral stemmed from his belief in the exceptional nature of the American system and his desire for the United States to stay clear of European affairs. Even in American neutrality, Wilson still sought to mediate a peace in Europe because he perceived a chance to spread the democracy of the United States to Europe. Wilson believed that he needed to mediate in the European conflict because "mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves," and he questioned whether the Entente and Central powers fought "for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power."109 Wilson's peace aims were in sharp contrast to the Allied leaders, which illustrated his emphasis that the United States should mold a post-war Europe, and this tied directly to American Exceptionalism. While the British leadership concerned themselves with imperial interests, the French sought revenge on Germany from the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Wilson made it clear in his war address that the United States had "no quarrel with the German people."110 Wilson's vision for a post-war world remained focused on a lasting peace rather than what he perceived as selfish imperial gains or senseless revenge. American Exceptionalism formed the foundation for the interventionist foreign policy of the Progressive Era, and it profoundly motivated Wilson as well as the bulk of American society. Diplomatic historian William Appleman Williams details the rise of the United States as a global power. Williams argues that most Americans in the early twentieth-century United States agreed not only with "Wilson's nationalistic outlook," but they also agreed that the nation should serve as an example for the rest of the world.111 As mentioned previously, Miles Dawson contributed 109 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 393. 110 Woodrow Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401. 111 Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 86. Bailes 28 to the July 1917 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to voice the justification of United States intervention in France. In his text, Dawson defined the five uniquely American fundamentals as: 1. The inalienable right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness – not as a mere dead saying, but as a living reality. 2. The right of local self-government, within territories possessing or entitled to claim such right, embracing every power of government not expressly granted to the union. 3. The guaranty to each state of a forum for the redress of grievances of one state against another with full power to enforce the verdict of that forum. 4. The guaranty of a republican form of government to each constituent state. 5. The right and duty to maintain the union.112 To thinkers like Dawson, this unique set of traits not only provided United States citizens with a system of government that separated them from the rest of the world, but it inherently gave them a duty to spread the American ideology to the rest of the world. Fundamentally, the idea that the world should take the lead from the United States exemplified the broad theme of American Exceptionalism inspiring AEF actions in the war. With Progressivism and American Exceptionalism at the root of the war effort, the citizen-soldier of the AEF found inspiration in the same rhetoric. Nelson Lloyd described the "melting-pots" of the army cantonment areas in which soldiers who were born outside of the United States "have become true Americans. They have learned the language of America and the ideals of America and have turned willing soldiers in her cause."113 Michael Neiberg argues that a lasting legacy of United States involvement in the war became a unified American mission superseding any cultural allegiance, and "disagreements would no longer be based on ethnicity 112 Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," 11. 113 Newson Lloyd, How We Went to War (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922), 58, https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Bailes 29 or religion."114 United States entry into the war gave the American citizen-soldier a reason for fighting to preserve a democratic system in Europe, and Wilson's belief that the United States would play a central role became widespread amongst the ranks of the AEF. Lieutenant Willard Hill of the Transport Division and 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron claimed when hearing of the United States entry into the war "that this war is not over yet and that the U.S. troops will play a very decisive factor."115 The purpose of United States entry into the war inspired an idealism that would unify soldiers and champion a belief that the AEF would save Europe from the autocracy of Imperial Germany. Private Willard Newton of the 105th Engineers, 30th Division, exclaimed his joy during the September offensives by stating, "[a]t last we are at the beginning of a real battle between Prussianism and Democracy! And we are to fight on the side of Democracy that the world may forever be free from the Prussian peril!"116 The sentiments of these soldiers expressed a voice that echoed Wilson's desire to utilize an American army to bring peace to Europe, and Pershing dutifully followed his instructions. Pershing's stubbornness in not giving in to the Allies' request to amalgamate troops remained the most significant source of friction between him and the Allied military leaders. Still, Pershing's belief that the doughboy remained a superior warrior to the French and British soldier intensified Pershing's negative feelings toward his Allied counterparts. Pershing did not hide his views regarding coalitions when he wrote early in his memoirs that "[h]istory is replete with the failures of coalitions and seemed to be repeating itself in the World War."117 Russell Weigley argues that Pershing believed "that only by fighting under American command would 114 Michael S. Neiberg, "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917," Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 812, https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. 115 Lieutenant Willard D. Hill (Cleburne, Texas) in American Voices of World War I, 47. 116 Private Willard Newton (Gibson, North Carolina) in American Voices of World War I, 140. 117 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1, 34. Bailes 30 American soldiers retain the morale they needed to fight well."118 This assertion proved incorrect as those American doughboys who fought under French and British command performed extraordinarily.119 David Trask maintains that Pershing's "presumption that the American troops were superior to others in the war helps explain his stubborn insistence on an independent army even during the greatest crisis of the war."120 Although the German Spring Offensives of 1918 put the Allies in desperate need of replacements, Pershing held his ground in resisting amalgamation. He only agreed to temporary amalgamation after much deliberation. Pershing's plan required maintaining a separate and distinct American force if the United States was to play a critical role in defeating Imperial Germany. This plan did not always synchronize with General Foch's overall plan for the Allied strategy for defeating Imperial Germany. Mitchell Yockelson describes an instance in late September 1918 in which a newly established AEF officers' school near Pershing's headquarters pulled a bulk of American officers from the front lines, which "affected the AEF First Army divisions that were about to attack in the Meuse-Argonne operation."121 United States political leadership back home undoubtedly noticed the friction between Pershing and the Allied leaders. David Woodward mentioned that at one point, Wilson and Secretary Baker intervened to plead with Pershing to be more accommodating to the Allies. According to Woodward, "Pershing proved as immovable as ever when it came to wholesale amalgamation and introducing Americans to trench warfare before he deemed them ready for combat."122 118 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 335. 119 Weigley, 335. 120 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 61. 121 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 127. 122 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 168-9. Bailes 31 Pershing's doctrine of "open warfare" proved predicated on a firm belief in the exceptional quality of the American fighting man. In his memoirs, Pershing documented his view that the results of the Battle of the Marne had placed the opposing forces in a trench defensive that had taken away their aggression and ability to fight an offensive battle. Pershing maintained that "victory could not be won by the costly process of attrition, but it must be won by driving the enemy out into the open and engaging him in a war of movement."123 Sergeant-major James Block of the 59th Infantry, 4th Division, wrote after an offensive near Belleau Wood that his troops "had proven to ourselves that we were the Hun's master, even in our present untrained condition. The Hun could not stand before us and battle man to man."124 David Trask argues that Pershing's reliance on the rifle and bayonet under his open warfare doctrine limited the AEF's ability to adapt to the combined arms fight as quickly as did the French and British.125 In his Final Report, Pershing praised the Allied training system that prepared his inexperienced troops for combat on the Western Front. Although he admitted that his soldiers needed to learn from the experiences of the combat tested French and British, he stated that "[t]he long period of trench warfare had so impressed itself upon the French and British that they had almost entirely dispensed with training for open warfare."126 Pershing relied heavily on his infantrymen, and he saw the rifle and the bayonet as the superior weapon. He did not factor advances in the machine gun, tanks, and artillery to integrate all lethal assets onto the battlefield. According to Richard Faulkner, Pershing planned on using his troops – who he believed were 123 Pershing, 151-4. 124 Sergeant-major James W. Block (Marquette, Michigan) in American Voices of World War I, 108. 125 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 126 Pershing, Final Report, 13-5. Bailes 32 better suited for offensive warfare – to "force the Germans from their trenches into open terrain where the Allies' greater resources would then destroy the unprotected enemy army."127 Perhaps nothing exhibited Pershing's obtuse attitude toward his Allied counterparts more than his desire to beat the French in seizing Sedan from the Germans. Pershing outlined his wishes that his "troops should capture Sedan, which the French had lost in a decisive battle in 1870."128 Russell Weigley comments on Pershing's intent "to try to snatch from the French army the honor of recapturing the historic fortress city of Sedan, where the Emperor Napoleon III had surrendered to the Prussians on September 1-2, 1870."129 Sergeant-major Block described the fierce German resistance during the late September Allied offensives. Still, he claimed that "[o]nce the Americans penetrated that line, their advance northward would be comparatively easy. Sedan would fall next."130 The AEF performed well during the offensives in early November, and the crumbling Imperial German army made Sedan easily attainable for either Pershing's Second Army or the Franco-American armies.131 David Trask points out the diplomatic issue that would ensue if Pershing were to "deprive the French army of this honor."132 The new commander of the American First Army, General Liggett, ultimately did not carry out the attack, which undoubtably prevented a political and diplomatic disaster.133 Russell Weigley maintains that Liggett changed plans after "the offended French" updated him of Pershing's plans on November 7.134 The idea that Pershing wished to take away French retribution by giving 127 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 285. 128 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 381. 129 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 342. 130 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 135. 131 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 282-3. 132 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174. 133 Trask, 174, 134 Weigley, 343. Bailes 33 his troops a decisive victory and morale boost demonstrated his disconnect from the sentiments of his Allied counterparts. Pershing's belief in the superiority of the American soldier to his French and British counterpart extended to the lower ranks of the AEF. While perhaps sensationalizing his account, Scout Corporal Edward Radcliffe of the 109th Infantry, 28th Division wrote regarding actions around St Agnon "that the French of the 10th or 6th army had fallen back, their officers being shot by our men when they ordered them to retreat."135 In a post-World War I survey, Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler of the 16th Infantry, 1st Division answered a question about what he learned about America and Americans from the war. Sergeant Kyler stated that "Americans are inclined to brag about their systems and accomplishments which may or not be superior to those of other peoples or cultures."136 In many of the accounts of AEF actions in Europe, General Pershing and his doughboys showcased American Exceptionalism. Richard Faulkner devotes a chapter of his text to argue that most of the AEF doughboys perceived inferiority in the French way of life compared to the United States. The majority of white AEF soldiers came away from the war, believing that, in terms of technology as well as general health and welfare, American society remained superior to that of France and England.137 Faulkner makes note that "with the notable exception of the African Americans, the soldiers generally believed that their society was markedly superior to anything they encountered in Europe."138 Sergeant-major Block wrote a letter home to his parents during the post-war occupation period. He wrote of the perception that "Paris makes up for the backwardness of the rest of France."139 135 Corporal Edward Radcliffe in American Voices of World War I, 94. 136 Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler (Fort Thomas, Kentucky) in American Voices of World War I, 196. 137 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 188-93. 138 Faulkner, 189. 139 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 191. Bailes 34 While the bond formed between the French and British soldiers and the AEF doughboy proved strong, there still seemed to be a sentiment of American superiority amongst the AEF ranks. Tasker H. Bliss, who served as Army Chief of Staff from September 1917 to May 1918, documented the challenge of absent unified Allied command in a 1922 essay. Bliss wrote a detailed piece in which he criticized the lack of a unified Allied mission while praising General Foch and championing his eventual selection as "Allied Commander-in-Chief."140 Bliss condemned the Allied leaders for waiting so long before establishing any sort of unified command, and he argued that for the first years of the war, they fought for their national goals only. Bliss maintained that this hindered United States integration into the war effort as well.141 Charles Pettit wrote an account of his time on the Western Front. Initially serving in the British army, Pettit joined the AEF once they arrived and concluded his 42 months of combat with the Rainbow Division. Pettit commented that "[w]e know why the French and English didn't win the War. They was waiting for us."142 Robert Bruce expands on the relationship between the American and French soldiers during the post-war occupation period. The doughboys believed that the Allied victory had eliminated the threat of autocratic Imperial Germany. At the same time, the French soldiers still demonstrated distrust of the German for fear of a future war. According to Bruce, "Americans did not want to hear about the need to prepare for a future war with Germany. They believed that victory in the Great War and the conversion of Germany to a democracy was enough to end the menace; Americans were unwilling to do more."143 For the AEF doughboy, the United States' actions in the war had saved Europe from the threat of the 140 Tasker H. Bliss, "The Evolution of the Unified Command," Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. 141 Bliss, 7-30. 142 Charles A. Pettit in Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps who Fought in France, eds. Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin (New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919), 107-9. 143 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 289. Bailes 35 Imperial German autocracy. United States' involvement in its first large-scale coalition operation had solidified the dominance of the American soldier and the system for which he fought. The American doughboy contributed significantly to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany. Without American boots on the ground in France, Imperial Germany may have defeated the Allies. Allan Millett argues that Pershing's independent army did not achieve all that Pershing had hoped. Still, Millett maintains that an accurate assessment of the war would be that the "Allies might have lost the war without the American Expeditionary Forces."144 With the Russian withdrawal from the war and Germany's surge in the Western Front in the Spring of 1918, the Allies desperately needed more boots on the ground. AEF actions in Cantigny, Belleau Wood, and the attack on the Hindenburg line proved the value of the doughboys to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany and the Central Powers. Acknowledging the contribution of the American soldier to the Allied victory should remain a critical focus of any study of United States involvement in the war. While the presence of American troops on the ground benefited the Allies and did give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks, Pershing did not realize his grand vision of an independent American army crushing Imperial Germany. Bullitt Lowry documents Pershing's desire to capitalize on increasing the United States combat power to continue pressing a weakening German army and deliver a crushing blow.145 The Germans signed the armistice before Pershing could make this happen. While Wilson gained his seat at the peace conference and Pershing did not get his chance to win a tactical victory, the French and British still received their original desires and delivered Germany "harsh armistice terms."146 144 Millett, "Over Where?," 251. 145 Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," 286-91. 146 Lowry, 291. Bailes 36 With the eventual collapse of the League of Nations, Wilson never achieved his vision of a new world order for peace. Still, the United States government had established its importance and commenced its entry into the realm of global powers. United States involvement in the First World War helped solidify a national identity as well as establish an American presence on the international stage. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. wrote a letter on May 15, 1919, in which he documented the benefit of the war and what he saw as "Americanizing and democratizing" the soldiers through military service.147 Roosevelt commented that through service in support of the war effort, "love of the men for their country has been deepened, that their sense of real democracy has been sharpened and steadied and that insofar as any possible bad effect goes, the men are more than ever ready and determined to see order and fair play for all."148 In a similar vein, Italian born AEF Sergeant Morini wrote that the war provided him a chance "to make good on my Americanism."149 To Morini, fighting in the war provided him with "the right to the name Yankee all right."150 While the United States' efforts in the war were in support of the Allies, the war became a chance for the nation to claim its identity. A country that had been torn apart by civil war half a century before utilized the war effort to continue to unify and recover its self-proclaimed providence. The war ostensibly became an effort to Americanize its own citizens. The historiography of United States involvement in the First World War presents various arguments. Some historians such as David Trask and Russell Weigley remain critical of General Pershing and his decision making. While some scholarly history shows a narrative less scathing of Pershing, most of the description found in popular history showcases valiant actions of 147 Theodore Roosevelt in Echoes From Over There, 95. 148 Roosevelt, 95. 149 Sergeant Morini in Echoes From Over There, 115. 150 Morini, 115. Bailes 37 Pershing and his efforts in maneuvering the American Expeditionary Forces to achieve victory for the Allies against Imperial Germany. The fact remains that while the doughboys contributed significantly to the Allied victory, they helped the most when they were not fighting Pershing's fight. In his Final Report, Pershing highlights the benefit that the Allies provided to the American forces. In terms of training as well as logistics, the Allies provided the doughboys with the resources they needed to defeat Imperial Germany and the Central Powers effectively.151 Pershing recognized what the Allies had supplied him and his men, but his stubbornness and arrogance still clouded his vision to a degree. While Pershing did build a trusting relationship with the Allied commanders, and his troops were efficient, he did not always operate per their same vision. At times, Pershing's desire to maintain an independent American army superseded his desire to enable the Allied strategy. Pershing strived to meet Wilson's intent of keeping a distinct American command. The question remains if, in carrying out his President's instructions, Pershing prolonged the war and delayed the defeat of the Central Powers. Secondary and primary source literature from the First World War showcases both Wilson's peace aims – which were shaped by his ideology – as well as General Pershing and AEF actions while attempting to remain an independent command in the war. When war broke out in August 1914 in Europe, Wilson tried to mediate a peace while maintaining United States neutrality. When continued trade with the Allies brought the United States into the war in April of 1917, he seized the chance to shape a new world order by establishing an independent American command to defeat Imperial Germany. Primarily because of the Progressive Movement in the United States and the concepts surrounding American Exceptionalism, the American soldier embraced Wilson's ideologies for fighting and fought valiantly to defeat the 151 Pershing, Final Report, 90. Bailes 38 Imperial German autocracy. The Progressive Movement had established itself in American society by the time the citizen-soldier went to war in France, and the principles of American Exceptionalism permeated in virtually every facet of American culture. The American doughboy carried both of these concepts with him to France. Despite Pershing not attaining his decisive blow against the German army, and Wilson not achieving his vision for a new world order, the United States still met a significant amount of Wilson's original intent for entering the war. Wilson's ideologies influenced how the AEF fought in France. As the First World War shaped the United States standing as a global power, it also demonstrated the critical nature of maintaining relationships with coalition partners. Hew Strachan begins the conclusion to his history of the war by stating that "[t]he First World War was a coalition war."152 The American doughboy established a positive relationship with his French and British counterparts. The ability of the American soldier to learn from the experiences of the combat tested Allies, to adapt to the rigors of trench warfare, and to perform well in battle fighting beside his international partners shows the success of the AEF's performance in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. Despite these successes, the AEF doughboy exhibited American Exceptionalism in the First World War. As the United States built its presence in the international realm over the following century, and the need for maintaining partnerships with allied nations continued to increase, the precedent set by the AEF in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation would be essential. 152 Hew Strachan, The First World War (New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004; New York: Penguin Group, 2013), 303. Bailes 39 Bibliography Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I." Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 700-712, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism." 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First published 1980 by Oxford University Press (New York). Kennedy, Ross A. "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security." Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 1-31. https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. Knock, Thomas J. To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019. First published 1992 by Oxford University Press (Oxford). Link, Arthur S. "Entry into World War I." Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, edited by Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970: 108-148. Lowry, Bullitt. "Pershing and the Armistice." The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. McGerr, Michael. A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Millett, Allan R. "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918." Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, edited by Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts. Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986: 235-256. Bailes 41 Neiberg, Michael S. "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917." Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 801-812. https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. ———. The Path to War: How the First World War Created Modern America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pestritto, Ronald J. Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005. Stevenson, David. "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918." The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Strachan, Hew. The First World War. New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004. Reprinted with a new introduction. New York: Penguin Group, 2013. Page references are to the 2013 edition. Trask, David F. The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993. Weigley, Russell F. "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition." Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, edited by Roger Chickering and Stig Förster. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000: 327-345. Widenor, William C. "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement." Modern American Diplomacy, edited by John M. Carroll and George C. Herring. Lanham: SR Books, 1996: 41-60. Williams, William Appleman. The Tragedy of American Diplomacy. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959. Reprinted for Fiftieth Anniversary with a foreword by Lloyd C. Gardner and afterword by Andrew J. Bacevich. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009. Page references are to the 2009 edition. Winton, Harold R. "Toward an American Philosophy of Command." The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1035-1060. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. Woodford, David R. Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993. Yockelson, Mitchell A. Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008. Zieger, Robert H. America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000. Bailes 42 Primary Sources Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section. The Genesis of the American First Army. Army War College, 1928. Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library Coppell, TX, 2020. Baker, Newton D. Why We Went to War. New York: Harper & Brothers for Council on Foreign Relations, 1936. Balch, Emily Greene. "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 28-31. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643. Bliss, Tasker H. "The Evolution of the Unified Command." Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. Croly, Herbert. Progressive Democracy. New York: Macmillan, 1914. Second printing in 2006 of new material edition with an introduction by Sidney A. Pearson, Jr. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1998. Page references are to the 2006 edition. Dawson, Miles M. "The Significance of Our Mission in This War." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. Dutton, Samuel T. "The United States and the War." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 13-19. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps Who Fought in France. Edited by Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin. New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919. Evans, Martin Marix, ed. American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents 1917-1920. New York: Routledge, 2013. Kindle. Kirchwey, George W. "Pax Americana." The Annals of the American Academy for Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 40-48. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. Lippmann, Walter. "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 1-10. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. Lloyd, Newson. How We Went to War. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922. https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Pershing, John J. Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces.Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919. ———. My Experiences in the World War. 2 vols. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931. Bailes 43 Wilson, Woodrow. Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President. Edited by Mario R. DiNunzio. New York: NYU Press, 2006. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.1-18. ———. The New Freedom: A Call For the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913. www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf.

Issue 10.6 of the Review for Religious, 1951. ; A.M.D.G. Review for Religious NOVEMBER 15, 195.1 After Ten Years . The Editors Spirituality of Teresian Carmel . Fr. Thomas, O.C;.D. Peace of C;hrist . Thomas A. O'C;onnor Secular Institutes . Francis N. Korth Way of Simple Love . ,James Lockeff Current Spiritual Writing . . . . Augustine KJaas The Race Problem . ~ . . . Gerald Kelly Questions and Answers Index for 19S I Book ,Reviews VOLUME X NUMBER 6 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS VOLUME X NOVEMBER, 1951 NU~BER 6 CONTENTS AFTER TEN YEARS--'~he Editors . 281 THE SPIRITUALITY OF THE TERESIAN CARMEL-- Father Thomas, O.C.D . 283 THE PEACE OF CHRIST-~Thomas A. O'Connor, S.3 . 289 OUR CONTRIBUTORS . 295 SECULAR INSTITUTES--Francis N. Korth, S.J~ . 296 THE WAY OF SIMPLE L~)VE-~dames Lockett, S.J . 301 CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING--Augustine Klaas, S.J.-- International Convention on Religious Life . 303 Reports on Renewal and. Adaptation . 305 Religious and Lay Helpers . 311 Prudence vs Credulity . . .~ ¯ . 313 HOW TO THINK AND ACT ABOUT THE RACE PROBLEM-- Gerald Kelly, S.J . 316 QUESTIONS AND~ ANSWERS--° 27. On Ackn~,w, ledging Gifts . 324 28. Succe~sso.r for Deceased Councilor . 32q 29. Slight°Deferment of First Profession . . . . . . . . 325 30. Can Shperior's Three-Year Term be Shortened? . 326 31. Can ~slstant Novice Master be Councilor? . 326 32. Pa~siontide Covering of Statues . 326 33. Admissioh of Deaf Applicant . 326 34. Must Altar Candles be Blessed? . 327 BOOK REVIEWS-- Officium Divinum Parvum; St. Clare of Assisi; Devotedly Yours 327 ¯ BOOK NOTICES . 329 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS . . 330 TEN-YEAR INDEX-~SECOND CALL . 332 NO MORE REPRINTS . 332 ANNUAL INDEX FOR 1951 . 333 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, November, 1951. Vol. X, No. ~. Published bi-monthly: danuary, March, May, duly, September, and November at the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter danuary 15, 1942. at the Post Office, Topeka. Kansas, under the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Adam C. Ellis, S.d., G. Augustine Ellard, S.d., Gerald Kelly, S.J. Editorial Secretary: derome Breunig, S. d. Copyright, 1951, by Adam C. Ellis, S.d. ~Permission is hereby granted for quota-tions of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 3 dollars a year; 50 cents a copy. Printed in U. S. A. Before writincj to us, please consult notice on inside back cover. At:t:er Ten Years WrlTH this number we complete our first ten years of publica-tion. It seems an appropriate time to give.subscribers some facts about our history and some insight into our future. History Our first number (January, 1942) was already in the press when the war started. This number was mailed to" about 1300 subscribers; the last issue of that year w~s mailed to about 3200. Since that time our subscription list has increased gradually until now it is approxi-mately 8500. We began by publishing a 72-page magazine with large type and heavy paper. War and post-war restrictions on paper, as well as the rising "cost of everything pertaining to the printing business, forced us to cut on the quality oF paper, ~ the size of the type, and the num-ber of' pages. However, our present issue of 56 pages contains as much material as was printed in the first numbers. For more than nine years we held to our origigai price of two dollars per year. Only within this past year did we yield to pressure of rising costs; for, despite all the reductions regarding paper, type, and number of pages, our expense.s were much greater than they were in the early years of publication. Hence, in May, 195:11, we had to raise the subscription price to three dollars per year. We, did this with considerable regret, becaus~ we were conscious of the fact that most of our subscribers are small religious houses whose revenue is seldom more than meager. Our ambition has always been to publish a high-quality ecclesi-astical review, of special value to religious, whether clerical or lay. We have by no means reached the ideal; but we think we ~an say that we have published some valuable articles 'and series of articles. In our Question-and-Answer department, our policy has been to stress points that have some particular bearing on the religious life. We try to follow the same policy regarding bbok reviews. One of our special desires has been to keep a good Communica-tions department in which religious might help one another by dis-cussing some of the pract.ical problems of the religious life. We began this department with an excellent series of communications on spiritual direction. Unfortunately, we have never since been able to 281 THE EDITORS rise tO the standard set by that initial endeavor. Regarding unsolicited manuscripts, we have had only one "abso-lute" in our policy: we never accept poetry. Except for this, we have carefully considered every manuscript submitted to us. The Future In the past our subscription list has grown gradually and with a certain spontaneity, that is, without much special pushing. But there is a limit to suc,h growth, and perhaps we have reached it. We could use the special help of interested subscribers. For instance, there are still large numbers of religious communities that do not subscribe; and it seems that in many cases the sole reason for not subscribing is thai they have never heard of the REVIEW. Perhaps some of our readers would have occasion to g!ve them the information. Also, it seems to us that we should have more subscribers among diocesan priests who are directors and confessors of religious. Would it seem mercenary to suggest that a gift-subscription to the REVIEW would be just as good a Christmas present to such priests as a rabat or a box of cigars ? We must retain our new ~rice ($3.00), and we hope it will not make any substantial difference in the number of subscribers. As for articles, we still" have several in theI series on the spiritual-ity of' different institutes. These include "Salesian Spirituality," "St. Augustine and His Rule," and "Jesuit Spirituality." We have another article on secular institutes, and we shall publish more on that subject as our information grows. Also, we have a commentary. on the address on the states of perfection given by Pope Pius XII to the members of the First Congress of Religious; and we hope to pub-lish soon an English translation of the very importa.nt apostolic let-ter to religious, Uniqenitus Dei Filius, issued by Pius XI, in 1924. We would appreciate receiving good communications on practical problems, as well as suggestions concerning possible communications or articles. We close with a word of thanks to contributors and subscribers, and with a prayer of thanks to God, who has blessed us in many ways. THE EDITORS. 282 The Spirit:ualit:y !:he Teresian Carmel Father Thomas, O.c.D. THE CONCEPT of perfection which is the basis of all that has .| been written on the spirit of Carmel is that the objective of the Carmelite is a state of union in which the soul is transformed by love in God. "The state of this divine union consists in the soul's total transformation, according.to the will, in such a manner that there may be naught in the soul that is contrary to the will of God, but that in all and through all, its movements may be those of the will of God alone." (Ascent of Mt. Carmel, Bk.I, ch. 11, n.2.) This ideal set before his fellow religious by St. John of the Cross is carried over from the ancient spiritual tradition of Carmel as found in the work called the Institution of the First Monks (towards the end of the 12th century, or certainly before the middle of the 13th). The tradition of Carmel is twofold. "Firstly it consists in offering to God a holy heart, freefrom every stain of actual sin; we can reach that by our labor, our efforts with the help of grace; we have reached it when we are perfected in charity . The other end of this life is a purely gratuitous gift of God: it ¢0nsists in tasting, not only after death but even in this mortal life, the power of the divine presence and the sweetness of heavenly glories." (Institutio Primorum Monachorum, ch.2.) These two elements are not separate and unrelated. "By means of purity of heart and perfection of charity one arrives at the second end, that is, experimental knowledge of divine strength and celestial glory. " (Ibid.) . While this experimental knowIedge is a gift of God, it is not for that reason out of our reach or devoid of merit. Both St. John of the Cross and St. Teresa of Jesus speak of a double union with God. The first consists in perfect conformity of the human will with the will of God, which union of conformity is crowned quite normally with the mystical union in which the soul divestedof self-love is penetrated with the divine life and realizes tha.t God lives or dwells within. (Cf. Ascent, Bk.II, ch.5; Interior Castle, Mans. 6, Ch. Ill, n.3.) If few souls reach this high state, it is not because God wishes that it be the lot of a few, but because He finds few disposed for such union. (Livin~l Flame, A, St. 2, n.23) . 283 FATHER THOMAS Reoiew for Religious Carmel has always been the implacable enemy of mediocrity and half measures. St. Teresa warns the world that God "refuses to force our will, He takes what we give Him but does not give Himself wholly, until He sees that we are giving ourselves wholly to Him." (Wag of perfection, Ch.28, n.12.) And St. John of the Cross gives expression to the same thought by saying, "God communicates Him-self most to that soul that has progressed farthest in love; namely, that has its will in closest conformity with the will of God." (Ascent, Bk. II, Ch. 5, n.4) Total love postulates total sel'f-denial. Souls of the Teresian Carmel are called to a totalitg of looe. Asceticism of Carmel If the ideal of perfection is thus clearly set forth, the development of this ideal is no less evident in the writings of the Order. For the Carmelite, sanctity is to be reached by means of two practices: detach-ment and recollection, or, mortification and prayer. All the precepts of the Primitive Rule may be reduced to these. The central precept of the Rule: "Let each one remain in his celt; or hear it, meditating dag and nigh( on the law of the Lord, and watching in prager, unless otherwise jUStlg occupied, together with the prescribed recitation of the Divine Office and daily assistance at Mass, insure the primacy of prayer; while the precepts of poverty, fasting, abstinence, manual labor, silence, and humility form the background of mortification. Detachment is the negative element in the Carmelite program, ofwhich the Christian world today is perhaps overconscious. Too many spiritual men of our day have taken their impression of Carmel from the nothing, nothing, nothing of St. John of the Cross's map of perfection, forgetting th.at this nothing of detachment is dictated by the ALL of union with God. The saint who said to one of his peni-tents, "'Nothing, nothing, nothing, even to leaving our very skin and all else for Christ," (St. John of the Cross, Ft. Bruno, O.C.D., Ch.16.) was human and practical enough to realize that "unless the soul is enkindled with other and greater yearnings for that which is spiritual, it will be unable to throw off the yoke of nature or enter this night of sense, neither will it have the courage to remain in dark-ness as to all things.". (Ascent, Bk.I, Cb. X[V, n.2.) Austerity of life must be measured according to the strength of love. When love is strong, it will want to give much; when it is perfect, it will want to give all. (St: Teresa, Wag of Perfection, Cb. 32.) St. John of the Cross disavows any intention of trying to create a vacuum in the 284 November, 1951 TERESIAN CARMEL soul. As the soul is emptied of desire for creature satisfactions it is filled with desire for Christ. In fact, the saint recommends the culti-vation of an habitual desire for Christ before all else. "First, let him have an habitual desire to imitate Christ in everything that he does, conforming himself to His life." (Ascent,.Bk.I, Ch. 13, n.2) Father Gabriel finds it necessary to stress the order and discretion of St. John's treatment of this matter of detachment. "We think it. well to emphasize this advice of the Saint, for it shows how mistaken is the accusation which stigmatizes his doctrine as absolute and rigid. The principle of the necessity of complete detachment is absolute, but in its application the individual must take account of human weakness and needs. The man who would banish from his life every allevia-tion" and recreation would soon fall into a physical and moral weari-ness which would be detrimental to the spiritual life itself. Moreover, the pleasures of sense are' not always evil; there are pleasures which are perfectly innocent; but it is a question of not letting ourselves be-come attached to them. Otherwise we shall seek them in order to satisfy our own self-love, instead of using them for the benefit of our spiritual life and for the glory of God."~ (St. John of the Cross, Doctor of Divine Love and Contemplatign, p. 30, note.) Therefore, detachment is never made an end in itself. It is always looked upon as the instrument or means by which souls arrive at union with God in prayer. The most. important point of originality in the Teresian Reform was the intensification of mental prayer. St. Teresa herself introduced the two hours of mental prayer that are part of thd Car-melite day, and St. John of the Cross adopted the practice for the Fathers of the Reform. This interior prayer is the life of the vocal prayer and liturgy" of the Order, and is prolonged during the day in the.practice of the presence of God. Carmel does not view contemplation as an extraordinary grace, a quasi-miraculous favor reserved by God for a few privileged souls. "All who wear this holy habit of Carmel," proclaims St. Teresa, "are called to prayer and contemplation." (Interior Castle, Mans. V., -Ch.I, n.2.) In souls athirst for union with God, contemplation flourishes and becomes an instrument of progress on the way to per-fection and the crown of its perfect fulfillment. It is not to be confused with visions and revelations which Carmel; with St. John of the Cross, sees as extraordinary accompaniments of prayer and not in any way required in order to arrive at union with God. It is 285 FATHER THOMAS Ret~iew for Religious the teaching of the Teresian school of spirituality that contempla-tion is the normal development of the soul and postulates nothing more than the theological virtues and gifts of the Holy Spirit, ele-ments of the supernatural organism of the soul, the activation of which may be called connatural. This is not the place for a defense of the doctrine of acquired contemplation. Suffice it to say that in the Teresian school specula-tion upon contemplation has arisen from" a living contact with mystical facts and is directed immediately to the utility and guidance of contemplative souls. A contemplation which we can obtain by our human manner of working by means of the ordinary light of Faith and the ordinarg aids of grace (Quiroga, Don que tuao, Ch.I, p. 511.) has met with disfavor iri some circles, but a conciliatory spirit will find that the differences of various schools in this regard are little more than variations of terminology. (Cf. Gabriel, op. cir., p. 178, sqq.) Realization of Ideal Carmel's insistence upon prayer is made practical in the culti-vation of a personal love for Christ. Prayer is conceived as a friend-ship, and since the cultivation of friendship follows the laws of habit formation, each meditation is looked upon as a contact with Christ which, upon being repeated, soon results in deep esteem and strong love. This friendship inspired the Reform. "All I cared for then, as I do now, was that, as the enemies of God are so many and His friends so few, these latter might at least be devoted friends of Jesus Christ." (St. Teresa, Way .oF PerFection, Ch.I, n.2.) The Merciful Love of God manifested in the great mystery of the Incar-nation is the spiritual center of Carmel's spirituality. St. John of the Cross' insistence upon having an habitual desire to imitate Christ has been mentioned. This desire inspires a per-sistent search for God. Creatures cannot satisfy, for they are but traces of the divine. (St. John,, Spiritual Canticle, St. VII.) Con-tact with' Christ by way of faith in prayer brings the soul to the object of its search (Ibid. St. XII.), and then through suffering and the cross it penetrates and finds fruition in the "deep mysteries in the wisdom of God which are in Christ." (Ibid. St. XXXVI, n.2.) The progress of the soul through creatures to Christ, and through Christ to union with the Divinity is wonderfully traced by the Mystical Doctor. And we have only to .read his poem beginning, "How well I know the fount that freely flows, although 'tis night!" 286 Nooember, 1951 ¯ TERESIAN CARMEL to realize his tremendous appreciation for the Incarnation, and especially the real presence of Christ in the Holy Eucharist. It is in the Blessed Sacrament that the Carmelite finds the daily companion-ship that inspires divinefriendship. The tenderness and simplicity of this love shows itself in Carmel's devotion to the Infancy of Our Lord. St. Therese of the Child Jesu~ is a delightful reproduction in our day of all the deep strength of the Spanish Mystics. Witness her oblation to the Merciful Love of God and the power of her thought when describing, it. (Autobiography, Cb. VIII, p. 148.) The ambition of every worthy Carmelite is to be what St. Teresa of Avila termed a deooted friend of Christ. Another practical manifestation of Carmelite spirituality is a tender love for Mary. Carmel' glories in the title of Order of Our Lady, but thisis not a mere empty honor; it is given substance in a Marian life that is marked by three traditional characteristics: imi-tation, intimacy, and consecration. The Order looks upon Mary as "More Mother than Queen" (St. Therese, Autobiographg, Ch. XII.), models' it prayer life upon her simplicity and recollection, and considers every vocation a speciMly established relationship with the Mother of God. Furthermore, far from considering its Marian life as a hindrance to union with God, Carmel's teaching is that intimacy with Mary lends greater unction to the highest mysti?al union. (Cf. Michael of St. Augustine, The Mariform Life and Marian Life in Mar~t and for MaGt, Chs. XIII, XIV.) " Carmel has for seven centuries enjoyed the special protection of Our Lady through the Brown Scapular, and considers this garment a sign of its consecration to Mary. Total dedication of the Order to the Blessed Mother is indicated by its traditional motto: Totus Mari-anus est Carmelus. Apostolate This paper on the Spirituality of Carmel seems to demar~d a final word regarding the apostolate.' After passing from the Orient and the eremitical life of its cradle in Palestine, the Order became mendicant in the West and espoused in its vocation the apostolic life, preserving at all times a leaning towards contemplation and solitude. So completely has the contemplative dominated the active in "Car-mel, that the Order has always looked upon its prayer life as its first apostolate. The life of the Carmelite Nun is founded on the principle that prayer has an apostolic value. St. Teresa placed before her nuns the 287 FATHER THOMAS very militant function of aiding God's priests by their prayer and penance. "I think," she writes, "He prizes one soul which by His mercy, and through our diligence and prayer, we may have gained for Him, more than all the other services we can render Him." (Four~datiorls, Ch. I, n.7.) T.he Church has always considered con-templatives as the apostles of the apostles. Plus XI, writing about the work of the contemplatives, says, "It is easy to understand how they who assiduously fulfill the duty ot~ prayer and penance con-tribute more to the increase of the Church and the' welfare of man-kind than those who labor in the tilling of the Master's field. For unless the former drew down from heaven a shower of divine graces to water the field that is being tilled, the evangelical laborers would indeed reap from their toil a more scanty crop." (A. A. S., Oct. 25, 192.4.) The friends of Christ, therefore, obtain the greatest victories in the conquest of the world for Him. St. Thomas gives the theologi-cal reason for this in these words, ",lust as the man who lives in grace fulfills the will of God, it is fitting (cor~grttttro est). in this relation of friendship that God should fulfill the will of man by saving others.'" (Summa Tl~eol. Ia IIae, q. 114, a.6.) And St. ~lohn of the Cross puts it this way. "A little of this pure love is more fruitful for the Church than all external works." (SloiriutaI Canticle, B. St. 29, n.2.) Since priests of the Order exercise an exterior apostolate also, they must necessarily show the influence of- the ideal of divine intimacy fostered in Carmel. Carmelite priests have the particular mission of helping souls to lead a life of interior union with God. They must find themselves at home with the problems of spiritual direction. This does not mean that the priestly ministry of a Carmelite limits itself to interior souls, since the priest of God owes his generous and zealous efforts to the whol~ Chu}ch, not excluding sinners and infidels. But when St. ,lohn of the Cross converted a sinner, he did not rest content with bringing about a return to the state of grace., He tried to lead this soul to a fervent life. One saint can do more than a thousand mediocre souls, and the great Carmel-ite Salmanticenses call attention to the great joy that is given to the Heart of Christ by leading souls to higher sanctity. (Curstts Theol. Tract. XIX De Caritate, disp. V, n. 93.) 288 The Peace ot: Christ: Thomas A. O'Connor, S.J. WHAT is the peace of Christ? What is this peace which Christ comes to give? Immediately there flashes on the screen of our minds the scene of that first Christmas. "While all things were in quiet silence and the night was in the midst of her course, Thy Almighty Word leaped down from Heaven from Thy Royal Throne" (Wisdom 18: 14). We see the shepherds on the hillside guarding their flocks. "Suddenly the glory of God shone round about them . and an angel said to them, '. behold I bring you good news of great joy which shall be to all the people; for there has been born to you today in the town of David a Savior, who is Christ the Lord. And this shall be a sign to you; you will find an infant wrapped in swaddling clothes and lying in a manger.' And suddenly there was with" the angel a multitude of the heavenly host praising God and saying, 'Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth among men of good will.' " . With haste we go with the shepherds, and we find Mary and Joseph, and the Infant lying in the manger. "A Child is born to us, and a Son is given to us and the government is upon His shoulder: and His Name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, God the. Mighty, the Father of the World to coine, the Prince of Peace" (Is. 9:6). God is the God of Peace (I Cot. 14:13), and His Son, the Prince of Peace. As He in prospect looked forward from His crib to the days of His earthly life, so we in retrospect look back to His thirty-three years amongst us. He has come, Zachary prophesied, "to guide our-feet in the way of peace" (Luke 1:79). Time and again His sacred lips would speak those most consoling words, "Go in peace." His first greeting to His assembled disciples after His resurrection was "'Peace be to you!" As Peter later testifies (Acts 10:36) "God sent his word to the children of Isgael, preaching peace through Jesus Christ." At the Last Supper, as the shadows of His earthly life were deepening, He revealed to His closest followers the secrets of His Sacred Heart, "Peace I leave with you; my peace I give to you; not 289 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR Review/or Religious as the world gives, do ! give to you. Let not your heart be troubled, nor let it be afraid." And at the conclusion of that beautiful dis-course He summed up the purpose He had in mind in the many thoughts He had communicated to them, "These things I have spoken to you that in me you may have peace." What is the peace of Christ? This peace which He comes to give? God is the God of peace because He is Love Itself, and He wishes to make all partakers of His love. "For I know the thoughts that I think towards you," saith the Lord, "thoughts of peace and not of affliction" (Jer. 29:11). St. Paul says, "For God is a God of. peace, not of disorder" (I Cot. 14:33). Again, ". beat peace, and the God. of peace and love be with you" (I Cor. 13:11). "May the Lord of peace himself give you everlasting peace in every .place" (II Thess. 3:16). The peace of Christ can be considered in a three-fold way: 1. Christ is our peace in bringing us peace wi~h God; 2. Christ is our peace in giving us the means to be at peace with our fello;ccman ; 3. Christ is our peace in teaching us how to have peace within our own hearts. Peace, says St. Augustine, is the tranquillity of order. It is.that serenity and quiet calm that is of 'the very nature of perfect order. I. Peace with God Christ is our peace in' restoring the right order between sinful man and his Creator, by reconciling the sinner with his offended God. As our Redeemer, He, "the second Adam, atoned for the original sin of the head of the human race. "When we were enemies we were reconciled to God by the death of His Son" (Rom. 5:10). He is th'e atoning Victim for our sins. "He is a propitiation for our sins, not for ours only but also for those of the whole world" (I John 2:2). The sinner cannot be at peace because his soul is at war with God. Mortal sin, we remember, is .the worst evil in the world, bu( let us not forget that the second greatest evil in the "world is venial sin. Christ is our peace in taking away our sins and the sins of the world. We are His peacemakers when by our prayers and sacrifices we help in bringing to the sinner the peace of Christ. As we gaze lovingly on the Infant Christ lying in His manger, let us recall the-words of St. Paul to the Colossians (1:15-21): "He is the image of the invisible God, the first born of every creature. 29O November, 1951 THE PEACE OF CHRIST ¯ For in him were created all things in the heavens and on the earth, things visible and things invisible., he is before all creatures, and in him all things subsist. For it has pleased God the Father that in him all his fullness should dwell, and that through, him he should reconcile to himself all things, whether on earth or in the heavens, making peace through his blood, shed on the cross." II. Peace with Our Fellow Man" Christ is our peace in re-establishing the proper order among men. This second kind of peace Christ left to the world by including men in the Mystical Body of Christ, and this in a two-fold way: First, Christ removed all barriers between nations and made them one. "You the Gentiles, says St. Paul (Eph: 2:12), "were at the time without Christ, excluded as aliens from the community of Israel. but now in Christ Jesus you, who were once 'afar off, have been brought near through the blood of Christ. For He Himself. is our peace, he it is who hath made both one, and has broken down the intervening wall. Therefore you are now no longer strangers and foreigners, but you are., members of the house-hold of God." Hence the peace of Christ does away with all barriers of race or nation or class of society. All have.been made one. "For He is our peace and has broken down the inter:;cening wall." Secondly, Christ is our peace in establishin, g right order among all men, because we have all been called into one.~.body-v-the Body of Christ. "For in one Spirit we are all baptized into one body. Now you are the Body of Christ, member for member" (I Cot. 12:12). "For just as in one body we have many members., so we, the many, are 6ne body in Christ. If it be possible, as far as in you lies, be at peace with all men" (Rom. 12:4). "Now I beseech you, brethren, by the name of Our Lord Jesus Christ, that there be no dissention among you, but that you be perfectly united in one mind and in one judgment" (I Cot. 1:10)~. "Put on, there-fore, as God's chosen ones . a heart of mercy, kindness, humility, meekness, patience. Bear with one another and forgive one another ¯ . . but above all have charity, which is the bond of perfection. And may the peace of Christ reign in your hearts; unto that peace indeed you were called in one body" (Col. 3:12-15). III. Peace Within Our Own Hearts The third kind of peace which Christ brings us is peace within our own hearts. He offers to set up there a tranquillity of order over 291 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR Re~iew [or Religious the conflicting emotions and disturbing affections of our heart. This is the peace which He stresses in His discourse at the 'Last Supper. "Peace I leave with you, my peace I give to you; not as the world giveth to you, do I give unto you. Let not your heart be troubled nor let it be afraid." Christ wishes to instil in the Apostles a calmness and courage for their coming trims. He wanted to impart to them some of His own peace of mind and strength of soul with which He was approaching His passion. This same serenity of mind, this unruffled calmness of .soul, this fearlessness in the face of physical suffering were to be needed by many a martyr. His words were for all His heroes who were to suffer and to die for Him down to the end of time. They were for a Mindzenty, for a Stepinac, ~or a Beran, and for the count-less unknown priests and religious languishing in prison today. "If they have persecuted me, they will persecute you also" (John 15: 20). i'These things I have spoken to you that in me you may have peace. In the world you will have affliction. But take courage, I have overcome the world" (John 16:33). What is this peace of Christ? "This peace of Christ," says St. Augustine, "is serenity of spirit, tranquillity of soul, simplicity of heart, the bond of love, the consummation of charity." This peace of Christ is like a radiant star in the heavens, flashing to us its bright rays of inspiration and guidance. It is a multipointed star, brilliantly beckoning us to a full possession of the peace of Christ. For in the first place the peace which Christ would set up in our hearts comes from a perfect conformit~l to the u~ill of God. He the '.'Way, the Truth and the Life" has shown us the perfect way. "Thou hast fitted a body to me," He said, "behold I come to do thy will, O God" (Heb. 10:7). "For I bare come down from heaven, not to do my own will, but the will of him who sent me" (John 6:38). In the agony in the garden He pleaded with His Father to remove the cup of suffering but added: "yet not my will but thine be done" (Luke 22:42). Thus shall you pray: ". thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven." (Matt. 6:10). The will of God is the highroad to happiness: His commands the blueprints of peace. "He who does the will of God abides forever" (I John 2: 17). As religious, we possess Christ's peace in our obedience. By obedience we put off our own wills to put on the will of God as declared to us by our superiors., to be possessed and governed by His Divine Providence by means of our superiors. "And if peace and 292 November, 1951 THE PEACE OI:: CHRIST tranquillity of mind is desired," adds St. Ignatius, "he certainly never shall arrive unto it, who has within himself the. cause of his disquiet and trouble, namely, the disagreeing of his own judgment from the law of Obedience." (Epistle on Obedience.) Secondly, Christ's peace comes to us from an unwavering trust in God's Divine Providence. For God's Divine Providence rules every-thing. Everything that takes place, happens not by chance but in accordance with the absolute or permissive will of God; and out of the circumstances of our lives, God draws, if we allow Him, an even greater good. For "not a sparrow will fall to the ground" without our heavenly Father's leave (Mr. 10:29). And "as for you" Christ says, "the very hairs of your head are numbered. Therefore do not be afraid" (Mr. 10:31). Again Our Lord says, "Therefore I .say to you,do not be anxious for your life., nor yet for your body. Your Father knows" what you need. "Seek first the kingdom of God and His justice, and all these things will be given you besides. Therefore do not be anxious about tomorrow" (Mt. 6:34). It is as if He were saying, live in the present;, love and serve God today; don't worry about the future; leave all that in the hands of your heavenly Father. St. Peter says: "Cast all your anxiety upon Him, because He cares for you" (5:7). St. Robert Bellarmine in an exhortation on the Providence of God says that this realization of God's Divine Providence will put us at complete rest. For we shall realize that God, knowing everything, is aware of what is both helpful and what is harmful to us. Conscious of God's power and His tender Fatherl~ love, we know that He will arrange everything for our good. With the Psalmist we can confidently say, "Even though I walk in the valley of death, I shall not fear" (Ps. 22). Thirdly, Christ's.peace comes to us from imitating His meekness and humility. "Learn of me," He says, "Who am meek and humble of heart and you shall find rest for your souls" (Mr. 11:29). Rest for our souls: peace, quiet of mind, tranquiIlity of heart. St. Am-brose, commenting on the causes of this lack of peace, compares this restlessness of heart to a fever which tosses us about, denying us all rest, burning within us. "This fever that afflicts us," he says, "is our selfishness; this fever is our lust; this fever is our ambition; this fever is our anger" (Com. on L. ch.4). Christ.promises us, if we imitate Him, pehce, rest for our souls. "Learn of Me who am meek": meekness controls th~ surges of anger, 293 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR Review for Religious bringing a tranquillity of order to our raging emotions. Learn of Me who am humble: humility establishes right order in thinking of ourselves. "God resists the proud, but gives grace to the humble" (Prov. 3:34). "If anyone thinks himself to be something, whereas he is nothing, he deceives himself" (Gal. 6:3). "He who humbles himself as this little child, he is the grefitest in the kingdom of heaven" (Mt. 18:4). "Unless you become like little children, you shall n. ot enter the kingdom of heaven." (Ibid.) "I therefore exhort you to walk in a manner worthy of the calling with which you were called, with all humility and meekness, with patience, bearing with one another in love, careful to preserve the unity of the Spiri't in the bond of peace" (Eph. 4:4). "Do nothing out of con-tentiousness or out of vainglory, but in humility let each one regard the others as his superiors, each one looking not to his own interests but to thdse of others. Have this mind in you which was also in Christ Jesus, who though, he was by nature God, did not consider being equal to God a thing to be clung to, but emptied himself, taking the nature of a slave, and being made like unto men" (Phil. 2:3-7). Fourthly, the peace of Christ is increased in our hearts as we become more and more unselfish, more and more Christlike. Un-selfishness cuts at the very tap'root of a thousand anxieties and frus-trations which are the bitter fruits of a life of self-seeking. We must put off our old selves to put on Christ. All selfishness must go. "Charity," says St. Paul, "is not self-seeking" (I Cor: 13:5). "For Christ did not please himself" (Rom. 15:3). Christ sought not himself in anything. "He must increase, but I must decrease" (John 3:30) must be our motto until each of us can say with St. Paul (Gal. 2:20), "It is no longer I that live, but Christ lives in me." Christ said, "My peace I give to you." In proportion, then as we are like Christ, in that same proportion we possess His peace. Fifthly, the peace of Christ floods our souls, in proportion as our hearts are filled with the love of. God and our neighbor. Christ said, "I am the vine, you the branches. As the'Father loved me, I also have loved you. Abide in my love" (John 15:10). "Do not love the world," says St. John, "or the things in the world" (I John 2:13). Again in the same Epistle, "He who does not love, does not know God; for God is love" (4:8). "No one has ever seen God. If we love one another, God abides in us and his love is perfected in us" (4:12). "And this commandment we have from him, that he who 294 November, 195 l THE PEACE OF CHRIST loves God should love his brother also" (4:21). "Jesus said, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, and with thy whole soul and with thy whole mind.' This is the greatest and the first commandment. And the second is like it, 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself' " (Mr. 22:37). As we gaze in loving adoration at the scene in the cave of Beth-lehem, we see primarily and above all a scene of peace. It is the peace of Christ, the peace which the Prince of Peace came to give, the peace which the world cann6t give. We see that peace reflected in the kindly face of the strong, self-possessed, mild-mannered Joseph. XT~re see that peace resplendent in the radiantly pure features of Mary Immaculate. That peace was theirs when at Nazareth they heard the disap- .pointing news that a census was to be taken, that all must register, each in his own town. That peace was theirs during the long hours of that wearisome, four or five day journey to Bethlehem, to the town of David.,That peace was theirs even when they heard the crushingly discouraging "No room" as they unsuccessfully sought for shelter. That peace was still theirs when, abruptly awakened at a midnight hour by a fear-inspiring message, they hurried away to a foreign land to save the life of the Child from those who sought to destroy Him. That peace was theirs because their wills were .al.ways perfectly conformed to the Will of God, Sbedient to His every wish. 'That peace was theirs because they trusted unreservedly in the guidance of God's loving Providence. That peace was theirs because, being truly meek and humble of heart, they had found rest for their souls. That peace was theirs because they were utterly finselfish. That peace was theirs because they loved God with their whole heart and their neighbor for the love of God. "So may the peace ot: God, which surpasses all our thinking, watch over your hearts and minds in Christ Jesus" (Phil. 4:7). OUR CONTRIBUTORS ~ FATHER THOMAS, O.C.D., is novice master in the Carmelite novitiate, Brook-line, Massachusetts. THOMAS A. O'CONNOR is president of St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, and FRANCIS N. KORTH, AUGUSTINE KLAAS, and GERALD KELLY are on the faculty of the same theologate. JAMES LOCKETT is studying philosophy at Springhill College, Mobile, Alabama. 295 Secular Inst:il:ut:es Francis N. Korth, S.J. ON FEBRUARY 2, 1947, Pope Plus XII issued an Apostolic Constitution Provida Mater Ecclesia which crystallized a movement that had been developing in the Church for more than fifty years. By his action the Holy Father gave official recogni-tion to a new juridical state of perfection, namely secular it~stitutes.I In a separate article the juridical nature of these institutes will be considered. For the present let us take a brief look at the history of secular institutes. During the past century it became more and more evident that there were certain types of apostolate which could not be carried on easily by religious because of their distii~ctive garb and cloistered life. For this reason the Daughters of the Heart of Mary, an institute without common life and a di.stinctive habit, was founded in Paris about 1790. It received the decree of praise from Rome on April 29, 1853, and definitive approbation four years later on April 24. It~ constitutions were temporarily approved for ten years on May 30, 1870, with final approbation being given on June 8, 1890 (at which time the institute numbered over two thousand members). An insert in the constitutions mentioned that the institute's vows were neither public nor simply private vows of devotion. A similar organization of men, the Work of Youth, was estab-lished at Marseilles on June 24, 1821, by Father Joseph Allemand. Some of its members lived in their own homes' and engaged in vari-ous occupations in the world. There existed also other groups of a like character, such as the Virgins of Jesus and Mary (founded in 1844), the Daughters of Mount Calvary (1866), and the Sister Servants of Jesus in the Most Holy Sacrament of the Eucharist (1867). On August 11, 1889, the Sacred .Congregation of Bishops and Regulars in its decree Ecclesia CathoIica stated that societies which did not'conform to the traditional common life and characteristic garb would not be recognized as religious congregations or 9rders, but only as pious sodalities. Such a step was taken because of the 1There are three such recognized states of perfection at present, namely religious in-stitutes, societies of common life, and secular institutes. These constitute a threefold category of the juridical state of perfection to-be-acquired. This latter is not to be confused with the juridical state of perfection acquired, of which the episcopate is the example. 296 November, 1951 SECULAR INSTITUTES increasing number of "unorthodox" institutes. However, even after this decree, approval as religious was granted to the Lady Catechists (Novem~ber 21, .1907) who dress" as laywomen, and to the extern Sisters of the Congregation of the Handmaids of the Sacred Heart of Venerable Catherine Volpicelli (3uly 5, 1911) who live in the world. Similarly or~ December 1, 1916, the Sisters of Our Lady of Labor received the nihil obstat to canonical establishment. Mean: while, .in 1911 the constitutions of the Sbciety of the Daughters of Saint Francis de Sales were approved, in which it was stated that the Society was not to be considered as a religious congregation. During the first decade and a half of our present century, while the work on the compilation of the Code of Canon Law was in progress, consideration was given to this new type of institute whose members live in the world, but the time was not yet'ripe for an offi-cial pronouncement; hence the Code made no mention of them. These associations, however, were multiplying. They numbered clerics and lay persons, men and women; the lay element was pre-dominant. As the problem became more urgent, a deeper study of the ques- .tion was made. During the International 3uridical'.Co.ngress held in Rome in 1934, a change of policy was indicated "by Cardinal La Puma, at that time Secretary of the Sacred Congregation of Religious. As a result, approval of their constitutions and recognition as true religious was granted to the Work of Youth, of Marseilles (April, 1933) and to the School Missionaries of Saint Catherine of Siena (April, 1934). At that same International Juridical Congress, Father Servus Goyenecbe, C.M.F., made a fervent plea for the devel-opment and recognition of the new type of institute (Acta Congres-sus Iuridici lnternationali's (1934) IV, Rome, 1937, page 315). In accordance with a request of the Holy Father, Plus XI, the Sacred Congregation of the Council was maki.ng a special study of the problem. Under its auspices a meeting was held in 1938 at Saint Gall, Switzgrland, with Father Augustine Gemelli,' O.F.M., pre-siding. At least twenty-five associations, mostly of a lay character, took part. About the same time a detailed examination of the entire question was being made by Father Arcadius Larraona, C.M.F. (now Secretary of the Sacred Congregation of Religious) in conner-ton with the application for papal approval of the constitutions the Sisters of Our Lady of Labor. Both the Holy Office and the Sacred Congregation for Religious 297 FRANCIS N. KORTH were interested in the study of this matter. Favorable progress was reported. A special Commission for a final review was set up. The result of all these protracted labors was the above-mentioned0Consti-tution Provida Mater Ecclesia. What about the present condition of these new institutes? How many have been approved? In what countries? From various sources I have been ableto gather the following details. I believe they are quite reliable, but I cannot vouch for their perfect accuracy. Up to March, 1950, the number of applications received in Rome both for permission to establish diocesan secular institutes as well as for the decree of praise for an institute already established totaled ninety-eight. Three-fourths of the applications came from institutes of women. Of the institutes of men, tWO-fifths were clerical. Dioc-esan secular institutes already established numbered twenty-two. Of ninety-seven applications for the years 1948-1949, the breakdown as to countries was as follows: Austria 4, Belgium 4, Canada 1, Colombia 3, France 12, Germany 9, Holland 2, Hungary 1, Italy 45, Mexico 4, Poland 1, Rumania 1, Spain 8, Switzerland. 1, Uru-guay 1. Definitive pontifical approvhl has been granted to five secular in-stitutes: the Opus Dei (Madrid), the Missionaries of the Kingship of Christ (Milan), the Institute of Qur Lady of Labor (Paris), the Company of Saint Paul (Milan), and the Daughters of the Queen of the Apostles. I shall say a little more about the first four. of these institutes. In the United States a branch of the Opus Dei has been estab-lished in Chicago. Canada has at least two secular institutes: the Society of Missionary Nurses (women), founded at Montreal in 1942 by Monsignor Edgar Larochelle; ,and the Society of Lay Apostles of the Missions (24 McDougall, Ottawa, Ontario). Some other organizations reported as secular institutes include the follow-ing: Carmelites of Our Lady of Life (Avignon, France), Compan-ions of Saint Therese of the Child Jesus (Lugano, Switzerland), the Company of the Child God (Antioquia, Colombia), Disciples of the Lord (Monterrey, Mexico), Dominican Institute of Jesus Cruci-fied (Orleans, France), the Institute of Our Lady of the Way (Vi-enna, Austria), Secular Institute of Our Lady of Mount Carmel (Kent, England), the Society of Parish School Teachers (Saho, Uruguay), Teaching and Nursing Society (Lucknow, India). So much for the general picture. Now a word more about those 298 Nouember, 1~ 1 SECULAR INSTITUTES ¯ first four Secular institutes that received pontifical status. 1. Opus De[. The institute was founded in Madrid on October 2, 1928,. by Monsignor dos~ Maria Escriv~i d~ Balaguer. Its full name is Sacerdotal Society of the Holy Cross and'Opus Dei. The Sacerdotal Society is clerical, while the Opus Dei is composed of lay-men. The Opus Dei has two sections, one for men and the other for women (thi~ latter was started in 1930). The two sections are absolutely separated, so that they are really two completely different institutes, each with its own government. The Opus Dei was the first secular institute to obtain papal approval. It received the decree of praise on February 24, 1947, and on dune 16 of the past Holy Year (1950) the decree of final approbation. (To avoid confusion it might be welI to state that according to the current practice of the Sacred Congregation the steps ofapproba-tion are the following: (1) decree of praise of the institute (not merely a quasi or partial decree of praise), (2) approbation of the institute, (3) provisional approval of the constitutions, (4) possible renewal of temporary approval, and (5) final approbation of the in-stitute and of the constitutions. But probably more than one of these steps will be taken at one and the same time. In any case, with the decree of praise the institute becomes papal.) Opus Dei has as its general purpose the sanctification of its mem-bers by the practice of the three evangelical counsels and the observ-ance of its constitutions. One of its specific works is to spread the faith and encourage a life of evangelical p~rfection among all social classes or grades of society, ~nd especially among intellectuals. Members of Opus Dei are not religious, have no community life (for the most part they live in their own homes, though sometimes a number have a house in common), take no public vows, and do not wear a distinctive garb. (These are general characteristics of any secular institute.) The members live and act as other faithful in the world do. They dress as others in their own profession or grade of society. Their numbers include nobles, peasants, lawyers, business-men, doctors, professors, students, politicians, members of parliament, and cabinet officials. The. institute allows its members perfect free-dom in their professional work, financial activities, social or political doctrines, and in similar matters, provided of course that they act in conformity with Catholic faith and morals. Charity plays an im-portant role in the spirit of this institute. The members are to live in the world without being of the world. Hence they carry on the 299 FRANCIS N. KORTH Ret~iew for Religious apostolate also in quarters which are banned to priests and religious. The Spanish Opus Dei was built around a core of university stu-dents. Groups of one hundred were formed. Some lived in their own homes, going daily to their office or professional work. The Spanish Opus Dei has received permission to work in all parts of the world. It spread to Ireland, Italy, Mexico, and South America, and has a branch in Chicago. 2. Missionaries of the Kingship of Christ (Milan). This or-ganization was. founded on November 19, 1919, by a grgup of ¯ twelve young women who were Franciscan tertiaries. Directed by Father Augustine Gemelli, O.F.M.~ the society under the above title spread throughout Italy as if merely a branch of Franciscan tertiaries. In 1945 papal approval as a canonical pious association was received and the statutes were approved for five years. Having developed ac-cording to the pattern required for secular institutes, the new institute received papal approval (decree of praise and a15proval of its new constitutions for three years) on July 12, 1948. That made it the second secular institute so approved. It numbers about two thou-sand. In its ranks can be found doctors, nurses, government emr ployees, and members of the I'talian.Chamber of Deputies. The two principal purposes of the institute are the sanctification of the members through striving after evangelical perfection, and zeal. in starting new apostolic works or promoting established ones. In particular and in conformity with the internal disciplne of the insti-tute and of the other works in which they are engaged, the members should be active in Catholic Action, assist pontifical and diocesan apostolic works under the direction of tl'ieir superiors, and take part in other apostolic works. The Franciscan spirit is the guiding light of the institute. 3. Institute of Our Lady of Labor. This French secular insti-tute was ~he third to receive papal approval. It was founded as the Sisters of Our Lady of Labor in 1904 at Lyons, France, by Miss Rochebillard under the direction of Father Anthony Eymieu, S.J. It had received the nibil obstat to canonical establishment as a religious congregation on December 1, 1916. The actual establishment was made by the Archbishop of Paris, Cardinal Amette, on October 31, 1917. The organization had two sections: one leading a common life in houses of the institute, and the other living in their own homes in the world. The present secular institute has a motherhouse in Paris. 4. Company of Saint Paul. This institute was founded on No- 300 THE WAY OF SIMPLE LOVE vember 17, 1920. Its purpose is the social apostolate. On June 30, 1950, the decree of praise was bestoWed. So much for the numerical data. As to the types of apostolic work in which secular institutes are engaged, there is great variety. Catholic Action, social work, helping pastors, carrying on the apos-tolate in various professions and jobs are some general categories. The constitutions of each institute would have to be consulted for its specific works. A concluding word. To avoid inopportune restrictions on the development of secular institutes, the Sacred Congregation of Reli-gious has refrained from issuing complete and definitive norms for these new institutes. Aside from the essentials, therefore, the matter is still in .the process of settling down and jelling. There are prob-ably a good numbgr of'organizations which are gradually adapting themselves to the broad outlines given for secular institutes in the Provida Mater Ecclesia. The 'N X/'ay of. Simple Love James Lockett, S.J: WE MUST NOT be disturbed at what goes on beyond bur wills outside the inner recess of Our hearts. At times our lower nature will be disturbed by anger, at other times pride, at other tim~s carnal love, at other times sickness, at other times vain-glory, at other times love of our opinion; at times combinations of these at once; and at times the lower nature will be at peace. But we do not have to wait for these respites to love God. Amidst all these things the one who loves God should joyously and peacefully live with God in his heart. These things--they come and go, boil up and die away, but our life need not be one of turmoil. It should be hidden with Christ in God. And it would seem to me that the way to fight all these things is essentially the same, namely, the way of simp.le love. Let them come and go! What difference does it make? We should glory in our infirmities, for when we feel weak, then we should be strongekt of all, because then we may all the more confi-dently and easily place all our strength where it belongs, in Gbd who is our All. By the why "~'f simple lov~ in fighting alltemptations I do not 301 JAMES LOCKETT mean to say that those spiritual writers are completely wrong when they say we should fight temptations against purity by a course oppo-site to that which we use against pride, because the courses of action they advise seem all right in both cases. But I say that they are wrong in saying that they are opposite courses, thus needlessly and harmfully complicating oub lives; really the methods they give are essentially the same" course in either case. Are we tempted to im-purity? Go away from it to the infinite Good. There we shall begin to see the greater value of the true Good and after a while the storm shall pass and the One Good shall draw us away from the other "good." Are we tempted to pride? Go away from it to the infinite Good! There we shall see the truth and the beauty and the wondrousness of humility and how b~r loving our nothingness we possess infinity. And after a while the storm shall pass and the One Good will draw us from the other "good." Are we tempted to love our opinion inordinately, are we tempted to desire not to feel bad? Whatever we are tempted to, we can go away from it to the Truth, to the infinite Good. We must put our life there, hidden with Christ in God. See how simple our life should be! It is the way. of simple love. All these complications do not represent the Spirit of our Master, flowing from the gospel. I do not mean when I say "go away to the infinite Good" that we can feel Him whenever we wish. Rather I mean in simple little peace we must unite our wills to Him, Whd "dwells in our hearts, and in simple little faith look toward Him, and He will do the rest. Perhaps soon He will make the storm stop, per-haps He will let it last a while. It doesn't matter. Storm or no storm, we will be pleasing Him and making Him smile, and we will be protected in His arms. So you see, life should not be complicated but simple. It~ is not our Lord's will that we go through the pilgrimage without the devil and our lower nature acting up. How else could we merit so that we may be eternally near Him and possess Him? But let us, in little simple love, glory in our infirmities and while using what legitimate natural means we can to shu~ the devil's mouth, trustingly go away to Jesus and Mary, living away from all these things in the interior of our hearts, where the inmost will which we can always control lies. Then the devil and our lower nature will never hurt us no matter how hard they tug at our wills, but we will increase in sanctifying grace and in our power against them along the simple road of peace. 302 Current Spiri!:u l Writing Augustine Klaas, S.3. ¯ From La Vie des Communaut~s Retigieuses-- THIS Franciscan pubIication devotes its February 1951 number to a practical summary of the first International Convention of Studies.on the States of Perfection. It was held in Rome, from November 27 to December 7, 1950, and was attended by a large number of eminent priests and religious from all over the world. After Pope Pius XII's introductory letter of approbation and direction, and the last part of Cardinal Micara's opening discourse on the ,exigencies of modern times and how religious institutes are to meet them by reforms and adaptations, VCR gi4es an outline descrip-tion of the various sessions of the convention. The general division of the topics on the .program was threefold: (1) the renewal and adaptation of life and discipline in the various states of perfection; (2) the renewal and adaptation of the states of perfection with reference to the instruction and training of members; (3) the renewal -and adaptation of the states of perfection in their ordinary and extra-ordinary apostolates. As was to be expected, the speakers and ~ctive participants on the program were mainly members of religious insti-tutes, but there were also quit~ a few diocesan priests and some lay-men. No nuns were on the speakers' list. VCR then prints a section ot: the final aIlocution of Cardinal Micara, the closing discourse of Pius XII on the concept of the reli-gious life, and lastly the Apostolic Constitution Sponsa Christi. I confine myself here to expressing the concluding remarks spoken by Most Reverend Arcadius Larraona, C.M.F., secretary for the Sacred Congregation for Religious, and the resolutions of the convention, ¯ formulated by the Capuchin, Father Agatangelo da Langasco, secre-tary of the convention. This information in VCR I supplement from L'Osservatore Romano for December 9 and I 0, 1950. Father Larraona states that one of the objectives of the conven-tion was to neglect no facet of the subject, thus giving the convention a note of universality. This objective was achieved. Certain results he says, have already been attained. The proceedings of the conven- 303 AUGUSTINE KLAAS Reoieto for Reliqious tion, which are to be published later, will give an account of many other good results. Of the greatest value was the' attachment of reli-gious to and union of mind and heart with the Sovereign Pontiff, the highest superior ot? religious, who grants the status of public law to each religious institute (Canon 499, no. I). Also in evidence was the union of thought, affection, and intention of religious with the local bishops in activities of a local naturg; and finally, the under-standing, union, and mutual collaboration of religious with the dioc-esan clergy. The autonomy of every religious family is necessary for its development, its discipline, and its usefulness, but exemption with regard to external things may be interpreted more or less strictly, depending on the nature of the work being done. Catholic Action must be aided and supported, but within the limits of religious discipline. Religious must engage in Catholic Ac-tion according to the general and special directives of the Holy See. Using these directive.s they must also animate their own particular associations. The adaptation proposed by the convention must rest on a solid foundation, namely, on the primacy of doctrinal and ascetical values in the ideal religious life. This primacy has two basi~ pivots: the toows, about, which revolves the whole of religious asceticism; and common life in both its material and formal senses. Also, the internal forum has the primacy over the external. Superiors must understand that confidence in them is not imposed from without but inspired from within. There is another primacy, the primacy of the specific purpose of each religious family, with its consequent fidelity to what is essential and adaptability in what is only accidental, This specific purpose must be re-thought and re-lived according to modern times. The .adaptation of the apostolate necessarily implies co-ordination with the diocesan clergy and with local organizations. The resolutions of the convention, read by Father Agatangelo, are as follows: 1) that an effective c~usade be organized to. preach the 3ubilee now extended to the whole world; 2) that afterwards there be established in Rome a bureau of co-ordination between the diocesan and religious clergy; 3) that a center for the training of spiritual directors and spir-itual masters (such as masters and mistresses of novices, etc.) be set up; 4) that a center of literary studies be founded to train teachers 304 ~Novernber, 1951 CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING for the schools of r~ligious; 5) that, for the purpose of, putting into practice the resolutions and adaptations of the convention; there be more frequent and regu-lar contact between religious superiors and the Sacred Congregation for Rel~gious, and that conventions within the various religious fami-lies be encouraged; 6) that, to preserve union and fraternity, there be instituted a liturgical Feast"of all the Holy Founders; 7) that there be a greater exchange among religious of certain elements of particular law, such as administrative experiences, law practices, and the like; 8) that there be published additional volumes of the Collectanea $. C. de Relioiosis and that pontifical documents on the subject of adaptation be collected; 9) that a s~udy institute of prac6cal administration be inaug-urated under the auspices of the Sacred Congregation for Religious; 1.0) that in all humility the Sovereign Pontiff be asked to issue a solemn document condemning the errors which are being spread con-cerning the state of perfection and giving clear and precise directives for the desired adaptations. From SuppHment de La V~ie Spirit~telle-- The S~ppl~ment for February 15, 1951 gives the content of three interesting reports to the Convention of Religious in Rome, men-tioned above. These reports will be reprinted later on inthe Acta of the convention. They contain practical examples and suggestions for the renewal of the state of perfection and its adaptation to mod-ern times. While the authors have in mind primarily the religious of France, perhaps also thos~ of Europe, yet many of their observations have a much wider if not universal application. At any rate, these rep.orts give a good idea of some of the things discussed at this all-" important assembly of religious, convoked under the auspices of the Sacred Congregation for Religious at the bidding of the Pope. I~t should be noted that these are merely samples of many reports made to the convention, and digesting them here we are not necessarily ex-pressing approval of all the suggestions. The first report is by Father A. PlY, O.P., co-editor of La Vie Sloirit~elie, and has for its subject renewal and adaptation with spe-cial reference to government of religious and the observance of the,. 305 AUGUSTINE KLAAS Rev[eto for Religfou~ vows. Before presenting his suggestions f.or adaptation, Father PI4 lays .down three important principles which he thinks should be guides in this delicate matter: 1) The main objective sought is a renewal of "spirit, or rather a re-vivifying of the letter of the law by the spirit. Changes of" consti-tutions and rules are something entirely secondary, and should be confined to points of secondary importance. 2) Old established orders and congregations are not to be replaced by certain new forms of the religious state which have appeared in recent years, or by secular institutes. However, some elements of these new types of religious life can be beneficial, if adopted and ap-plied prudently by the older orders and congregations. 3) Adaptation and renewal refer only to means, not to ends. Mod-ern times and conditions require the use of certain specific means and not of others, which may have been more practical in other times and circumstances no longer obtaining. Suggestions Affecting Gooernment Wth these three general principles in mind, Father PI~ makes five suggestions of adaptation and }enewal affecting government a'nd the laws of religious institutes. 1) Cloister. Contemplatives should retain their cloister essen-tially just as i~ is. On the other hand, institutes that have the active apostolate for their purpose, particularly of women (e. g. teachers, nurses, catechists), would profit greatly by the removal or modifica- ' tion of what is called "semi-cloister," and thus be able to accomplish more efficiently the apostolate for which they. were founded. In this connection may be mentioned the religious habit, which separates the religious from the world. There is no thought of suppressing this distinctive reIigious gar.b, but some habits, especially of nuns, could be simplified, in order to put them more in accord with poverty and with present circumstances, notably in mission countries, and also "better adapted to local conditions and climate. Furthermore, visits with the family are today looked upon with less severity than for-merly, as opportunities of parents to visit their children in religion become more frequent and the parents themselves became a part, as it were, of the religious community of their children. Also visits to parents are more readily granted, so that religious may fulfill their filial duties. These trends seem to be in the right direction. 2) Fraternal Charitg and Common Life. There is a greater de-mand today among religious for fraternal charity and common life, 306 November, 1951 "CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING manifested by sharing responsibilities, apostolic work and those unsougl~t-after tasks done for the common good, and more particu-larly by rediscovering the fruits of common fraternal charity in the conventual Mass and Office in choir. 3) Coadjutor Brothers and Sisters. The dearth of vocations to be coadjutors of various kinds has focused attention on the two "classes" of religious. Some congregations have abolished their co-adjutor group outright, while more try to reduce to a minimum the" differences between the two classes, on the points of religious habit,. prayer, training, and even work. 4) Government and Formation ot: Religious. Religious are being trained more and more for positions of responsibility and gov-ernment. In certain places local superiors, summoned to the mother-house, are instructed for a month in the duties of their new office. Masters and mistresses of novices are taking special courses designed to help them solve the problems of their office. Likewise, religious subjects are being educated and formed more and more by means of special classes, conventions, and institutes for religious. Also a fine spirit of collaboration on common projects is being shown by the various religious orders and congregations. 5) Physical and Mental Hygiene. Cleanliness has been im-proved, the means to it better provided for, and pe[mission to use the means is now granted more liberally than in former times. Present-day city life and various social upheavals seem to have serious reper-cussions on nervous balance and stability. More sleep is required and adjustments are being made along this line by religious. The hour of rising and retiring is aIso being set more in accord with modern customs. Contemplatives and the novices of active institutes are being granted occasions for relaxing the nerves. Physical exercise every day, as well as more strenuous games during recreation, are being intro-duced, as also periods of manual work, and entire days of relaxation. Vacations for strenuous workers have been found helpful. To be praised is the heroism of some superiors in refusing to accept new missions, new fields of labor, etc., when their subjects are already overl~urdened and taxed to the limit. Such over-worked .religious cannot do their tasks well and, what is mbre serious, suffer spiritually because ,they cannot do the prayer and spiritual exercises prescribed by their constitutions, thus failing victims of an unwise "activism." Regarding the Wows Father PI~ then takes up the three vows, after first saying a word 307 !~UGUSTINE KLAAS Reaieu~ for Religious about religious discipline. Young people ~oday have a high regard for sincerity. Empty conformity and routine, external action that is not .the spontaneous expression of a deep, personal, religious life,. seem odious to them. Hence, when the material practice of a minor rule becomes a serious breach of its spirit and of charity, generous youth is shocked. Although this desire in the young for "truth". must be purified, still it does have its origin in the Gospels. Hence, some novice-masters are training their charges by showing how each rule and observance is really linked up with the Gospels. This is something very opportune today. Also, it is a sign of a deep under-standing of, the rule that some communities no longer consider it necessarily a sacrilege to suggest a change or modification of their constitutions. Certai'nly wisdom and holiness are required to make such changes but it is not wisdom and holiness to refuse a priori any change whatever. This is more in evidence still when there is ques-tion ¯ of the custom book. Some recent religious congregations" of women, for fear of becoming frozen to their custom book, ,have stipulated in their constitutions that they will have none at all. Many others are seriously revising and adapting their custom books to present circumstances. 1) Vow of Pouertq. The most serious problems of adaptation today concern the vow of poverty. Economic conditions in the world have so changed and developed that poverty itself and the con- ~cept of poverty are not the same any more as they were in former cen-turies. Poverty is essentially a liberation and an imitation of the poor Christ, but it must also conform to poverty as it is really prac-ticed by the poor. H~nce there are trends towards sharing the inse-curity of tl~e poor, towards living in smaller communities and thus avoiding large buildings, which give the impression of wealth, towards doing as the poor of the vicinity do, for example, by sending the sick to the hospital and even to the common wards in the hos-pital. Contemplatives in particular are facing acute financial diffi-ties at present and they are solving them b'y doing work for which they are paid. These problems of poverty are being carefully studied. 2) Vow of Obedience. The reproach is sometimes made that the vow of obedience promotes childishnes and, immaturity, that it does not allow for a proper "development of personality." However that may be, it is true that obedience must be solidly grounded dog-matically, the judgment must be rightly formed, and the virtue of prudence must be exercised. Obedience should be a school of ma- 3O8 November, 1951 CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING turity. Obedience is a holocaust, but not less a human act. 3) Vow of Chastity. There is scarcely anything that could be changed here. Considerable !mprovement has been made in giving young religious before their vows the necessary information on this subject, psychological more than anatomical. This instruction is not complete unless there is filso given young religious sonde idea of the Christian beauty of chastity and its exceptional value as a means to perfection. Of Spfritual Means In the second report Father Reginald Omez, O.P., makes some pertinent suggestions on adaptation and renewal in the realm of spir-itual means. 1) Vocal and Mental Prayer. In recent years the faithful have come more and more to understand and appreciate the liturgy. They are gradually centering their devotion on the Mass and Office. Often they actively participate in the Mass. Religious must not obstruct but rather co-operate and join in this return to the great traditional devotion of the past, and hence they should adapt their customs accordingly. Making use of the vernacular: shortening the long vocal prayers, choosing prayers of significance,--these are the things they must do, rather than continue monotonous, endless repetition ° of litanies, Paters, and Aves. ¯ The Office of the Blessed Virgin or the Rosary with its.mysteries is a good substitute for long, vocal prayers whose content belongs perhaps to another age. Mental prayer must always' be emphasized, but it should be given a more doctrinal con-tent. There is a happy return to the Holy Scriptures and the liturgi-cal books for mental prayer. " Su'rely improvements can be made on the questionable practice of reading aloud'the points, of meditation from a book, a relatively recent practice among religious. 2) Examination of Conscience. Today there is some opposi-tion to the examination of conscience among young religious, who consider self-examination something morbid, egocentric, and harm-ful. They dislike certain outmoded formulas Of examination; they detest casuistry and moralizing. They like to follow the inspiration of the moment; they say it is the intention and the charity perme-ating the act that really count and all the rest is of little importance. The examination of conscience must be retained, but the manner of doing it can be brought more up-to-date and improved by making use of the light of modern psychology and customs and by employing the better understanding we have today of modesty, humility, obedi- 309 AUGUSTINE KLAAS for Religious ence, and other virtues. 3) Mortification and Penance. Penance and mortification will always be necessary means for holiness and for the apostolate. They cannot be entirely replaced by the apostolate. However, certain types of corporal penances, seem to be no longer adapted to piesent-day temperaments or living conditions. Physically the young today are capable of great effort and fatigue when urged on by various motives, such as war. It is on the mental and nervous side that the modern tempo of life takes its toll. For this reason, more sleep is needed. Penances, therefore, that would impair mental hygiene or harm the nerves should be avoided. Also, some forms of penance are consid-ered more or less silly by the young today or at least hard to {~nder-stand. For these, others should be substituted that are more in con-formity with the generous spirit of the youth of today: for example, the giving up of certain bourgeois comforts among religious, com-forts which were suitable to another age. Furthermore, young men, used to army life, are sometimes surprised and scandalized by the soft 'comforts and conveniences found in religious houses, things that they had long ago given up. It seems that modern penance sb, ould be in the direction of work for others, manual labor, especially the menial tasks of doing the dishes, etc., where there is little risk of the sort of pride that often goes with spectacular and attention-draWing penances. 4) Retreats. Retreats are very much needed today, as well as days of recollection. .It seems that they should not be overburdened with too many exercises, but that there should be more time for the personal task of reflection and contemplation. 5) Recreation. Recreation must relax the nerves. Religiotis given to a sedentary life must be allowed suitable athletic games to exercise their muscles. Many dit~iculties of health, morality, and sp'irituality arise from the lack of normal physical development. Modern inven-tions, such as movies, radio, and television, can be used prudently for recreation, instruction, and information. Of course, the religious spirit must not suffer from these things; hence, superiors must be vigilant to correct abuses. A Year of Transition The third report is made by Father Daniel Albers, O.M.I., who suggests for all active apostolic orders and congregations a year of transition from the quiet life of the seminary to the busy ministry. This year would be the equivalent of the tertianship of the Society of. 31o November, 195 l CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING Jesus and. of similar practices, in some other religious institutes. The objective of such a transition.period of time would be a deepening of the spiritual life and, under experienced direction, a gradual intro-duction to the life of the apostolate. It is applying to religious com-munities what Pope Plus XII has recently suggested for the diocesan priesthood in the Encyclical Menti Nostrae and has himself put into practice by founding' the seminary of St. Eugene in Rome. Another desideratum is that after four or five years of the ministry the young priests be brought together once more to reflect on their spiritual and apostolic life in.order to balance and deepen both. These first years of the active ministry are extremely important ,and often set the pat-tern for the rest of life. From Reoue des Communautds Religieuses-- In the June-August (1949) number of this Belgian magazine for religious there is an opportune article by a superior general of a congregation of women on'the relations that should obtain between religious and the lay women who share their works of charity and education. An insufficient number of vocation's and tile multiplication and expansion of religious works make the present elnploying of layfolk a necessity. These lay helpers are not a necessary evil, nor persons to be merely tolerated, since they can make a real dontribution, sup-plementing the work of the religious themselves. Rather the hiring of lay help is somethng good and in accord with the Holy Father's call to Catholic Action. Religious are giving lay women an oppor-tunity to heed that call. How bring about a close collaboration between religious and lay women employees? First of all the latter must not be too numerous, since the work must retain its exterior and interior character as an institution conducted by rehglous, Lay helpers must also be carefully chosen. They must be competent, something not always indicated by the adademic degrees they may have. Their morals must be above suspicion, their practice of the Catholic religion active. They must have or learn to ,have a sense of responsibility, be supernaturally zealous and self-'sacrificing in their .work, humble, submissive to the regime of the institution, and prudently .a.postoli.c. The religious making the selection, must never, through a mistaken sense of charity, sacrifice the common good to. the particular. 311 AUGUSTINE KLAAS Review ~o~ Religto,,s What are the duties of religious towards the lay helpers who share their work? Lay helpers are not underlings, but ~olleagues. They are not under the Sisters but at their side. Therefore, they should be treated with every regard that religious would wish for themselves--with politeness, friendliness, charity, tact, etc. Reli-gious should see tO it that their associates receive from others the respect, obedience, and good will due them-. Their quarters, dining-room, and the like, should be clean, have at least a minimum of com-fort, and even a little beauty. They should give lay helpers material assistance. The author is not speaking here of obligations in justice--that is taken for granted --but over and above this religious should exercise a spirit of sisterly charity, especially in little things and in the manner in which they deal with them. If they show this charity, their helpers will spon-taneously and generously offer themselves f6r extra work: for ex-ample, as substitutes for religious, impeded from thei~ tasks for one reason or another. ' Religious owe lay helpers intellectual assistance. Teachers meetings, personnel meetings, discussions, etc., must be well organized and directed, so that they may benefit all by practical, definite con-clusion~. Suitable books, magazines, newspapers should be put at the disposal of lay helpers. Their opinions and ideas should be re-spected and humbly adopted if they are good and apropos. There should be no narrow-mindedness amorig religious as t'o whose influ-ence should predominate in the school or hospital. Neither should compete for influence, but both groups should work together in a great spirit of active Cfiristian,charity. Religious owe lay helpers moral and spiritual assistance. This is done mainly by the charitable way they do a service, for instan'ce, give a book, or some information, or a word of encouragement. They should visit a lay helper who is ill and also her sorrowing fam-ily. Much good can be done by a smile, a word here and there, a bit of advice given opportunely. They must never be too busy to give a friendly welcome .to lay helpers, even though it distracts from work and causes them to lo~e the trend of thought for a moment. A cer-tain holy religious used to say to every knock at the door: "The ,Be-loved is never disturbed." Another way to assist lay help morall!y is to furnish them an opportunity for a retreat. Conclusion: there should be union in charity, team-work in humility, joy in sacrifice, and forgetfulness of self. This is the pro-gram of the Master, a sure pledge of success. 312 November, 1951 CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING From L'Osservatore Rornano~ In the February 4, 1951 number of L'Osservatore Romano ap-peared an important article entitled "Christians, be more prudent!" Written by Monsignor Alfredo Ottaviani, the Assessor of the Holy Office, it is a plea for greater prudence in judging favorably certain extraordinary religious phenomena seemingly widespread today. It is a message of particular significance for religious, whose guidance in these matters is often sought by the faithfql. No Catholic, he says, denies that miracles are possible and do take place. They have a purpose, have been in the Churdh from-the beginning, and do actually occur today. But they must be strictly authenticated, or they will discredit true miracles. Christ himself warned: "False christs and false prophets" ~¢ill arise who "will show great signs and wonders, so as to lead ast'ray, if possible, even the elect" (Matthew 24:24). Hence, it is the right and duty of the Church to pass judgment on the truth and riature of events and reve-lations which are claimed to be due to a special intervention of God. True children of.the Church will submit to this .judgment. Fifty years ago'the Church had to warn against scientism and positivism, which scoffed at these so-called superstitions of the dark ages. Today, the tendency is in the other direction: people are too credulous and uncritical in their judgmen't of extraordinary hap-penings. They hanker for and run after these things even though they may not at the same time be practising Catholics. Sometimes persons ignorant of the Creed pose as ardent apostles of this sort of religiosity. They even criticize and condemn the ecclesiastical au-thorities for not enthusiastically running along with the crowd. The obedience of Catholics in this matter too often leaves much to be desired. Monsig.nor Ottaviani cites some recent deplorable instances of credulousness in Italy, France, Belgium, Germany, and the U. S. A. (Necedah). These errors and aberrations are not surprising if we remember that religious sentiment has also felt the effects of original sin. There-fore, religious sentiment, to be sound and useful to man, must be guided by reason, nourished by grace, and controlled by the Church. I quote the following important passages from the London Tablet's (February 24, 1951) translation of this document: "The period through which we are passing stands between one of two excesses: open, inhuman irreligion or unbounded, blind re- 313 AUGUSTINE KLAAS Reuieto /: or Religious ligiosity. Persecuted by the supporters of the first and compromised by those who uphold the second, the Church does nothing more than repeat her maternal warning. But her words remain unheard amidst denial on the one hand and exaltation on the other. There is no doubt that the Church does not wish to cast the wonders which God works into the shadow. She merely wants to keep the faithful watchful concerning what comes from God and what does not come from God, and Which can come from His and our adversary. The Church is the enemy of the false miracle. "A good Catholic knows from his catechism that th~ true reli-gion rests in the true Faith, in Revelation, which ended with the death of the last Apostle and has been entrusted to the Church, its interpreter and custodian. Nothing else necessary to our salvation can be revealed to us. There is nothing more for which we must look. We have everything, if we wish to make use of it. Even the most accredited visions can furnish us with new motives for fervor but not with new elements of life or doctrne. True religion abides essentially, apart from in the conscience, in the love of God ~ind the consequent love of our neighbor. And, more than in acts of wor-ship and rite, the love of God consists in doing the will of God, obeying His commandments. This is true religion. "A good Catholic knows that in the saints themselves the nature of sanctity is not composed of the preternatural gifts of visions, prophecies, and wonders, but in the heroic exercise of virtue. That God should in some way authenticate holiness by miracles is one thing, but that holiness consists in performi.ng miracles is another. We must not confound holiness with what can be and is, as a rule, an unmistakable sign of holiness, but not always sufficiently clear so as not to need the necessary supervision of religious authorities. "On this point the teaching of the Church has" never been equivo-cal. The man who turns back to events of dubious interpretation rather than accept the word of God loves the world more than God. Even when the Church authoritatively canonizes a saint, she does not by this act guarantee the preternatural character of all the extra-ordinary facts connected with his life. Still less does she approve all his personal opinions. By the same token she gives even less guaran-tee to all that is written, often with unpardonable levity, by biogra-phers with more imagination than judgment. "We repeat that in order to be religious, it is necessary to be so in proper fashion and as a matter.of duty. In order to be good Cath- 314 November, 1951 CURRENT SPIRITUAL WRITING olics and devout people we must act with all the attention" with which we act when applying ourselves to the most serious things of life. Incredulity 'is just as harmful to the sincere believer as credulity. True, it is not everyone wh6 can form his own opinion on every point. But what are the Bishops and the Pope for? "It is a strange thing: no novice would dare to buid a house by himself, tailor his own clothes, make himself a pair of shoes, or cure himself of a sickness. Yet when it is a question of religious life, people reject all authority, refuse to place any trust in it, even distrust and disobey it (vith impunity.'. "For the last ten ~ears, while the religious authorities have re-mained hesitant, the people have acted hastily and busied themselves with wonders which, to say the least, have not been verified. Speaking honestly, we must admit that such events may be expressions of natural religious enthusiasm. But they'are not Christian events, and they give a frightful pretext to those who are out to discover at all costs the infiltrations and survivals of paganism and superstition in Christianity, especially Catholicism. Just as wrongdoing may in-sinuate itself in our daily lives, so may error insinuate itself into one or the other individual Catholic, a thing which causes no wonder to those who understand what man is. But just as sin must be recog-nized as sin if we would free ourselves from it, so too, in the case of error, we must recognize it as such. Just as the Church has the power to forgive sins, so has it also been commanded by God to redeem us from error. "Let Catholics hear the word of God which the Church, and the Church alone, preserves and repeats whole and incorrupt. Let them not run like sheep without a shepherd after other voices seeking to drown the voice of God when it is true that they oppose the voice of the Church. We have Holy Scripture, we have Tradition, we have the Chief Shepherd and a hundred other shepherds next door to our homes. Why should we offer the spectacle of fatuousness or un-healthy exaltation before those who oppose and despise us? 'Chris-tians, be more prudent,' wrote Dante in his day. 'Do not be like feathers that bend tb any wind.' The great poet urged the very same reasons that we give today: 'You have the Oldand the New Testa-ment, and the Shepherd of the Church to guide you.' Dante's con-clusion, too, is the same as ours: 'This is sufficient for your salva-tion' (Canto V, vv. 73-77)." 315 I-low !:o Think and Ac : about the Race Problem Gerald Kelly, S.J. THE title of this article was suggested by the simultaneous recep-tion of two pamphlets: How to Think about Race, by Louis J. Twomey, S.J.; and Fi:tg Wags to Improue Race Relations, by Frank A. Riley: The word "problem" 'is not in either pamphlet title, but the fact of a problem is very much in both author's minds; they wrote their pamphlets to help solve a problem. Both pamphlets refer explicitl~) to the Negro problem, but their content applies equally to the problem of discrimination against other minorities, such as the Mexicans, the Japanese, the Chinese, and so forth. My remarks will also be directed to the Negro problem, but they too can be applied to the other problems. The Problem In thinking about the race problem, the first thing to do is to recognize that there is a problem. Some people believe--or would like to believe that there is no problem. When you mention the Negro problem to them, they look puzzled, raise their eyebrows a bit, and ask icily, "'Is there a Negro problem?" Others admit the prob-lem, but explain it very simply by saying: "There would be no prob-lem if the Negro would keep his place." (These, incidentally, do not say "Negro.") No unbiassed and even moderately well-informed person can fail to see that we have a race problem--or, to be more specific, a Negro problem. And it consists not in the fact that the Negro will not keep his place but rather in the fact that white people will not let him have his place. The two-volume work, An American Dilemma, by Gunnar Myrdal, is a scholarly, factual proof of the ex.istence of the problem. And hundreds of books, pamphlets, and articles that have appeared within the last decade or two give further evidence, not only of the existence, but of the magnitude of the problem. To see that we have a Negro problem, one has but to consider what ought to be and what is the status of the Negro in the United 1B0th pamphlets are published by The Queen's Work, 3115 South Grand Boule-vard, St. Louis 18, Missouri. 316 THE RACE PROBLEM States. There is always a problem when the is falls below the ought to be. There is a problem in our personal spiri,tual lives when our conduct fails short of our standards; there is a problem in our social order when the income of the working man is not what it should be; and there is a problem in millions of personal lives and in the social order of the nation when an entire race is daily accordei5 a treatment that is contrary to the laws of God and of the nation. What ought to be the status of the Negro? Like other men, he has a human nature and he is destined, through the providence of God, for heaven. This common nature and comm6n destiny should unite men. By reason of their' common nature and common destiny they are one family. This unity is expressed through love in the natural order, and in the supernatural order through charity. And love (charity) expresses itself through kindly thoughts, prayers for one another, words of courtesy, mutual co-operation, helping one another in need, and so forth. This bond of love joins all men; the commandment of love knows no distinction of race. Like other men, the Negro is a human person, a distinct indi-vidual; and by reason of his human personality he is the subject, not only of duties, but of inviolable rights. He has the same right as other men to say "mine," and to have what is his respected .by other men. He has the same right as others to worship God. He has a right to life and liberty as long as he is not proved guilty of crime. He has a right to equality of opportunity to make a decent living, to develop his talents, to marry and provide for his family, to enjoy recreational facilities, to have his share of honor, and so_forth. These rights, conferred by God, are confirmed by the law of the nation when it makes the Negro an American cil~izen. And to these rights, the nation either adds civil rights or guarantees equality of opportunity in ob-tai~ aing civil righti. What is the status of the Negro in the United States? He is segregated--forced to live apart from the white man--and thus the law of union is violated; he is discriminated'against--treated as an inferior--and thus the law of equality is violated. His life is les.~ secure than the white man's; he has less opportunity to obtain the 'necessities and comforts of life. He is more readily arrested and more easily convicted. On one streetcar he finds a sign, "This space re-served for our colored patrons"; on another, where no printed sign is displa~'ed, he finds "unwelcome" written on white faces. While traveling he has difficulty getting proper acco{nmodations and even 317 GERALD KELLY Reoiew for Religious getting food. .He must say "sir" to the white man, but he is called, "Johnny," "Doc," or "uncle." His house is a menace to his physi-cal well-being, and his congested surroundings are a greater menace to his soul's welfare. When he tries to move to another neighbor-hood, he is repelled by violence, thwarted by restrictive covenants, or humiliated by the exodus of prospective white neighbors who flee him as 'they would a contagion: He sees his children denied educa-tional opportunities, his wife and mother denied the courtesies ex-tended to other women. Even in his worship, he must have a "spe-cial" church or a "special" place in the white man's church. These and scores of other insults, humiliations, frustrations, are the daily fare of the American Negro. Not that all the abuses are practised eveiywhere and by everyone; but the general pattern is so common, even in the North, that some.unprejudiced scholars do not hesitate to call it our greatest national scandal. It is not an acci-dental pattern; it is a calculated system of oppression and contempt. Perhaps the scholars just referred to were not conscious of the theological meaning of "scandal," but Catholics should be definitely° conscious of this. Theologically, scandal is an occasion of spiritual harm to the neighbor. Scandal is very seriously involved when white Catholics practice racial segregation and discrimination; because their conduct makes it very difficult for Negro Catholics to preserve the faith and well-nigh impossible to convert Negroes to the faith. There can scarcely be greater scandal than this. From what I have written (which is just a brief repetition of what has been said and written often and more forcefully by others) it should be evident that we have a problem. Despite. the fact that recent years have witnessed a strong trend against discrimination and some improvement in the status of the Negro, his condition is still not what it ought to be. He is still l~he victim of a policy which was described in a report issued by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith as a "grave derogation to the Christian concept of the individual's inherent dignity.''2 This policy involves contempt, hatred, and scandal. And the responsibility lies not with the Negro victim, but with the white people who either willingly perpetuate the policy or negligently refuse to do what they can to stop it. 2The report is printed in pamphlet form under the title The Catholic Church and Neproes in the United States. It can be obtained from the Catholic Interracial Coun-cil of Chicago, 21 West Superior Street, Chicago 10, Illinois. Five cents for single copies; four cents each for 100 or more: special rates on orders for 1000 or more. 318 Not~ernber, 1951 THE RACE PROBLEM How to think about the Negro problem? I said tl~at the first thing to do is to recognize the problem. A second thing'is suggested by another statement in the ~eport of the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith. The report says that the "thought of a wide, general conversion of the Negroes to the Catholic Church is an illusion until and unless the attitude of American Catholics-~clergy and laity--is cornpletelg purified of approval of the segregation pol-icg or of the many deprivations of educational opportunity, of fair employment, and of decent housing that arise as a result of it." The words I have italicized indicate the second step in thinking cor.rectly about the Negro problem: we must disapprove of the segregation pol-icy, which is, in fact, a colossal violation of, justice and charity. Such disapproval, incidentally, is not a counsel of perfection; it is a strict duty, and a serious one. What to Do An evil is not removed merely by recognizing its existence. Something constructive has to be done. "But," an individual will say, "I am so small, and this evil is so great and so widespread.How can I do anything about it?" Actually, there is much that any in-dividual white person of good will can do regarding the Negro prob-lem; and it is my purpose, taking a cue from Mr. Riley's pamphlet, to indicate some of these things here. It may be noted that much that I say seems to have no special pertinence to religious. Yet it does pertain to religious, as well as to other people, and in one sense at least it has a special application ~o religious, because religious by rea-son of their position in the Church have an influence for good or bad that is definitely special. A constructive solution to the Negro problem must work "from the inside out." I mean that it must begin with correct attitudes, with an inner spirit that will be the soul of external action. Vast numbers of people do not have this inner spirit. As Francois Mauriac states forcefully in his Life of Jesus, at the conclusion of the chapter on the Samaritan woman: "He tarried for two days in the midst of the outcast Samaritans, thus giving his followers an example which was to be transmitted in vain to the rest of the world. For if there is a part of the Christian message which men have refused and rejected with invincible Obsti-nacy, it is faith in the equal value of all souls, of all races, before the Father who is in heavem" The indictment is dreadfully true, but it does not make our case 31'9 GERALD KELLY " " Review ?or Religious hopeless. Even the devil of racial hatred must yield to prayer and self-sacrifice., That is why Fifty Ways of Improving Race Relations insists much on the need of prayer, of prayer "that light may shine in the dark areas of white men's minds, that the race heresy may be put down." Any one of us has this power of prayer, and we can use it to beg for ourselves and others a vital appreciation of the truths of reason and faith that are the foundation of racial amity and justice. Many white people, it is said, are. not malicious; tl~ey simply have such an aversion for the Negro that they abhor the very thought of living with him on equal terms. I admit the existence of this psy- ¯ chologicaI problem. Yet it seems to me that it can be and is overrated.: It is not substantially different from the problem of aversion as it is sometimes experienced by one white person towards another, even .by one religious towards another. Morally speaking, the aversion itself is merely a feeling, and as such it is not culpable. Neverthless, since the fostering of this feeling can be the source of great' harm, it must be disciplined like other dangerous emotions, and proper means must be taken to eliminate or to temper it. And here again a first remedy is prayer. It should not be too much for anyone to ask sincerely for the grace to act according to Christian principles, despite'a feeling of antipathy. After all, we do this regularly when we pray for the grace, to preserve.chastity, despite strong contrary feelings. Many students of the rac~ problem say that aversion to the Negro springs from ignorance and that it disappears or.subsides when one gets to know the Negro. Some white people who have lived near Ne-groes for many years might answer this by saying that no one knows the Negro better than they, yet their knowledge has not affected their aversion. I think that one might legitimately question whether such people really know the Negro.' Real knowledge of a person im-plies something more than just being near him. Real knowledge comes in friendship, from getting under the surface into a man's heart and his feelings. The system of segregation and discrimination is itself a block to such knowledge; and it perpetuates a vicious circle by which aversion fosters segregation and segregation fosters aversion. More than twenty years ago Father Francis J. Gilligan wrote in The Morality of the Color Line:s 3This book is out of print. It is a real pioneer study--and a very capable one-~- of race relations in the light of Christian moral principles. Father Gilligan is pro-fessor of moral theology at the St. Paul Seminary, St. Paul, Minnesota. He has for many years been Chairman of the Governor's Interracial Commission of Min-nesota, a commission that has done very constructive work in the.matter of race re-lations and that has published some splendid leaflets and booklets. 320 No~ember, 1951 THE RACE PROBLEM "To be forced always to seek a restaurant on th~ rear street, to be placed'always at a table in some alcove, to be compelled always to accept a se~at in the gallery of a .thea.tre, to be denied access to every respectable and standard hotel, to be driven constantly to tax one's ingenuity to secure a reservation in a Pullman, are conditions Which would occasion in every man, and the Negro is no exception, anger and despair. A white person probably can never fully realize the anxiety and hesitancy which the Negro experiences almost daily in trying to satisfy conventional needs." Father Gilligan is undoubtedly correct when he says that prob-ably a white man can never [ull~t appreciate what the Negro experi-ences. Nevertheless, any white man with good will and a good imagination can learn much by using what psychologists call "em-pathy"-- namely, by putting himself in the Negro's place, by trying to feel what the Negro feels in the various frustrating circumstances that make up the pattern of discrimination. "Psychologically, this cultivation of a strong "fellow-feeling" is perhaps the best antidote for aversion, because one powerful emotion tends to neutralize the "other. Also, deep feeling for the Negro stimulates constructive action in his behalf. Some of the greatest strides towards interracial justice have been made by ~¢hite men who had the power of sharing the hurt feelings of the Negro.' .To stimulate this "fellow-feeling," it helps to read a good auto-biography, like Dar~ $~mpl~on~, by Elizabeth Adams. For the same purpose--but to'a lesser ~legree, because the personal element is wanting--it is useful to-get a complete picture of the wrongs "done the Negro by reading An American Dilemma, or at least the con-densation of this work, entitled The Negro in America, by Arnold Rose, one of Myrdal's collaborators. I would not recommend these two works, however, without adding the caution that their other-wise. scientific and morally wholesome tone is marred, by the section that recommends artificial birth-control as a means of solving the problem ot: "Negro overpopulation." (See Myrdal, I, 175-181; Rose, 60-61.) (Before I leave the subject of aversion, I should like to add that the white man has no monopoly on it. The Negro too has an aver-sion for the white man--and understandably so, in view of what he has suffered. But, like the white man, he must be willing to put aside or temper this aversion in order to establish a Christian system of race relations. I am not stressing this here because my main con- 321 GERALD KELLY Reoiew for Reliqious cern is with indicating things that white people can and should do as regards the Negro.) From the inside to the outside--that is, from thoughts and feelings to words and actions. ~ prime rule of speech is to avoid what reasonably offends, other people. On the basis of this rule, a Negro should not be called a "nigger," and a Negro woman should not be referred to as a "negress." Both words are offensive to Negroes, as are many others that need not be mentioned here. The best way for anyone to keep this rule is to abstain entirely from using the words, because if white people use them among themselves when speaking about the Negro, they very readily use them when speaking, to the Negro. Another basic rule of speech is to be extremely careful about repeating unverified and disparaging rumors about the Negro. "Seldom in the history of mankind," wrote Father Gilligan, "has any group been more widely misrepresented, misunderstood, and handicapped by popular rumors than the American colored group." Accepting such unfounded rumors is rash jiadgment; passing them on to others is calumny. As regards both speech and conduct, I should like to stress one. point that is of particular interest to the moral theologian. In our theological treatises on the virtue of charity we make much of what are called the common signs of good will and courtesy. (Cf. "On the Duty of Loving the Neighbor, Especially Enemies," in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, VII, 299-312.) These are various little gesture~ and words that are due to all fellow-citizens, fellow-workers, neighbors, and so forth, and not merely to one's'special friends. I think it is very important that every individual white person be conscious of this duty when he is dealing with Negroes. If he says "sir" to a white man, he should say "sir" to a Negro; if he tips his hat to a white woman, he should also tip his ha~ to a Negro woman; if he says "good morning" to white neighbors, he should say "good morning" to his Negro neighbors; if he shakes hands with a white person to whom he is introduced, he should shake hands with a Negro under the same circumstances. In themselves these are small things; and any individual with good will can do them. Yet, failure to use them can cause deep hurt and humiliation, whereas their use can cause genuine elation to those who have been constantly denied them. Moreover, they manifest just what is needed to improve race relations:, good will and respect. The foregoing are ways in which any white individual can help to improve race relations, even though others do not co-operate with 322 o November, 1951 THE RACE PROBLEM him. But for any grand-scale reformation of the social order, there must be group action, as our recent Popes have stated so often. Fiftg Ways to Improue Race Relations contains many suggestions for par-ticipation in group action: for example, by be!ping'such organiza-tions as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored, People, the Urban League, various interracial councils; by .voting for good social legislation, by joining with others to urge Congressmen to promote such legisla~tion, by signing petitions to have Negroes admitted to schools that make a policy of excluding them, by joining in protests to owners of stores, restaurants, and hotels, that discrim-inate against Negroes; 'and so forth. By these and various other ways the apparent insignificance of the individual can become a very sig-nificant force in establishing a Christian social order in our race rela-tions. Specigl for Religious In themselves these points, as I mentioned previously, have no special pertinence to us as religious. Ye.t, since they pertain to all persons of good will, they certainly pertain to us, too; and we can and should carry them out in our personal lives. Moreover, they have a verst special pertinence to us because of our position of leader-ship among Catholics; we are expected to teach Catholic doctrine by word and example--and one might say, particularly by example. The best argument against segregated schools is to have our own schools unsegregated; the best way to denounce segregation in wor-ship is to have no color line in our own churches and chapels; and the best way to condemn discrimination in professions is to have our own convents and seminaries wide open to all qualified appli-cants, irrespective of race. And certainly the best--if not the only--" way to inspire youth to practice justice and charity is to be gracious exemplars of these virtues in our own daily lives. The effects, good or bad, of even our smallest public actions are tremendous. The Priest for May, 1951, published an article entitled "Black Priest," which contains the reflections of a Negro convert studying for the priesthood. Two incidents recounted in the article indicate the effects of even our small actions. On one occasion, when the author had returned to his home in the South for the funeral of an aunt, two white women, one of them a nun, came to visit him. 'On another occasion, while he was driving with some of his colored friends, he stopped to visit a monastery, . and the superior insisted °that he bring his friends in and treated them with true monastic hos- 323 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Reoiew for Religious pitality. These courtesies had a profoundly salutary .effect on his friends, helping them to see that the Catholic Church is not "a white man's church." "These incidents," reflects the author, "may seem like little things, but what if that good Sister and other lady had not come to ~ee me? ~Yc~hat if we had been turned away from'the door of the mon-. astery? For one thing, I probably would have kept the promise I made to myself never to go South ~again. But the most serious result would have been that more souls would have been pushed farther and farther away from the Church. Those were two times when I was really proud 9f my fellow Catholics. May God bless them!" Ques ions and Answers --27~ I was the priest-advlser of a girl who entered the convent four months ago. A week after her entrance I sent her a Missal, which she had said she needed. I have not heard from her. Would you please print what my re~ action should be? The reaction might include a little pain,, but it need not include surprise. Gratitude is becoming a rare virtue, even among religious. The nunqber of those who take,time out to acknowledge favors re-ceived seems to be very small. In the present instance, the girl may have failed to acknowledge the Missal because of restrictions on letter-writing in the postulancy. Restrictions are certainly necessary, but they should not be allowed to defeat the greater purpose of giving the young religious a well-balanced training in all the virtues. Superiors should see that the postulants and novices acknowledge gifts and favors or they should make some other provisions for such acknowledgements. All through our religious life much of our support is provided by benefactors. If young religious are not trained to express gratitude for small things they will not be properly grateful to benefactors When they hold positions of authority. m28-- One of our general councilors died recently. Our constitutions do not provide for the succession in place of a deceased councilor. What shall we do?' 324 November, 1951 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Canon 20 tells us to follow the style and practice of the Roman Curia when the law does not provide for a contingency. In this mat-ter of finding a successor for a deceased member of the general coun-cil, we have an indication of the style and practice of the Sacred Con-gregation of Religious in article 271 of the Normae of 1901 which reads as follows: "The councilors of the superior gerieral have a de-cisive vote in matters of greater moment. Such matters are especially the following: . . . 12° the substitution of another Sister until the next general chapter in place of a general councilor who has died, or was deposed, or is perpetually impeded." This article has been written into very many constitutions of lay religious (Brothers and Sisters), both before and after the ~romul-gation of the Code of Canon Law in 1917. Hence it offers a safe norm of action when the constitutions are silent in the matter. Frequently enough an article is added in modern constitutions to the effect that the substitute general councilor thus chosen by a ma-jority vote of the council takes the last place among the c6uncilors, not that of the deceased councilor; that place is taken by the coun-cilor next in order of election in general chapter. The other coun-cilors move up accordingly. ¯ m29-- We would like ÷o know whether, according to canon law,. it could be permitted for a good reasor~ to have the first profession of temporaryvows one year and two, three, or four days after [nvestlture? Canon 571, § 2 states that "the novitiate completed, the novice shall be admitted to profession if he be judged suitable, otherwise he shall be sent away." Commentators on the law, however, are agreed that a few days' deferment of the investiture for a good reason would not be a violation of the law. Such good'reasons would be, among others, the desire to have the investiture for all on the same day; or the desire to have both investiture and profession of vows on the same day; or because the retreat master was unavoidably delayed for two or three days. If the constitutions of a religious institute state that the superior is ap-pointed for a term of three years and that he may be reappointed for a further term in the same housemdoes this imply that the said appointed period of three years b~nds the superiors not to remove him from that posi-tion during the said time, either tooplace him in charge of another house 325 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS ,Review [or Religious or to remove him altogether from authorifi/? Canon 505 does not necessarily require that a local superior be appointed for a period of three years, but merely forbids that he be appointed for a lo.nger period. The constitutions will determine the length of time a local superior is to hold office. Usually this is a period of three years, and, under normal circumstances, he should not be removed from that office. The common good, however, may re-quire his transfer to another house before the expiration of three years because his special abilities are needed there. Again, it happens occasionally that a religious is appointed local superior and, because of his incompetency, is a cause of serious harm to the community. Common sense dictates that such a person should be removed from office and not be allowed to complete a three-year term. Is it permissible for a religious appointed assistant to the master of novices to be one of the councilors to the superior in the house where pro-fessed religious llve? The assistant has very little contact with the professed religious since his duties confine him to the work of the novitiate. There are no regulations in the Code of Canon Law as to the persons who are appointed councilors to a local'superior. The con- ,stitutions may restrict this office, but unless they do; any professed member of the community may. be appointed to the local council. During passlontide is it ever permitted to remove the violet coverincj from the statue of the Blessed Virgin for one of her feasts? Or from the statue of St. Joseph when his feast occurs during that time? Or from any other statue at this season? During Passiontide it is not permitted to uncover the statues if the feast of the Titular, or of the Dedication of the Church, or of St. Joseph occur (S.R.C. decree 3396). However, if out of devo-tion to St. Joseph, the statue of the saint is exposed off the altar (extra altare) during the month of March, it may be left uncovered dhring Passiontide (S.R.C. decree 3448 ad 1 I). 33 A week ago a young woman called at the rectory and asked whether I could find some rellcj[ous community that would take her as a candidate, as she feels that she has a vocation. This may seem strange,, but the girl is deaf, a~d I know of no community in the United States that will take her 326 Nooember, 1951 BOOK REVIEWS with this handicap. Hence I'm writing you to see whether you can help me find some order or congregation of women that will take this girl. We await an answer from our readers. 34 Do the candles used at Holy Mass and at Benediction have to be blessed.'/ There is no obligation to bless altar candies (to ~e used at Holy Mass and Benediction) but it is fitting to do so. They may be blessed either on Candlemas Day (February 2) or at any other time. On Candlemas Day the form given in the Missal under that date should be used. At other times the form to be used is that given in the Roman Ritual (VI!I, 3). Book Reviews OFFICIUM DIVINUM PARVUM. German-Latln text. Fulda Conference. Herder-Pusfef, 1951. Pp. 569. Price not given. The press recently carried a not~ to the effect that the bishops of Holland have secured permission to edit a vernacular Office for all Dutch Sisters not ofili~ed by Rule to the recitation of the Divine Office. The notice has special 'relevance to the book here, noticed, inasmuch as the Fulda Conference of Germany secured such permis-sion and has published a shortened breviary for the optional use of all German Sisters not obliged to recite the Divine Office. This O~cium Pacou/o (I was informed) has be~n adopted by some eighty-thousand Sisters in a short time. One can easily see why. This handy edition has a Latin text of the "New" Psalms on the left-side, a German one on the right; the Psalms are in the transla-tion worked out by Romano Guardini. The entire arrangement strikes a good balance between the variety of the Divine Office and the brevity of the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin. The bishops' endorsement recommends the book for public Sunday Vespers or Compline.--GERALD ELLARD, S.3". ST. CLARE OF ASSISI. By Nesta de Robeck. Pp. vii q- 242. The Bruce Publishing Company, Milwaukee, 19SI. $3.S0. This is perhaps as authentic a biography of St. Clare as can be written from the meager reliable sources that are available. The Life contains only 139 pages, but it is well written and interesting and 327 BOOK REVIEWS Reuiew for Religious documents are frequently quoted. The first chapter is the history of Assi~i from Before Christ to the thirteenth century. The second covers her childhood and youth up till the time she adopted the way of life of her fellow-townsman, St. Francis. The third shows how she formed her life along the lines of that of Francis and what a deep impress his last years and death made upon Clare and the Poor Ladies who followed her. Chapter four speaks of her personal sanctity and dealings with the pope. Chapter five describes how her influence and holii~ess irradiated out to the numerous new members and houses.of the Second Order ot: St. Francis, who all looked to her as their mother. The final chapter presents her in the full maturity of ber sanctity, her last years, death, and glory. Five Appendi~es make up the last half of the book: the Office of the Passion, the Rule of St. Clare, the Testament of St. Clare, the Cause of Canonization, the Bull of Canonization of the Virgin, St. Clare. There is a three-p~ige bibliography, a two-page index, and eight excellent plates. The sp!rit .of gqntleness and charity in the service of Lady Poverty. was the spirit St. Francis passed on to St. Clare and her Poor Ladies. That spirit lives today in St. Francis' sons and daughters all over the world. Those who have any contact with them catch something of it. So will those who read this book.--C. A. HERBST, S.J. DEVOTEDLY YOURS. By Sister Berfrande. Pp. 400. Newman Press, Westminster, Maryland, 19SI. $3.7S. Sister Bertrande, the author of The Education of Sisters (re-viewed at length by William J. McGucken, S.J., in the first issue of the REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, January, 1942) and director of Maril-lac House of Chicago, the large social center of the Daughters of Charity, may not be the greatest letter-writer in history, but she has left in Devotedly Yours, a very'interesting batch of letters. Intended originally "for Sisters only," her letters tell her com-munity in Chicago about all there is to tell of her extended and cir-cuitous Holy Year Pilgrimage that included the far-flung houses of Charity in France, North Africa, the Holy Land, Italy, England, and Ireland. The letters reveal zest for life, a sense of humor, abil-ity to recount anecdote and describe vividly, and devotedness and gratitude to her religious congregation. The author's wish should be fulfilled. "May these letters influence others as the journey influ-enced me: The Holy Lanai made of me a better Christian, Rome 328 November, 1951 BOOK NOTICES made of me a better Catholic, Paris made of me a better Daughter of Charity."--J. E. BREUNIG, S.J. BOOK NOTICES As a child, Helen Caldwell Day knew the sting of poverty and discrimination in her home in the South. Full of ambition she went North to enter nurses' training. Through realities on duty and trivialities off duty, she learned both the fulness and the emptiness of this life. She became a Catholic. She was married, saw her hus-band arrested and taken to prison, and after months of loneliness became a mother. She learned--what she had not known as a child --that there are white people with whom a Negro can live on terms of equality and genuine friendship. She tells about these and many other things in COLOR, EBONY. (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1951. Pp. viii + 182. $2.25.) THE CONVENT MIRROR, by Very Rev. Frederick T. Hoeger, C.8p.S., is a series of conferences for religious. It is the fruit of thirty years of retreats to priests, Brothers, and Sisters. They were written to help religious love their vocation ever more and more. The author himself notes in the preface that "He is inclined to go to extremes to keep from religious life the least ill-repute." (New York: Frederick PustetCo., 1951. Pp. 246. $3.00.) The fact that Emmanuel Doronzo, O.M.I., would take the trouble to translate the DICTIONARY OF DOGMATIC THEOLOGY is in itself a guarantee that the book is worth while. A generous sampling of the volume's contents confirms this judgment. The book thor-oughly covers dogmatic theology, as well. as providing much matter from associated branches of philosophy and theology. There are a good general bibliography, a concise synthesis of dogma, an outline of the history of dogmatic theology, helpful bibIiographies under in-dividual topics, and a complete index of entries. The present trans-lation, the first in English, is made from the second Italian edition. The authors are Msgrs. Pietro parente, Antonio Piolante, and 8alva-tore Garofalo. The translator has kept faithfully to the original text, but has r~vised the bibliographies in order to make them more useful to English readers. The format leaves nothing to be desired. (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing'Company, 1951. Pp. xxvi q- 310. $4.50.) 329 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS Reuiew [or Religious In LETTERS TO THE MARTYRS Helen Walker Homan gives dear illustrations of the abundantly verified statement that ours is an age of martyrs. She compares, the lives of early martyrs like Saints Stephen, Agnes, Ignatius, Sebastian, Lawrence, and others with heroes of our "day like Arhhbishop Stepinac, St. Maria Goretti, Car-dinal Mindzenty, and others. The epistolary cast of the book, as a series of letters to martyrs, may seem artificial to some and detract from the inspirational value of the book. (New York: David McKay Co. Inc., 1951. Pp. xii -]- 236. $3.00.) ONE AND HOLY, contains three lectures by Karl Adam to mem-bers of the Una Sancta movement in Germany who are making real efforts to build a bridge between Lutherans and Catholics: "The Roots of the Reformatign," "How Luther Left the Church: the Pos-sibility of Reunion," and "How is Reunion to be Achieved." The author shows how polemic has sharpened the differences and suggests that the basis of reunion may be found in a sympathetic investiga-tion of the conditions that gave rise to Luther. His viewpoint and practical proposals are worth thinking about. Cecily Hastings trans-lated the book. (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1951. Pp.' vii ÷ 130. $2.00.) In view of the Holy Father's recent Encyclical, "Heralds of the Gospel" (June 2, 195 I), touching again and with supreme author-ity on native cultures, native clergy, social prosperity, medical aid, lay missionaries, there is special timeliness in the translating of Father Danielou's books, The Salvation of the Nqtions (1949), and the present volume ADVENT, or the preparation for Christ and his saving message among all the i~amilie

Issue 69.4 of the Review for Religious, 2010. ; Holy Models Religious Growth Lighting the Way QUARTERLY 69.4 2010 Review for Religious fosters dialogue with God, dialogue with ourselves, and dialogue with one another about the holiness we try to live according to charisms of Catholic religious life. As Pope Paul Vl said, our way of being church is today the way of dialogue. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published quarterly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393 Telephone: 314-633-4610 ¯ Fax: 314-633-4611 E-Mail: reviewrfr@gmail.com ¯ Web site: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©2010 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internfil use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits oudined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this pernfission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribution, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. ~ gournalof Catholic ~piri~uali~y eview for religious Editor Book Review Editor Scripture Scope Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Rosemary Jermann Eugene Hensell OSB Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Judy Sharp Paul Coutinho SJ Martin Erspamer OSB Margaret Guider OSF KathleEn Hughes RSCJ Louis and Angela Menard Bishop Terry Steib SVD QUARTERLY 69.4 2010 contents 340 prisms Prisms 342 357 holy models The Spirituality of Francis Libermann: A Man Beyond His Time David L. Smith CSSP presents the embodied spirit of Francis Libermann's spirituality, underlining many instances of how his thought and action is very contemporary. The Love Mysticism of Bernard of Clairvaux and Julian of Norwich Marian Maskulak CPS shows how Bernard and Julian provide valuable material to ponder for contemporary readers who wish to explore the relationship of love between God and human beings. Personal Reflection / Group Discussion 377 religious growth Cultivating Mature Relationships in Religious Formation Chinyeaka C. Ezeani MSHR outlines how religious formao tors can model mature interpersonal relationships and respectful ways of communications that can better prepare candidates for a Christlike way of living and relating. Review for Religious 390 Operatic Discernment of a Vocation Daniel J. Heisey OSB suggests that opera, especially Gian Carlo Menotti's The Saint of Bleecker Street and Amahl and the Night Visitors, can help someone discern a religious vocation. Personal Reflection / Group Discussion 4O5 42O lighting the way Searching for Jesus at Christmas James H. Kroeger MM treats the nature and purpose of the Gospels, the role of the evangelists, questions of the "historical Jesus," the infancy narratives, and the need for an "adult" faith. Edith Stein, Woman of Light Carolyn Humphreys~ OCDS demonstrates that the themes most apparen.t throughout Edith Stein's life are her integrity, her search for truth, and her complete trust in God. departments 434 Scripture Scope: Meeting the Prophet Isaiah Again for the First Time 439 Book Reviews 444 2010 Indexes 69.4 2010 prisms 340] I seems appropriate in this final issue of Volume 69 that I acknowledge and pay tribute to Father Philip Fischer SJ who has served this journal for some twenty years. Father Fischer died quickly after being diagnosed with liver cancer just as we were sending the previous issue to the printer. For the staff and for me personally his death has left us with an aching loss as a companion in the workplace and a notable hole in our edito-rial process. Philip Fischer had amazing editorial skills. He was the one that I depended on for doing the first edits on all our manuscripts. He took real care in preserving a writer's style and expression while trying to bring a better clarity and a sharpening conciseness in eliminating repetitions. He double-checked all references, sometimes correcting misinformation and at other times adding the proper data. He made our various writers look good', and I say this from my own experience since he made me in my own writing look better than I ever would have through my original draft. In these latter years, Father Fischer made his own special contribution to our journal through his review of books summed up in what he ritled "book shelf life." From all the various books that we receive from the publishing houses, Father Fischer would quickly scan through each Review for Religious book, take notes on a number of them, and then begin to group books into similar themes or subject-matter. Within the weeks more immediate to our publishing schedule, he would construct his own essay on some twenty-five to thirty-five books, relating them in their strengths, referencing occasionally previous works, and adding sometimes his own personal preferences. Over the years, many people have taken the time to express their appreciation of his efforts in book reviews. Philip Fischer died shortly before his eightieth birth-day. He would have been celebrating his sixtieth year as a Jesuit. He was a quiet and unassuming man with great intellectual gifts. He generously offered his services as advisor and editor to many foreign Jesuits studying at Saint Louis University in their writing of class essays and term papers. He also was consulted by a good number of people writing books. He seemed to put no restrictions on the time he would spend in helping others beyond his own editorial responsibilities. Over the past twenty years, Father Philip Fischer has brought the Review for Religious to the kind of excellence in style and correctness that our readers have come to expect. In expressing our own debt of gratitude to him, I and the rest of the staff will do our best to continue the legacy which he has left us. Please join us in our own continuing prayers, that Father Philip Fischer, a wordsmith, can be enjoying companionship with the Word forever. David L. Fleming SJ P.S. Review for Religious staff and advisory board wish all our readers a most blessed Advent season and Christmas season. 341 69.4 2010 DAVID L. SMITH personal witness The Spirituality of Francis Libermann: A Man Beyond His Time ¯ . . the Holy Ghost over the bent World broods with warm breast and with ah! bright wings. --Gerard Manley Hopkins Since the mid 19th century, Francis Libermann's spiritual teachings have inspired the Congregation of the Holy Spirit. To appre-ciate his unique spiritual doctrine fully, one must know about the congregation's original cradle. Born the son of the Rabbi of Saverne and reared in the study of Torah, the Law, and the Talmud, Libermann was immunized against the philosophical anthropology of his day, the dichotomized worldview of Ren~ Descartes. David L. Smith cssP has taught for thirty-five years in Duquesne University's department of psychology and has also been executive director of its Phenomenology Center. His address is Duquesne University; 600 Forbes Avenue; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15282. Review for Religious His philosophy had tainted Western thought-categories since the early 17th century. Under the pervasive influ-ence of this philosophy, all things spiritual--mind, soul, and spirit--had become disembodied. The separation of mind and body, spirit and matter, natural and super-natural, and secular and sacred became the coin of the religious and spiritual realms. In many ways, human spirituality had turned into an angelic perfectionism. Libermann in large part escaped this pernicious Cartesian influence, thanks to his early education. Under his father's tutelage, he would have learned that . the Hebrew language had no word for body, the human body. The closest Hebrew word is basar, sometimes trans-lated as body, but its essential meaning .is flesh. Robinson informs us that in the ancient Hebrew worldview the flesh-body did not make us separate individuals, but rather connected us in a web or tissue of life to all other human beings. This flesh-body--this animated flesh--is the total human being and the basis for our corporate identity, our solidarity with one another, and especially our common bonding with God. Robinson emphasizes that the ancient Hebrews were interested, not in the body for its own sake, but in its vertical dimension, in that the flesh-body binds us together and binds us Godward. Basar, our animated human flesh, emphasizes our coexistence with others, our bodily To understand Libermann's uniquely existential and incarnational spirituality, we must keep this Hebrew meaning of the human body in mind. 343 69.4 2010 Smith ¯ The Spirituality of Francis Libermann togetherness with them in the world, and our openness to the Holy Spirit of God. To understand Libermann's uniquely existential and incarnational spirituality, we must keep this Hebrew meaning of the human body in mind. It will sharpen our insight into his passion for social and racial jus-tice, human solidarity, democratic values, and the free-dom and dignity of every human being. Pope Pius XII described Libermann as an "outstanding master of the spiritual life." Henry Koren CSSP, after studying his writings intensively for many yeays, did not hesitate to claim that in the sphere of spiritual doctrine he proved himself an authentic pioneer. Koren attributed the originality, universality, and timelessness of Libermann's spiritual doctrine to his ability to transcend the narrow confines of his native France's romanticism and the self-absorbed bodily mortifications of 19th-century spirit-u-ality (1958, p. 157). With his deep convictions about our common human flesh and our God-given solidarity, Libermann was ahead of his time in many ways and in many arenas. He under-stood that the mission of the Christian community and of the missionary is identical with Jesus' mission, namely, the proclamation of the power of God's unconditional grace to restore all of creation--persons, bodies, and relationships--to wholeness (Volf & Lee; p. 389). Libermann's .spiritual doctrine, always rooted in basar, points us toward the Holy Spirit's action in the world of our daily life. Koren never tires of reminding us that it is not enough just to listen to the words or read the texts to discover what truly animates an indi-vidual or an organization. We must pay heed to what the French phenomenologist Maurice Merleau-Ponty has called "operational intentionality," the lived and living Review for Religious motivation of a person or an organization. Koren asks of his fellow Spiritans, what has been and what is the driv-ing force of their founders and of their members? In his unequivocal and oft repeated response, he replies that the Spiritans' lived spirituality can best be described as an Evangelical Availability, attentive to the Holy Spirit, manifested in the "concrete situations of life." Libermann's spirituality is contemporary in many ways, precisely because he roots it always in the exis-tential situation. In his insistence upon the "concrete situations of life," we detect echoes of Gestalt Therapy's focus on the Here and Now of human experience. The authors of Gestalt Therapy: Excitement and Growth in Human Personality (Perls et al.) encourage this exercise: "Try for a few minutes to make sentences starting with what you are at this moment aware of. Begin with the words 'now' or 'at this moment' or 'here and now.'" After presenting this technique for attending to the environ-ment more vividly, they make this comment: "V~rhatever is actual is, as regards time, always in the present. Hence the stress, if we wish to develop the sense of actuality, on words such as 'now' and 'at this moment'" (p. 31). Libermann's constant advice to seek the Holy Spirit "in the concrete situation of our lives" cradles the "here and now" of Gestalt therapy. It grounds the individual's spiritual life in the actual here and now of the existential dialogue of a personal past-present-future. In this con-text, Libermann reminds us that openness to experience demands detachment from the past. A Man of His Time Libermann seems to .have been richly endowed with the gift of "reading the signs of the time." For this rea-son he could consider the clergy's failure to keep up 69.4 2010 Smith * The Spirituality of Francis Libermann with the times to be their greatest fault. During the French revolution of 1848 and the subsequent demo-cratic elections, Libermann, unlike many of his reli-gious contemporaries and superiors at home and even in Rome, did not pine for some mythical golden age. He was prompt to let go of the traditional church devotion to the ancien rggime. He encouraged his men to get out to vote at the dawning of the democratic state in France. On 22 February, thousands of Parisians had taken to the streets to demand suffrage reform. King Louis Philippe lost his nerve and abdicated. After months of chaos and confusion in the parliament and throughout the nation, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, nephew of the exiled great emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, was elected president of the Second RetJublic on 10 December 1848 by an overwhelming majority, 5.5 million votes to his closest contender's 1.5 million. No matter that Louis Napoleon had the reputation of a "cretin" and licentious playboy, the people had spo-ken and Louis's election held out promise of a more just order for the poor of France. Libermann honored the people's decision. His sentiments must have reso-nated also with the goals of the American Declaration of Independence of 1776, "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." In a letter to a friend in 1848, he wrote that he welcomed the revolution, for the royalist govern-ment in his judgment was not genuinely concerned for "the happiness of the people." Ahead of his time in the political arena, he took pains to make clear that he saw the downfall of the old regimes as a sign of God's justice against the autocratic rulers that abused the rights of the common people. These sentiments prompted him to opine that someday the autocratic rulers of Russia would also fall. Even in the life of vowed religious com- Review for Religious munities, he expressed his inclination toward democratic values when he reminded his members that the congre-gation's highest authority rested in the consensus of its membership and not in the Rule or the superiors (letter to Father Gamon, 1848, cited in Koren, 1990, p. 18). In the arena of social and racial justice, Libermann also proved himself to be far ahead of his time. At least 125 years before the Catholic Church adopted its "pref-erential option - for the poor," ' Libermann had made this con-cern the keystone of his life and his work. When a Carthusian monk in France wrote to ask about the purpose of his new congrega-tion, Libermann replied that its general purpose was to preach the good news to the poor, in particular the poor blacks of the mis-sions (letter to Dom Salier, cited by Gilbert, p. 106). Koren points out certain sympathies between the doctrines of Karl Marx and Libermann. In their com-mon concern for the poor and oppressed of society, they in their own ways arrived, at the conviction that individ-ual acts of charity would never suffice to ameliorate the social conditions that spawned poverty and oppression. They both grasped the necessity for the structural and systemic change of social conditions. What was needed to reform society was not a handout but a hand-up. In Libermann's opinion it was not sufficient to teach the At least 125 years before the Catholic Church adopted its "preferential option for the poor," Libermann had made this concern the keystone of his life and his work. 347 69.4 2010 Smith ¯ The Spirituality of Francis Libermann 481 poor in Africa "how to operate things," but "how things operate" (1983, p.105). Marx equally promoted an inti-mate link between education and work. Koren tells us that he advocated an "early combination of progressive labor with education" as "one of the most potent means for the transformation of the existing society into the new society of universal brotherhood" (Selected Works, 2, 38, cited in Koren, 1990, p. 106). In some ways, Libermann's values so closely matched some of Marx's that today he might well be condemned as an enemy of capitalism, or besmirched with the tag of socialist, promoting class warfare¯ Koren tells us that Libermann experienced a profound gratitude over the downfall of the privileged classes of the rich, "that bourgeois aris-tocracy" which he calls "the legal establishment . . . which worships money and tramples on the interests of the poor . God has overthrown their idol" (cited in Koren, 1990, p. 107). Libermann is not speaking here in the voice of a political or economic reformer; he echoes the Hebrew prophets of old. "Hear this, you who tram-ple the needy to do away with the humble of the land. ¯ . The Lord has sworn by the pride of Jacob, indeed, I will never forget any of their deeds" .(Amos 8:4,6-7). In the realm of personal spiritual direction, Libermann's principles far transcended the common orientation of his contemporaries. As we shall soon see, his style of spiritual direction closely resembled in many ways the nondirective and client-centered approach of the 20th-century American psychotherapist Carl Rogers. But Libermann was not just a man ahead of his time. He was a man beyond his time: he had no desire to be first in anything, except for. love of God and service to others. He was beyond his time because his message and his approach rested solely upon the action of the Holy Review for Religious Spirit. He taught us to be like a feather in the wind or the sail of a ship responding to the breath of the Holy Spirit. It is in a pervasive docility to the Holy Spirit that we find the source of Libennann's flexibility and notable lack of rigidity in his spiritual doctrine. His natural dis-position to allow others to be themselves anticipated and prefigured Carl Rogers's client-centered counseling by at least a hundred years. A Hundred Years before Rogers For instance, empathy plays a central role in Rogerian psychotherapy. It also played a major role in Libermann's life and in his spiritual doctrine. Rogers tries to describe what occurs in the most satisfactory therapeutic relationships. He writes: "It is the counsel-or's function to assume, insofar as he is able, the internal frame of reference of the client, to perceive the world as the client sees it, to perceive the client himself as he is seen by himself" (1965, p. 29). The effective thera-pist must suspend all personal assumptions about the interior life of clients and refrain from imposing any external frame of reference upon them, while trying to convey to them an empathic understanding. It would appear that Libermann's personality was richly endowed with this gift of empathy. Boniface Hanley OFM indicated this special talent when he wrote that "Libermann was a negotiator par excellence. One of the things that contributed to his success in any transaction was his delicate courtesy" (p. 24). One of Libermann's closest collaborators, Father LeVavasseur, often remarked on his keen and delicate sensitivity toward others. He recalled his extraordinary ability in his dealings with others to imagine how he would feel if he were treated as he planned to treat them. 1349 69.4 2010 Smith ¯ The Spirituality of Francis Libermann It is amazing how this ability to mentally exchange places with other people reflects basic Rogerian princi-ples. For example, Rogers postulates that "every individ-ual exists in a continually changing world of experience of which he is the center" (1965, p. 483). This postulate closely mirrors the central role that "the concrete situ-ation of the individual" plays in Libermann's spiritual doctrine. A Rogerian corollary of the previous postu-late states, "The best vantage point for understanding behavior is from the internal frame of reference of the individual himself" (1965, p. 494). In his own life and teachings, Libermann fully embraced this axiom. This gift of empathy, Libermann's extraordinary capacity to understand the other person by entering the personally experienced world, is intimately linked with another concept of Rogerian psychotherapy, uncondi-tional positive regard. Rogers describes this condition of therapeutic change as follows: "When the therapist is experiencing a warm, positive, and acceptant attitude toward., the client, this facilitates change. It involves the therapist's genuine willingness for the client to be whatever feeling is going on in him at that moment" (1961, p. 62). Relating to the client within this attitude, the therapist allows the client to be. It is an attitude of total acceptance of the client's experiential world, with-out any condemnation of what the client may be expe-riencing. For Rogers this attitude means "an outgoing positive feeling without reservation, without evaluation" (1961, p. 62). Unconditional Positive Regard Keeping in mind this description of unconditional pos-itive regard, we canonly stand in awe before Libermann's spiritual genius when we read these words of his: Review for Religious The uncomfortable feeling we can have when we are with people who think and judge differently from ourselves, who despise us and have no time for us, can easily make us stiff and timid, with the result that we are gloomy, evasive, and awkward when we are with them. This can give a very bad impression and put people off our religion. We must love everybody, whatever they feel about us or our religion. (letter to LeBerre, 1847, cited in de Mare, p. 376) Libermann's attention to his "uncomfortable feelings" reminds us of Rogers's focus upon the essential impor-tance of accepting all our competing and conflicting feel-ings if we wish to attain to a wholesome state of bodily (organismic) congruence. Intimately bound to Roge~-s's therapeutic principle of unconditional regard for the client is his principle of acceptance. He defines acceptance as "a warm regard for him asa person of unconditional self-worth--of value no matter what his condition, his behavior, or his feel- ¯ ings. It means a respect and liking for him as a separate person, a willingness for him to possess his own feelings in his own way" (1961, p. 34). Libermann's writings abound in examples like this Rogerian attitude of acceptance. His close associates commented on feeling at home and at ease in his com-pany. Without doubt his generous capacity to accept oth-ers as they were, to let them be themselves, contributed greatly to the healing power of his spiritual direction. He encouraged self-acceptance and acceptance of oth-ers. He always advised individuals who were anguishing over their faults and imperfections in words like these: "Bear gently, patiently, and most peacefully--as best you can--your needs and your infidelities. Etch deeply in your heart that Jesus and Mary tolerate them with 69.4 2010 Smith ¯ The Spirituality of Francis Libermann sweetness and kindness, and that their love for you is always the same" (Libermann, pp. 5-6). He alwhys advised people who sought his advice to strive for tranquillity and serenity in their spiritual lives, and he recommended as a general rule that all harsh-ness and rigidity toward oneself should be rejected as a temptation. Some religious people have been suspicious of "self-acceptance," rejecting it as an invention of secu-lar humanistic psychology. Vitz, for example, parodies humanistic psychology and blames its "selfist" theories for the narcissism of our age. Unlike Rogers and Libermann, who believe in the essential goodness of human beings, Vitz stands more in the Calvinist tra-dition of gloom and doom, and does not so believe. It is obvious from Libermann's advice that self-acceptance is central to his doctrine of spirituality. Over and over he urges us and encourages us in the strongest terms to treat ourselves always in a calm, gentle, peaceful, and self-accepting fashion. His language is never hard, harsh, severe, judgmental, or condemnatory. All self-rejection or self-hatred is foreign to his spirit. Only in the heart that is at peace with itself can the Holy Spirit be free to do its work. The acceptance of others is a correlate of this self-acceptance. When the gentle angel of self-acceptance swoops down to slay the dragon of self-negation, it simultaneously opens its arms to embrace and affirm He always advised people who sought his a~vice to strive for tranquillity and serenity in their spiritual lives. Review for Religious others. Rogers stated that, close to an openness to our own inner and outer experience, there emerges an open-ness and acceptance of others. To make his point, he quotes from Maslow about self-actualizing individuals: "As the child looks upon the world with wide, uncriti-cal, and innocent eyes, simply noting and observing what is the case,., so does the self-actualizing person look upon human nature both in himself and in others" (cited in Rogers, 1961, p. 174). Gracious Acceptance of Others Expressions of this gracious acceptance of others, just as they are, abound in Libermann's spiritual writings. He vigorously insists: "Put down as a fundamental principle in the matters of direction: one must not constrain or cramp the one being directed. Refrain from prescribing too many rules" (pp. 13-14). In his spiritual direction he approached others with great flexibility and rejected all legalistic attitudes. He took great pains not to impose his own will or personal preferences upon others, but inclined rather to respect individual differences. We can say that Libermann's spiritual doctrine of unconditional acceptance spared him from all tenden-cies toward an idealized perfectionism. Once again, he was at least a hundred years ahead of his time. In the 1940s and 1950s, the renowned neo-Freudian Karen Horney developed the concept of the "idealized self." She describes this "idealized self" as "what we are in our irrational imaginations, or what we should be according to the dictates of neurotic pride" (p. 158). This idealized self is impossible of attainment, for it is based upon the illusion that a finite being can be perfectly complete. Libermann had anticipated this psychoanalytic insight in 1846 when he warned against "ideal perfection." For 69.4 2010 Smith ¯ The Spirituality of Francis Libermann the success of our endeavors, he urged that we learn to modify our views and to flow with the circumstances of the actual situation: otherwise we are always stumbling over obstacles and opposition (Libermann, pp. 51-52). A Man Beyond His Time The record indicates that Libermann was a man with a message ahead of his time. His vision did, indeed, transcend his own constricted time and place. While most of the Western world gloried in its own cultural imperialism, he wrote to his missionaries in Africa that they should "forget about Europe and its customs, its ways of thinking" (cited in de Mare, p. 351). He wanted his missionaries to identify with "the Blacks" and not form them in the European model. A good century before the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of the 1960s in the United States, Libermann expressed his conviction that black people are in every sense equal to the white and that they are equally children of God "with the same nobility of soul . In short, color does not in any way denote inferiority" (letter to M. Percin, 1845, cited in de Mare, p. 377). We may recall the words of a powerful curial cardinal at the time of Vatican Council II when the Declaration on Religious Liberty was being debated: "Error has no rights." With this bon mot, he hoped to squelch the church's belated recognition of religious liberty for all. In light of current church teaching, Libermann's posi-tion was certainly more prophetic than the cardinal's. In 1846 he wrote: "It is difficult to appreciate how impor-tant this tolerance is. There is no way in which people will always agree" (letter to Lossedat, 13 April, cited in de Mare, p. 367). Most striking are the words from one of Libermann's letters quoted earlier. In 1847, he wrote Review for Religious that people "must be given complete freedom to think and act as they want. No man on this earth is capable of forcing the will, the conscience, or the intellect of others (letter to LeBerre, 8 September 1847, cited in de Mare, p. 376). Libermann's vision embraced many of the values we hold close to our hearts today. He cherished and advocated for religious tolerance, racial justice, human dignity, liberty, and solidarity with all the poor and oppressed of the world. He could see far because of his total availability to the Holy Spirit. It may be a little hagiographical to say so, but he was not only ahead of his time, but a man with a message beyond time, His spiritual wisdom constantly reminds us that we never labor alone in some ideal situation in some perfect world. It is only under the brooding of the Holy Spirit that the groaning of creation is stilled and the wounded heart of the world healed. With Libermann we pray, "Come, Holy Spirit, and renew the face of the earth." References Bierman, J. (1988). Napoleon III and His Carnival Empire. New York: St. Martin's Press. De Mare, C. (ed.). (2002). Spiritan anniversary diary (1703-2003): An historical overview published by the Generalate of the Congregation of the Holy Spirit as part of the celebrations of the Spiritan year (February 2002-Pentecost 2003). Rome: Congregazione dello Spirito Santo. Donnelly, D, (2003). A Universal Call. [Review of the book Housing Heaven's Fire: The Challenge of Holiness]. America, 188 (7), 32-33. Gilbert, A. (1983). You have laid your hand on me: A message from Francis Libermann for our time (M.L. Fay, trans.). Rome: Spiritan Research and Animation Centre. Hanley, B. (n.d.). TO the ends of the earth: Francis Libermann. [Brochure reprinted from The Antonian]. Pittsburgh: Holy Ghost Fathers. Horney, K. (1950). Neurosis and Human Growth: The Struggle Toward Self-Realization. New York: bV.W. Norton. 69.4 2010 Smith ¯ The Spirituality of Frands Libermann Koren, H. (1958)¯ The Spiritans: A History of the Congregation of the Holy Ghost. Louvain: Editions E. Nauwelaerts. ¯ (1990). F~says on the Spiritan charisnt and on Spiritan history. Bethel Park, Pennsylvania: Spiriths Press. Libermann, F. (n.d). Simplified advice¯ (EX. Malinowski, trans. & ed.). (Available from the Holy Spirit Provincialate, 6230 Brush Run Rd., Bethel Park, Pennsylvania 15102). Unpublished booldet. Perls, E, R. Heffenline, & P. Goodman (1951). Gestalt Therapy: Excitement and Growth in the Human Personality. New York: Dell. Malinowski, F.X. (n.d.). The Holy Spirit in Francis Libermann. Unpublished manuscript. Robinson, J. (1952). The Body: A Study in Pauline Theology. Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Rogers, C. (1942). Counseling and Psychotherapy: Newer Concepts in Practice. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ¯ (1961). On Becoming a Person: A Therapist's View of Psychotherapy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ¯ (I 965). Client-Centered Therapy: Its Current Practice, hnplications, and Theory. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Vitz, P. (1977). P~ychology as Religion: The Cult of Self-Worship. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans. Volf, M., and M. Lee (2001). The spirit and the church. In B. Hinze & D.L. Dabney (eds.), Advents of the Spirit: An Introduction to the Current Study of Pneumatology. Milwaukee: Marquette University Press. Forerunner If even He Was made perfect By what He suffered, Why do we expect To be exempt? This is no easy path We have begun But, ah, the Trailblazer We have in Him. Teresa Burleson Review for Religious MARIAN MASKULAK The Love Mysticism of Bernard of Clairvaux and Julian of Norwich ~f~lian of Norwich (1342-c.1416) has been recognized r her Trinitarian and Christocentric mysticism as well as for her maternal imagery for God. While these placements are certainly accurate, I believe that more attention needs to be paid to the love mysticism in her spirituality. After all, Julian herself came to understand that love was precisely the meaning of her revelations,l As Joan Nuth writes, "If Julian's teaching can be summed up in one word, that word is love.''2 I find it instructive to examine how her treatment of love compares with that of someone who is considered a "classic guide" for love mysticism--Bernard of Clairvaux3 (1090-1153). Scholars of mysticism generally agree that Bernard stands out among Christian writers of his time as one who cul-tivated a spirituality of love and affective mysticism. Marian Maskulak CPS, assistant professor of Theology and Religious Studies, writes again from St. John's University; 8000 Utopia Parkway; Queens, New York 11439. 68.4 2009 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mysticism In fact, Louis Dupr~ credits Bernard with defining, in the West, contemplation as love.4 In their introduction to Julian's Showings, Edmund Colledge and James Walsh identify two connections between Julian and Bernard: understanding contempla-tion as "the working of mercy and grace, desire and fulfillment," and focusing on God's desire for human beings,s This article demonstrates that a number of other love-related themes in Julian's Sbo~vings can be linked with several of Bernard's writings, namely, On Loving God and selected sermons on the Song of Songs. Both authors speak with great abandon in describing God's first, gratuitous, and universal love, and both use strong imagery to portray the love and mutual desire between God and the human being. Both also charac-terize true love as including self-knowledge and absence of fear. I believe that the correlations are sufficient to rank Julian's love mysticism with Bernard's. This is not to say that the love spirituality they advocate is the same or that there is any simple corre-spondence to be found. Nor is their manner of expres-sion the same. While Bernard's thoughts are often clearly punctuated with scriptural verses or references, there are very few of these in Julian's Sbozvings. This lack seems attributable to Julian's time and place, for in 1409 the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, placed regulations on preaching and theological teaching, and forbade written copies of English translations of the Scriptures. Julian, however, does incorporate several scriptural themes, often by way of allusion, and refers to events like the annunciation and Jesus' passion and death. After examining both authors, I maintain that that the quality of Julian's love mysticism is no less than Bernard's. Review for Religious Brief Historical Context Bernard and Julian were two extremely diverse persons living in vastly different times. It will help to situate them historically. Well educated, Bernard lived as a Cistercian monk from the time he was twenty-one until his death at sixty-three. He advocated monastic reform, founded sixty-eight monasteries, was engaged in political, church, and theo-logical disputes, supported the Second Crusade, and left some 3,500 pages of let-ters, treatises, and sermons.6 Interestingly, the 12th century witnessed a proliferation of literature dealing with love, not only in the secular West, but also in the world's religions.7 Two centuries later, Europe was smitten with the Black Plague, the Hundred Years' War, and numer-ous other state and ecclesiastical conflicts. From this very different sociohistorical world comes the voice of Julian, about whom there is very little biographical information. At the age of thirty she had sixteen rev-elations, which included bodily visions of the crucified Lord, words formed in her understanding, and spiri-tual visions (ST 7, LT 9). As an anchoress, she spent the next twenty years reflecting on these revelations, which she recorded in a short and long text of her single work, Showings (LT 51). Although she refers to herself as "a woman, ignorant, weak, and frail" (ST 6), Julian demonstrates knowledge of the Latin Vulgate and the classical spiritual writings. It is not known where she received her education or where she had access to such Bernard and Julian were two extremely diverse persons living in Vastly different times. 69.4 2010 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mysticism 601 writings, but the possibilities are not lacking. There was an Augustinian friary on the same street as her anchor-hold adjoining the Church of St. Julian. Norwich also had a Dominican, a Franciscan, and a Carmelite friary as well as a Benedictine cathedral priory.8 A Cistercian abbey, Sibton, about thirty-seven miles outside the city, was within the diocese of Norwich and held estates in about ten parishes in Norwich. The Experience of God Although their mystical experiences of God greatly differ, the first correlation between these two authors is precisely the importance of experience for both of them. Although Bernard engages in some speculative thought, Jean Leclercq points out that "for Bernard, everything begins and ends with experience and, in between, experience is the object of reflection.''9 From a specifically mystical perspective, Grace Jantzen also notes the importance of experience for Bernard. She writes that "the mystical is no longer confined to the meaning of Scripture. nor to an intellectual progress, but is extended to experience . We have in Bernard a clear recognition of the mystical as experiential: it is a shift in meaning whose resonances are with us still.''~° Julian also engages in speculative thought, but all her reflection is on the experience of God's sixteen rev-elations to her. She repeatedly notes that this was what she saw or heard, or this was what was shown to her or what came to her understanding. A look at the mystical experience of each shows that, ironically, the well-known, charismatic, highly active, prolific Cistercian writer expe-rienced God's presence almost imperceptibly, while the fairly obscure English woman experienced God's presence quite dramatically. Both, however, were convinced of Review for Religious having experienced the divine presence. Moreover, rather than placing emphasis on themselves, both Bernard and Julian focus on the God of their experience. In one of his sermons, Bernard describes his mys-tical experience as follows: "I tell you that the Word has come even to me. and that he has come more than once. Yet, however often he has come, I have never been aware of the moment of his coming. I have known he was there; I have remembered his presence after-ward; sometimes I had an inkling that he was coming. But I never felt it, nor his leaving me.''1~ Bernard has no explanation as to the how of the Word's coming or going, but knows that, when present, the Word stirs his sleeping soul and moves, soothes, and pierces his heart. The warmth of Bernard's heart indicated the Word's presence, and as proof of the Word's power he states that his faults were purged and he experienced the good-ness of God's mercy. These affects became dim and cold when the Word left him, and Bernard describes his soul as being sorrowful until his heart would warm again, signaling the Word's presence. In the Word's absence, Bernard longed for his return.~2 While secondary mystical phenomena such as visions seem to be absent in Bernard's experience, their startling prevalence characterizes Julian's. Julian herself remarks on the lifelike vividness of her visions, especially those of the crucified Christ (LT 12, 16, 17). Although she never received any more visions after the sixteen revela-tions (certainly, these would last anyone for a lifetime!), Julian gives proof of having at least one more experi-ence of a spiritual understanding given to her some fif-teen years later while pondering the Lord's meaning in the revelations. She was told, "Know it well, love was his, meaning. Who reveals it to you? Love. What did t361 69.4 2010 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mysticism he reveal to you? Love. Why does he reveal it to you? For love" (LT 86). In the years that followed her revela-tions, Julian most likely felt God's presence or absence much the same as other Christians. In fact, God's felt presence or absence was the subject of her seventh revelation, where in quick, repeated succession Julian alternately experienced the comfort of God's presence followed by the heaviness of God's absence. In this way God taught her that it is God who keeps one whether in sorrow or joy (LT 15). As noted above, Bernard also recognizes the distinction between feeling God's pres-ence and absence, but provides no rationale as to why this happens. He comments, however, that one cannot attribute the desire to seek God to God's absence since God is always present.13 God as the Source of Loving God Despite the contrasts in their mystical experience, both Bernard and Julian recognize that God desires to be loved by human beings. Echoing 1 John 4:10, Bernard succinctly states that God is the cause of loving God, and ought to be loved beyond measure.~4 Bernard supports this position by distinguishing between four degrees of human love. The first degree entails loving oneself for one's own sake, or what Bernard calls bodily love. Bodily love can be extended to love of neighbor in the community. When people learn that God is the author of their existence, they start to seek God's help out of need and thus begin to love God, marking the second degree of love. As they approach God repeatedly out of need, God's self is gradually revealed through their prayer, reflection, reading, and obedience. In this familiarity, they begin to experience God's sweetness and pass to the third degree, Review for Religious loving God for God's sake. In addition they freely love their neighbor as belonging to God. Bernard believes that the fourth degree of love, marked by loving one-self for God's sake and willing only what God wills, is very rare on earth. He writes, "To lose your-self as though you did not exist and to have no sense of yourself, to be emptied out of yourself and almost annihilated, belongs to heavenly not to human love.''~5 ' Should people be admitted to such a union with God, they are soon called back by the distractions and cares of life, and by love for their neighbor. To love in the manner of the fourth degree is to become like God. Bernard uses beautiful imagery to describe how human love that is free of self-will "dissolves" and is poured into God's will. His analogies include a drop of water in wine which seems to disappear while taking on the wine's flavor and color, a red-hot iron that cannot be distin-guished from the fire, and air suffused with sunlight so that it seems to be light itself. In all three analogies, the substance itself seems to disappear, yet it remains in another form. Bernard submits that something similar takes place in the human being in becoming more like God. Although martyrs partly received this grace, as seen by their being unmoved in their great love of God in the midst of bodily torment, he believes that this kind of love is only possible in a spiritual and immortal body, subject to the spirit in all things. It cannot be obtained by human effort, but is in God's power to give as God pleases.~6 As for the greatness of God's love, Bernard Both Bernard and Julian recognize that God desires to be loved by human beings. 363 69.4 2010 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mysticism affirms that even those who are weighed down in sin can turn back to God, not just in the hope of mercy, but with the aspiration to be the Word's bride,my Although Julian is fond of "numbering" some of her insights in list style, she does not do so with love. Rather, she repeatedly emphasizes that God greatly loves even when humans sin (LT 40, 61, 82), and that God desires human love. The extent of God's love is perhaps best portrayed when she states that, if Jesus could suffer more, he would do so--because of his great love. From this perspective, Julian concludes that there is nothing that God would not do for humans out of love (LT 22, 24). Also, God holds the same love for the least soul to be saved as for the soul of Christ (LT 54). As with Bernard, she recognizes that God is the cause of loving God. She speaks of this in terms of God being the ground or foundation of human seeking of God (LT 41; 86). Julian delineates three longings in God: God longs to teach people to know and love God, longs for their personal presence, and longs to fill them with bliss (LT 75, 31). God rejoices in human beings and desires that human beings also take joy in God (LT 11, 30, 36). While Bernard asserts that it is easier to love in return when one knows that one is loved,ms Julian stresses that knowing how greatly the Trinity rejoices in human beings will cause them to likewise rejoice in God (LT 68). 364 Human Desire Not only do Bernard and Julian discuss God's desire for human love, but both take into consideration the role of human desire. Bernard writes that the greatest good is that of seeking God, and that "God is sought not on foot but by desire." 19 Furthermore, finding what one desires R~view for Religious only enhances desire. He illustrates this by noting how desire continually prompts people to seek material things and positions that are finer, higher, or better. Rather than enjoying what they have, they anxiously want something more or else fear losing what they already have. This is a never ending process since no discuss God's desire for material posses-sions ever fully sat-isfy them. Bernard states that, after attaining every-thing attainable and still finding themselves dissatisfied, people who desire the greatest good would ultimately seek what they still lack, God. He realizes, however, that, because of the shortness of life, temptations, and insufficient strength, this sce-nario is impossible. For this reason he wishes that people would be satisfied with reaching their desires in thought alone rather than in actual experience, for the mind is quicker than the senses. In this way they would learn more quickly that God causes human desire and God alone satisfies that desire.2° But this desire will be fulfilled only when they attain their glorious body in heaven. Here it is helpful to note that Bernard delineates three phases for the body. The earthly body helps the soul to love God, the dead body brings peace, and the glorious body brings completeness. Bernard views the body as a good companion to the good spirit and main-tains that the soul would not want to be perfected with-out the body that has served it well. Those who have Not only do Bernard and Julian human love, but both take into consideration the role of human desire. 69.4 2010 Maskulak * The Love Mysticism 366 assumed their glorious bodies burn fiercely with love for God for God's sake alone. Nothing holds them back. These are forever intoxicated with love, immortal life, and the torrent of God's delight "in the most passionate and most chaste embrace of Bridegroom and Bride.''21 Using the language of Augustine, Julian states that the soul will find rest only in God (LT 5, 26, 68). Along with Bernard, she counsels that created things are too small to satisfy people's desire, and that everything that falls short of God will never satisfy human beings. She agrees that God is the source and fulfillment of desire, for God reveals to her: "I am he who makes you to love; I am he who makes you to long; I am he, the endless fulfilling of all true desires" (LT 59, 36, 41). Julian adds that, in itself, seeking God also pleases God and is as good as beholding God, if this is God's will (LT 10). Exemplifying Bernard's statement that finding what one desires does not end but only increases desire, Julian admits that she saw God and yet sought God; that she had God, and yet still wanted God. From her own expe-rience she recounts that the more the soul sees of God, the more it desires God (LT 10). Julian believes that this desire will be fulfilled in heaven, and like Bernard she uses strong imagery to describe this culmination of desire. At that time we will know ourselves clearly and wholly possess God, and "endlessly hidden in God, truly seeing and wholly feeling, and hearing him spiritually and delec-tably smelling him and sweetly tasting him., we shall see God face to face, familiarly and wholly" (LT 43). Universality of God's Love and Self-Knowledge Both writers indicate, to an extent, God's universal love. In his treatise On Loving God, Bernard extends his discussion of love to include unbelievers who are able Review for Religious to witness God's generous love in such gifts as food, sun, and air as well as in the gifts of human dignity, knowledge, and virtue, all of which work together to confess God's glory. For Bernard it is inconceivable that unbelievers should not recognize that all the above-mentioned gifts come from God. Indeed, he asserts that it is inexcusable for unbelievers not to love God with all their heart, mind, and strength, which for Bernard means loving God with all one is, knows, and does. It is inexcusable because unbelievers know themselves, and such knowledge results in their recognition that they owe God everything, including their own dignity, knowledge, and virtue. This, in turn, leads them to con-cliade that God is the author of everything.22 This seems a rather strong assertion in today's world, where atheism abounds, but Bernard was most likely thinking of Jews, Muslims, and pagans, all of whom accepted belief in God or gods. Bernard extends his understanding of the universality of God's love to all creation when he states that love is the eternal law that creates and governs the universe.23 In her writing, Julian stresses that the revelations were given to her in order to make the comfort of God's love known to all. At times she uses phrases such as "fel-low Christians," "all mankind which will be saved," or "all mankind" for whom Jesus was sent, or "all the souls which will be saved in heaven" (LT 8, 40, 51, 53). Yet at other times she clearly says that God desires to draw home by love all humankind in general, and that God's merciful comfort is plentiful enough for all (LT 75, 79). Like Bernard, Julian points out the goodness of all creation, which God made out of love (LT 5, 11, 57). Both authors also speak of self-knowledge. For Bernard, self-knowledge is clearly people's first step '367 69.4 2010 Maskulak * The Love Mysticism towards recognizing their own dignity, and their sin-fulness as well: it makes humility and conversion possi-ble. 24 Julian directly relates knowing oneself to knowing God. In fact, because the soul is so deeply grounded in God, she believes that people come to know God before knowing their own soul. Yet they must also desire to know their own soul and to seek it where it is, that is, in God. Whether they are seeking to know God or themselves, the Holy Spirit leads them to know both God and their own soul in one (LT 56). 368 Creation and Re-Creation Another strong correlation between both writers is their emphasis on the immensity of God's love for human beings, shown not only in their creation but also in their re-creation through Jesus' self-giving on the cross. Bernard asks how, in one's smallness, one can love God who loves so generously. No one can really perceive iust how .much God deserves to be loved, and people owe their whole self in return for their creation. And Bernard holds they were not only "made" in cre-ation, but also "remade" through redemption. They owe their whole selves twice over. As already noted, Bernard counsels loving God without measure, but recognizes that even this is God's gift and persons can love God only according to their capacity. To love God more requires God's help.25 Julian also stresses that human beings were first made in the likeness of the Trinity and then remade through Jesus' passion and death (LT 10). Emphasizing that God has loved humankind from eternity, Julian elaborates on the mutual love and indwelling of God in the soul and the soul in God (LT 53). The soul is so united to the Creator that' there can be nothing between the soul Review for Religious and God. The soul is kept whole in the endless love of God, who loves even the least soul as much as the soul of Christ. In his translation of Sbozvings, John Skinner highlights the unity between the soul and the Creator by speaking of it as being "oned with the Maker.''26 In this mutual indwelling, Julian sees no difference between God and human substance (that is, that which is of God). She distinguishes between substance and sensuality (that which relates to being human), noting that human sub-stance is in God and God is in human sensuality (LT 53, 54). It seems that Sbo~vings presents a more holistic approach to the human person than Bernard's writings, or, as Grace Jantzen states, Julian integrates the body into her spirituality.27 She views the soul as "a created trinity," united to the Creator, and known and loved from eternity. In this unity, both body and soul help each other until the person reaches full stature (LT 55). Intimate Love This notion of union or "oneing" between the soul and its Creator leads to a consideration of the imagery which these writers use regarding the love .relationship between God and the individual. Bernard uses the erotic language of the bride and bridegroom found in the Song of Songs. His sermons on this book are replete with images of human love and intimacy. Insisting that God loves for no other purpose than to be loved, he states that the bridegroom is love and asks for love, and only in love can created persons respond to their Creator. All is given when one loves with all one's heart. With overtones of Julian's description of the soul united to the Creator, Bernard writes that such love "is nothing other than holy and chaste love, love sweet and tender, love as tranquil as it is true, mutual, close, deep love, 69.4 2010 Maskulak * The Love Mysticism 3701 which is not in one flesh, but which joins two in one spirit, making two no longer two but one.''28 Julian never explicitly refers to the Song of Songs, but she does use language that evokes the love and intimacy found in that text. For example, she point-edly states that God rejoices to be Father, Mother, and Spouse of the soul, which is God's beloved wife. "And in the joining and the union he is our very true spouse and we his beloved wife and his fair maiden., for he says: I love you and you love me, and our love will never divide in two" (LT 58). She also refers to God as the lover who desires that persons see themselves bound to God in love as though all that God has accomplished was done for themselves alone. Julian concludes that, when everyone looks at God as their lover, a strong bond of unity is created among people (LT 65). Other words that might indicate the influence of the Song of Songs are Julian's statement that God is pleased when a soul approaches "naked, openly, and familiarly" (LT 5). It can be noted that Bernard also counsels approaching God confidently, as a friend,29 but Julian emphasizes God's courtesy and familiarity rather than that of the human being (ST 16, 24; LT 5, 7, 40, 48, 52, 53, 58, 61, 73, 77). An echo of the poetic descriptions in the Song of Songs may be detected also in Julian's statement "Glad and merry and sweet is the blessed and lovely demeanor of our Lord towards our souls, for he saw us always liv-ing in love-longing, and he wants our souls to be gladly disposed towards him, to repay him his reward" (LT 71). Like Bernard, Julian uses the metaphor of embrace, but she does so with reference to clothing, describing Jesus as wrapping himself about human beings and never leaving them (LT 5). Review for Religious Maternal Imagery Far more than spousal imagery, Julian uses the image of a loving, caring, compassionate, and nurtur-ing mother to depict God's love. She frequently applies the image of motherhood to Jesus as one who loves his children, bears them to endless life, feeds them with himself, leads them into his breast through his wounded side, watches over them, and washes and heals them with his blood (LT 58, 59, 60, 61). Without giving any indication of purposely doing so, Julian provides us with an excellent example of how language about God is analogical. While she notes a number of similarities between Jesus and human mothers, she clearly identifies how Jesus as mother goes beyond the ordinary human conceptions of motherhood. For Julian, the word mother can be applied truly only to Jesus (LT 60). Even if she is not trying to provide a lesson on analogical language about God, perhaps she is indeed making her case for using maternal imagery for God by showing how it exceeds human categories. It is known that maternal imagery to describe God and Christ was popular among 12th-century Cistercian monks. In his Sermon 9 on the Song of Songs, Bernard quotes its first verse as saying "your breasts are bet-ter than wine." Noting that the speaker is not iden-tified, ¯ Bernard consecutively attributes these words to the bridegroom, the bride, and the groom's compan-ions. Associating the bridegroom with Jesus, Bernard speaks of the grace, joy, sweetness, and milk of conso-lation that flow from the bridegroom's breasts.3° In a letter Bernard writes: "Do not let the roughness of our life frighten your tender years. If you feel the stings of temptation., suck not so much the wounds as the breasts of the Crucified. He will be your mother, and 371 69.4 2010 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mysticism you will be his son." Interestingly, Bernard also applies the image of mother to "Moses, Peter, Paul, prelates in general, abbots in general, and more frequently himself as abbot,''3~ but he does not develop the mother image for Jesus as fully as Julian does. Perhaps it is because, in this analogy for love, his focus is on the child more than on the mother. He writes that, although children ought to love their parents, they are more inclined to honor them; in fact, some only love their parents out of concern for their inheritance. Unquestionably, Bernard sees the bond of bride and bridegroom as the epitome of love, stronger than the bond between parents and children.32 No Place for Fear Attesting to the greatness of God's love, Bernard asserts that one who loves God has nothing to fear, even if one has been an unfaithful lover. Every soul, no mat-ter what its condition, whether filled with anxieties or trapped in sin and error, can turn back to God to find not only mercy and forgiveness, but even hope to be the bride of the Word. The fact that one is created in God's image should allay any fear. Confidence and freedom accompany a love which, in the words of 1 John 4:18, casts out fear.33 Although Julian does not speak directly about the sense of freedom enjoyed by those who love without fear, she often implies it. She writes of God's pleasure when a person approaches unafraid, in simplicity and trust. Sinners need not fear, for much to her amaze-ment Julian discovers that in God there is neither anger nor blame (LT 13, 45, 46, 49, 50). Except for "reverent fear," which causes us to flee from harm and to seek God, Julian asserts that fears are not from God and R~view for Religious should be avoided. Her overriding message is that God is so good, merciful, and compassionate that, like a child confidently running to its mother's arms, one need not have any fear in approaching God (LT 48, 61, 74). Reward The notion of reward as related to love is also found in each author's writings. Bernard states that God ought to be loved without seeking reward, for true love finds reward in what it loves. Therefore, one who asks for any reward other than God does not love God. God's love rewards human love, and God is our eternal reward.34 Agreeing that God is our eternal reward (ST 16, 20; LT 41, 81, 82), Julian elaborates on the concept of reward. In an unexpected twist, she asserts that human beings are Jesus' reward for his acts of salvation (ST 12, LT 22, 31). In an even bolder declaration, she maintains that human beings will be rewarded for the pain they suffered from sin. When speaking of - those who are sorry for their sins, confess them, and perform the required penance, she writes, "And as sin is punished here with sorrow and penance, in contrary fashion it will be rewarded in heaven by the courteous love of our Lord God almighty, who does not wish any-one who comes there to lose his labors" (ST 17, LT 38, 39). God also rewards human beings for their patient waiting until they are able to leave behind the pains and woes of this life (LT 64). God's love rewards human love, and God is ,our eternal reward. 373 69.4 2010 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mystidsm Summary Comparisons While classifying mystics might hold some advan-tages, it also has the drawback of focusing attention in certain directions. Julian of Norwich, known for her Trinitarian and Christocentric mysticism, as well as her referring to God as mother, provides a case in point. Since Bernard of Clairvaux is known for the pri-macy of love in his mysticism, I have used several of his writings as a standard, so to speak, against which to measure Julian's love-texts and show how central love is in Julian's mysticism. While Julian and Bernard both present their own experiences and perceptions, their treatments of the love of God also display much in common. Despite diverse styles, they both speak of this love with great abandon. In strong and compelling language, both describe God's immense love as given first, and gratuitously, to all. They give firm assurance that God loves human beings and seeks their love. They portray the love between God and the human being in strong and beautiful imagery, pointing out the mutuality of desire that this involves. Both Bernard and Julian show that people's self-knowledge is important for their knowledge of God, and that absence of fear characterizes true love. Bernard certainly deserves his position of prominence in the church and his title of "doctor mellifluus" for his achievements in expressing a mysticism of love, but Julian, too, displays an expe-rienced teacher's mastery of love mysticism. From the depths of their own experience, prayer, and reflection, these spiritual writers offer much to those who wish a better understanding of the love relationship between God and human beings. Review for Religio~s Notes l Julian of Norwich, Showings, trans. Edmund Colledge and James Walsh (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), Long Text 86. Hereafter, in parent.heses, Long Text will be designated as LT, and Short Text as ST. 2 Joan M. Nuth, Wisdom's Daughter: The Theology of Julian of Norwich (New York: Crossroad, 1991), p. 169. 3 Bernard of Clairvaux: Selected Works, trans. G.R. Evans (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), Preface by Ewert Cousins, p. 5. 4 Light from Light: An Anthology of Christian Mysticism, 2nd ed., ed. Louis Duprfi and James Wiseman (New York: Paulist Press, 2001), General Introduction, pp. 7, 10. s Colledge and Walsh, Showings, Introduction, pp. 26, 107. They also find her dependent on Bernard's fellow Cistercian William of St. Thierry, in her discussion of the godly will and God as mother. 6 Evans, Bernard, Introduction by Jean Leclercq, pp. 16-17, 30. Y Evans, Bernard, Preface by Cousins, in pp. 5-7. 8 Norman P. Tanner, The Church in Late Medieval Norwich, 1370- IY32 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1984), p. 19. 9 Evans, Bernard, Introduction by Leclercq, p. 31. 10 Grace Jantzen, Power, Gender, and Christian Mysticism (United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 126. n Evans, Bernard, "Sermons [on the Song of Songs]," Sermon 74, pp. 254-255. 12 Evans, Bernard, Sermon 74, pp. 255-256. is Evans, Bernard, Sermon 84, pp. 274-275. 14 Evans, Bernard, "On Loving God," 1.1, 6.16, 6.22; "Sermons," Sermon 83, p. 274; Sermon 84, 275-276. is Bernard, "On Loving God," 8.23-10.27, 14.38, 15.39. 16 Bernard, "On Loving God," 10.27-11.30. i~ Bernard, Sermon 83, pp. 270-271. 18 Bernard, "On Loving God," 3.7. 19 Bernard, Sermon 84, p. 274. 20 Bernard, "On Loving God," 6.18-6.21. 21 Bernard, "On Loving God," 11.30-11.33; see also Bernard, Sermon 83, p. 271. 22 Bernard, "On Loving God," 2.6, 5.14. 23 Bernard, "On Loving God," 12.35. 69.4 2010 Maskulak ¯ The Love Mystidsm 24 Bernard McGinn, "The Human Person as Image of God: II. Western Christianity," in Christian Spirituality: Origins to the Twelfth Century, ed. Bernard McGinn and John Meyendorff (New York: Crossroad, 1985), p. 324; Bernard, "On Loving God," 2.3-2.4. z~ Bernard, "On Loving God," 4.5-6.16. 26 Julian of Norwich, Revelation of Love, trans. John Skinner (New York: Doubleday Image Books, 1996), p. 55. 27Jantzen, Power, p. 156. 2s Bernard, Sermon 83, p. 274. 29 Bernard, Sermon 83, p. 271. 3o Bernard of Clairvaux: On the Song of Songs, vol. 1, trans. Kilian Walsh, The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux (Spencer: Cistercian Publications, 1971), pp. 55-58. 3~ Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), pp. 117, 115. 32 Bernard, Sermon 83, p. 273. 33 Bernard, Sermon 83, pp. 270-271; Sermon 84, pp. 276-278; Bernard, "On Loving God," 14.38; Sermon 7, p. 232. 34 Bernard, "On Loving God," 6.17, 6.22, 11.33; Bernard, Sermon 83, p. 272. Personal Reflection [ Group Discussion 1. What is your favorite image to describe your own love-relationship with God? 2. Both Bernard and Julian use a number of love images for God and our human relationship. What images have I found most helpful? Review for Religious CHINYEAKAC. EZEANI Cultivating Mature Relationships in Religious Formation It is rightly said that "no one is an island." Human beings like to live in relationships. Social psychologists have noted that people usually prefer living with others, in families and communal groups, to living alone.~ Even amid relationships, however, there is yet in the human heart a certain hesitancy and fear at the possibility of losing oneself in others. Hence, naturally, diverse factors have significant influ-ence in interpersonal relations. Difficulties and conflicts can spring up while a person tries to relate with others in an authentic way. This helps us understand why formators struggle in their day-to-day relations with one another and with those in formation. Individuals in for-marion experience similar struggles as they try to relate not just with their formators but also Chinyeaka C. Ezeani MSHR served as a formator in Nigeria and is now a member of her congregation's leadership in Dublin: 23 Cross Avenue; Blackrock, Co. Dublin; Ireland. r lioious 68.4 2009 Ezeani ¯ Cultivating Mature Relationships with their peers coming from different backgrounds. In this article, we will examine some of the chal-lenges to good communication and relationships in for-marion. People cannot claim to love God, whom they cannot see, while they have no love for their neighbor. And so we will explore some skills that can facilitate mature human relations in the formation ministry. We will make some suggestions on how to offer helpful feed-back to persons in formation in ways that respect their integrity and enhance their personal growth. Learning this will no doubt flow into one's relationship with the Creator and make it flourish. Obstacles to Mature Relationship in Formation Intimacy versus isolation. As indicated above, human beings have a basic need for intimacy with other human beings, and consequently they desire to be close to oth-ers. There is a corresponding need for isolation, a need to be alone. Erik Erikson,2 in his analysis of psychosocial development, identified the polarities of desire for union with or closeness to another (intimacy) and desire for aloneness (isolation). We experience a tension between wanting to be close to another and a fear of being too close. When you come closer to another person, or when you allow another to come close to you, sooner or later that closeness begins to make demands on you, on your time, your personal space, your freedom. This provokes a dilemma: Should I keep this person at arm's length, or should I create some space for him or her in my life? Usually, interpersonal relational ambivalence emerges because of the primary "striving for related-ness to other human beings" and the simultaneous striv-ing for "a sense of personal identity.''3 Because of these seemingly contradictory longings, persons who enter Review for Religiotts a community or group go through different stages as they get integrated into it.4 The first stage is inclusion, in which individuals' primary preoccupation is whether they are loved and accepted. The next stage is power, in which people wonder about their autonomy and their capacity to challenge, in this case, both the formator and their peers. The third and final stage is intimacy or affection, in which the primary concern is equality with others, the readiness of all to give rather than to receive. These stages involve confusion and uncertainty regarding one's status and position in a group. Hence, before one can get fully involved in the give-and-take of interpersonal relations and communal life, one goes through these stages. And, naturally, these stages can involve personal difficulties. Communication deficiency. When it comes to mature interpersonal relations, communication is vital. To be helpful, however, communication must be healthy and mature; if not, any authentic relating with the other at any level will be almost impossible. Can you imagine a religious formation community where people com-municate only by slipping little pieces of paper under one another's door? "Unhealthy communication can be a block to healthy intimacy and affective maturity. Communication helps foster greater connection, and communication is fundamentally a learned set of skills and behaviors.''5 Arrogance and a superior attitude. Whenever some-one approaches another with an attitude of arrogance When it comes to mature interpersonal relations, communication is vital. 69.4 2010 Ezeani ¯ Cultivating Mature Relationships and superiority, the other may respond with either anger, self-defense, or resistance. Alternatively, the per-son could cower in fear, feeling like a "lesser being." When this happens, for example, between a formator and someone in formation, the formative environment becomes tense, and the one in formation may try to cope by external conforming. As a result, there could be apparent peace and tranquillity in the formation house, because such persons would seem to have no difficulty with answering "Yes, Brother," "Yes, Sister," or "Yes, Father." In the long term, however, the result may be groups of young priests and religious who bully others because that was what was modeled for them in their own formation. Aggression. The environments in which we are raised usually have an influence on us. In some cultures, shout-ing at one another seems to be an acceptable way of relating. Such scenes abound even in public places such as post offices, government offices, and marketplaces. To sell wares in the market or to get passengers into public buses, people have been conditioned to shout in order to draw attention. It appears to have become normal to shout to get some attention or make a point subjectively considered to be important. A sister once confessed that, when she was a postulant, whenever the directress gave her feedback gently without shouting, she did not take it seriously. She thought the matter was not serious because she had been socialized to believe that, if an issue was serious enough, the directress would have shouted at her to indicate the seriousness of the matter. Aggression usually attracts aggression. Suppose someone approaches you to express his or her disap-proval or ill feeling over how you handled an issue. What can happen if the person begins to speak to Review for Religious you with strong and accusing words? You are likely to respond or react in the same way or with self-defense. The meaningful dialogue that could have taken place is thus aborted. Low self-esteem and negative self-image. Just like an attitude of superiority towards others, low self-esteem is a great enemy of mature human relations. If people have a good sense of self, they are better disposed to relate with other adults as equals. Where this does not hap-pen, an individual either too easily defers to others even in matters that need assertiveness, or reacts aggressively in subtle passive ways instead of clear self-expression. Low self-esteem also leads to feelings of envy, which can constitute a real obstacle to genuine caring regard and goodwill towards other people. Prejudice, misinterpreting deeds and intentions. Prejudice is a negative prejudgment of individuals or a whole group. It can lead one to irrational and hostile behavior towards them. When people's way of seeing things is prejudiced or biased, they view other people and their intentions in a distorted way, and can hardly avoid relating to them distortedly. The flow of commu-nication becomes blocked. A similar dynamic is opera-tive in tribalism, ethnocentrism, and other forms of discrimination. One perceives others in a negative way and treats ,them in like manner. Unrealistic expectations. The well-known Indian Jesuit spiritual writer Anthony de Mello6 maintained that to be truly happy in life you should "have no expectation of anyone." This might sound weird or exaggerated. Some might be wondering, "How can I live without having expectations of people with whom I live?" I have come to value De Mello's advice. A great source of difficulty in interpersonal relationships is that we tend to have too '381 69.4 2010 Ezeani ¯ Cultivating Mature Relationships Formators are challenged to take on the responsibility of dealing with their own issues first. high and often unrealistic expectations of other people. While it is good to have ideals and norms of expected behavior, our attitude towards persons in this regard is equally important. The Scriptures remind those who are strong to bear with the failings of the weak (Rm 15:1). But the question arises "Which of us is really strong?" Although we need to carry out our ministry diligently, the manner in which we do it is vital. It is better to be effective forma- . tors than just "efficient machines" that end up producing battered individuals for the Lord's vineyards. We shall come back to this point below, where we look at how to give feedback in a helpful way. Some psychological baggage. Each of us is a "strug-gling human being." Sometimes we struggle with unre-solved personality issues from our childhood and our families of origin. Some battle with a self-centeredness that unmindfully uses others for self-gratification, some have addictive behaviors, and some have difficulty feel-ing empathy for others. Others tend toward anxiety, harbor resentment of authority, or have deep-seated anger. Some have deficient social skills or problematic psychosexual issues. These difficulties can and do inter-fere in interpersonal relationships to various degrees. Formators are challenged to take on the responsibility of dealing with their own issues first. This will facilitate their relationship patterns in ministry so that they can functon more effectively and lovingly. Review for Religious Skills for Mature Relationships in Formation Growth in interpersonal relationships tends to point to maturity. It is equally a good indicator of openness to a good relationship with God. For instance, no one can say he or she loves God if the person detests fellow human beings. The following are some of the skills required for such mature human relations in formation: A prayerful and reflective way of life. "An unexamined life is not worth living," as Socrates said. It goes without saying that a reflective and discerning lifestyle is neces-saW for healthy living and good human relationships. People then are able to respond to others and to various situations instead of reacting to them. Self-awareness and acceptance. There is also the important value of self-awareness in interpersonal rela-tionships. Appropriate self-awareness helps much in cultivating good communication and relational skills. When people are more self-aware, the greater inner freedom they have to respond positively and maturely to people in various situations. Misunderstandings that often occur during conflicts can be more maturely dealt with. Recognizing and admitting their own motivations and personal struggles facilitates good relationships with others. It is not enough for formators to be commit-ted to the faith and to Christian discipleship and ready to give both spiritual and human assistance to others. They must also have begun vigorously their own jour-ney of self-understanding. They must be dealing with the major issues in their own life. Self-care. A healthy and integrated formation environ-ment is possible only with formators who are committed to fostering cordial relationships between themselves and those in their care. To be effective in their ministry, formators must also be taking care of their own physi- 69.4 2010 Ezeani * Cultivating Mature Relationships Mature interpersonal relations do require a degree of "dying toself.," 384 cal and spiritual needs. Such self-care should include days off for rest and reflection, along with friendship and companionship with others not under their care. "Many religious and clergy have discovered the hard way through burnout and various overdependencies that not attending to self-cai'e can have disastrous con-sequences.'' 7 From time to time, formators need some form of supervision and spiritual direction. Interaction with other formators can help them sustain the capac-ity to relate, with compassion and genuine interest, to those who are in formation. Trust and ability to be and work together. Interpersonal relations, whatever the context, always pose challenges. The work of formation includes training for trust and effective interpersonal communication. No matter the amount of expertise brought into the formation program, if we do not have social skills and the disposition to col-laborate with others, our efforts might bear very little fruit. Good relationships are not just about "assembling" and "being together." That is too simplis-tic. A .good "team" spirit and mutual respect are what is really needed. Mature people can safely count on each other in appropriate interdependence. They can dis-agree or differ in certain issues in a nonaggressive way, without undermining their respect for one another. Self-discipline. The .religious and priestly vocations are based on self-transcendence as the path to real self-fulfillment. Although, before Vatican II, forget.ring self Review for Religious to the point of near self-effacement was advocated, the pendulum swinging in the opposite direction can have an equally negative impact. Mature interpersonal rela-tions do require a degree of "dying to self." A measure of self-renunciation and discipline for the common good is important. Nonviolent communication. Good communication skills are indispensable in the work of accompanying others in their religious lives. This accompaniment consists in more than verbal teaching of values. To be effective, teaching is to be done by example. In teaching people to be respectful of others, teachers must model respect for others in their very manner of communica-tion. In his book Non-violent Communication, Marshall B. Rosenberg8 offers some tips on how to deal with others in harmonious, nonviolent, and nonthreatening ways. He does this under several headings. 1) What we are seeing/observing: First we need to be aware of what we are seeing or observing in another and to communicate that instead of offering our own judgment, our own interpretation of other persons' actions. Keeping observed facts separate from our judg-ments helps towards clear communication. Describing what we have observed, rather than judging it, respects others in our interpersonal relationships. Judgments can easily be wrong. An example of confusing observation with judgment is the following: Saying "Nigerians are proud" instead of saying "I met a Nigerian sister taking the same course who did not talk much to me." 2) What we are feeling: According to Rosenberg, our feelings are the door to our inner world. They tell us whether what is happening is wh~ t we desire or not. To be in touch with our feelings is to be in touch with our inner world. Alienated from our feelings, we 69.4 2010 Ezeani ¯ Cultivating Mature Relationships 386 are alienated from our values. For example, if I simply express how I feel about what I have observed instead of expressing a judgment, others respond to me better. We need to be present to our real feelings and express them clearly to others. People sometimes avoid awareness of their real feelings by merely using the word "feel" and then following it with more of a thought than a feeling. They say: "I feel I am right," words that speak more of what I think than how I feel. Other such thought-filled "feelings" are "I feel inadequate" or "I feel misunder-stood." As judgments, they may be right or wrong, but they express thought more than feeling. 3) What we are thinking or what we value: What we value contributes to our feeling and may affect com-munication. Our feelings may result less from what we observe than from the meaning we attribute to it. When I fail to be aware of the meaning that contributes to my feeling, I may be blind to the cultural programming I bring into communication situations. Then, instead of constructively saying "I felt hurt when you did not ask me to go along with you," I might say, unhelpfully, "When you did not ask me to go along with you, I felt hurt because it showed your rejection of me." 4) What we are requesting: When we make our requests to others in positive-action language, we have a better chance of a good response. It is not enough to be sure of what you do not want; you should know what you want. When you make a request, ask specifically for what you desire the person to do for you. Avoid vague requests like these: "I want you to accept me as I am," "I want you to respect my rights," "I want some understanding," "I want you to be more cooperative." Instead, make specific requests in more positive words: "I like it when you call me, but once a day is enough" Review for Religious instead of "I don't want you phoning me every day"; or "Please keep the knife in the kitchen" instead of "Is this the place to keep the knife?" Learning to communicate with one another in these ways can greatly enhance the quality of relationships. Giving Helpful Feedback to Those in Formation There is no doubt that good communication pat-terns are the heartbeat of human relationships. Hence the manner in which feedback is done is crucial. Feedback, not correction. Many readers may be famil-iar with the Johari window. It indicates, among other things, that there are aspects of ourselves known to oth-ers but not to us. It suggests that every human being needs some form of feedback or "reflecting back" from others in order to grow. Formation programs seek to provide such feedback regularly for those in training for the priestly and religious life. How this is done is important. First in importance is to have deep respect for people. Second is attentive listening. The purpose of the feedback given to persons in formation is to foster in them an awareness that will help them to truly inter-nalize Christ's values. Formators need to be fully aware of that purpose. In addition, they need to be in touch with their own motives for giving the feedback. A variety of motives may be operating. Here are some: (1) care, concern, and love. (2) respect. (3) empathy for the other person's perspective. (4) intimidation, to instill fear. (5) a sense of "duty." (6) a sense of superiority ("I know it all" or "I know better"). (7) a sense of power. Feedback achieves its aim when it comes from motives 1, 2, and 3 above. It does not achieve its aim if it comes from any motive from 4 through 7. Our manner of giving feedback ought to be mod- 69.4 2010 Ezeani ¯ Cultivating Mature Relationships 38'8 eled on the values of Christ, and it should illilstrate them. Otherwise it could do damage rather than help. The capacity to offer and receive good feedback greatly enhances relationships. It helps people to care for one another and enlighten one another. What does it profit if feedback only puts out the light in other persons or makes them think they are no good? Feedback should help others find and tap the positive resources that are already within them. I shall end this article with a story of an old rabbi and his disciple. One day the disciple called on the Master confessing, "Master, when I study or join oth-ers in great feasts, I feel a strong sense of light and life. But when it's over, it's all gone. Everything dies in me." After some moments of thoughtfulness, the old rabbi raised his head and, looking lovingly at the youth, replied: "Ah, yes, of course. 'It is just this feeling that happens when people walk alone through a wood at night. If another comes along with a lantern, they can walk safely and joyfully together. But, if they come to a crossroad and the one with the lantern departs, then the other must go on alone, carrying the light inside." This is what mature relationships can help people do. Notes 1 D.G. Myers, Social Psychology, 7th ed. (Boston: McGraw-Hill College, 1999), p. 168. 2 E. Erikson, Childhood and Society. (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1950), 1963, pp. 263-265. 3 L.C. Wynne, "The Epigenesis of Relational Systems: A Model for Understanding Family Development," Family Process 23, no. 3 (1984): 298. 4 E. Fried, "Basic Concepts in Group Psychotherapy," in H. Kaplan and B. Sadock (eds.), Comprehensive Group Psychotherapy (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1971), pp. 55-56. Review for Religious s Kevin McClone, "Intimacy and Healthy Affective Maturity- Guidelines for Formation," Human Development 30, no. 4 (Winter 2009): 5-13. 6 Anthony de Mello, Awareness (London: HarperCollins, 1990), pp. 6-8, 31-32, 50-55. In his writings he often said we should not put such burdens of expectation and dependence on them, for it results in stifling both them and us. 7 McClone, "Intimacy," p. I0. 8 M.B. Rosenberg, Non-violent Communication: A Language of Life (Encinitas, California: PuddleDancer Press, 2003), pp. 25-102. Word Made Flesh At the tnidnight hour when the world is asleep, you are born in a hovel for donkey and sheep. We wander in from hills of unaware, valleys of apathy, deserts of despair to gaze on you in dulnbstruck awe - Lamb of God sleeping on borrowed straw. Irene Zimmerman OSF 69.4 2010 DANIEL J. HEISEY Operatic Discernment of a Vocation Ion September 2009, the Metropolitan Opera pened its season with a controversial production of Giacomo Puccini's Tosca. When it was first staged, in January 1900, Puccini had sought realistic detail in set and costume, part of what is known in opera as verismo. A little over a century later, the Met's new version took liberties that drove the audience to boo.1 Whatever vision the director follows when staging this opera, there will be in act 2 a moving aria sung by Floria Tosca herself, "Vissi d'arte," in which she prays to God and begs to know why her faith is rewarded with suffering. It is a perennial plea, well known to or awaiting every Christian. For fellow believers, not only is Tosca's pain familiar, but also, perhaps, the weakened will and darkened intellect that complicate her spiritual life. Unfortunately, sharing in Tosca's anguished prayer tends to be beyond the ordinary routine of English- Daniel J. Heisey OSB is a monk of Saint Vincent Archabbey, where he is known as Brother Bruno and where the address is 300 Fraser Purchase Road; Latrobe, Pennsylvania 15650. Review for Religious speaking Christians. Moreover, Tosca is often classified as "anticlerical," especially in contrast to Puccini's more obviously religious opera Suor Angelica.2 In what fol-lows, staying basically within the Puccini style, we will look at two operatic works by Gian Carlo Menotti, The Saint of Bleecker Street and Amahl and the Night Visitors, to explore ways that opera in English can help with the discernment of a religious vocation. Menotti's use of English makes more accessible the religious themes of these two operas, especially when one contemplates what place opera can have in voca-tional discernment. The Saint of Bleecker Street won the Pulitzer Prize and has been called "strong and realist, yet plainly on the side of the angels,''3 and Amahl and the Night Visitors, meant to be staged at Christmas, retains its warm place in Christian hearts. Moreover, opera has its roots in the baroque world of 17th-century western Europe, the world of the cultural efflorescence known as the Counter-Reformation. A magnificent baroque opera house, with the florid emotions it stages, welcomes spec-tators much as a vast Gothic cathedral engulfs worship-ers. Both, as one historian has observed, enshrine "the only splendor in their lives.''4 Whereas the celebration of the Eucharist is the central "drama," so to speak, in a cathedral, in opera--in Menotti's operas at least--one may find signs pointing one to a renewed appreciation of the Priest, Victim, and Host of that sacrificial ban-quet. We will look at The Saint of Bleecker Street and Amahl and the Night Visitors together, as if they were antiphonal choirs forming a composite work. Menotti's "The Saint" Despite his prodigious and prolific work, Menotti is sometimes dismissed as secondhand and second-rate ,391 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation During a career spanning seven decades, Menotti seems to have reached his creative and popular height in the 1950s. Puccini, but he is worthy of study in his own right,s Born in northern Italy in 1911, he studied music in Milan and there met Arturo Toscanini, who advised Menotti's parents to send the boy to the United States for further training in composition. After studying at Philadelphia's Curtis Institute, Menotti moved to New York City. A resdess and energetic man, he traveled widely, establish-ing the Festival of Two Worlds, operatic centers at Spoleto, Italy, and Charleston, South Carolina. In 1974 he bought an estate in Scotland; in early 2007 he died in Monaco. His operas, as with any good opera, convey their message by means of the music, and so they must be at least heard if not seen. Here on the printed page, we must content ourselves with verbal description and passages from the libretti. During a career spanning seven decades, Menotti seems to have reached his creative and popular height in the 1950s. By 1955 he had appeared on the cover of Time magazine, had received two Pulitzer prizes, and was celebrated in London, Milan, and Paris. Although he preferred not to use the term, he wrote verismo operas in English, the first to concern us here being his Saint of Bleecker Street (1954). Its plot is simple. A young woman in New York's "Litde Italy" neighborhood wants to become a nun, and her brother tries to stop her. She has the support of friends and her parish priest, Don Review for Religious Marco, who faces much of the brother's wrath. In the end she makes her vows as a religious, but at a price. It must be said that the young woman, Annina, is not the usual candidate for religious life. She is chronically and, as it happens, terminally ill. She has a deep prayer life, each Good Friday having visions of the Passion and receiving the stigmata. As with more usual candidates, her attraction to religious life has consequences familiar to many who are discerning such a vocation. Her broth-er's opposition, impetuous and irrational to the point of physical violence, carries verisimilitude. Likewise, Don Marco's role as gentle yet firm shepherd rings true. He must comfort and console her, and he must confront and contradict the brother, Michele. He is an angry young man, his life shown to be at odds with most of the virtues, and he demands the priest tell him if he believes in Annina's visions. At this point Don Marco tells Michele, "A priest is not a judge but only a guide.''6 Of course, nothing anyone can say makes Michele see a point of view other than his own. Michele and Annina are adult orphans and share an apartment, from which he is frequently absent for work or for his girlfriend. When Annina receives her annual stigmata, neighbors flock to the apartment, causing in Michele an explosion of jealousy. As he furiously drives them from the flat, the scene is an inversion of Jesus driving the money-changers from the temple. When, at the wedding reception of friends, Michele ends up shedding blood, it is a grotesque distortion of the wed-ding at Cana. As Annina moves closer to God, her life fills with these stumbling blocks, twisted 'scenes from the life of Christ. Her brother becomes a hindrance in a more literal sense. Act 2 of the opera ends with a religious proces- 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation sion, thus providing a parallel with the end of the act 1 of Tosca. But, whereas the main characters in Tosca reverently let it pass, Michele tries to stop Annina from participating in the procession. This already frustrated man finds himself restrained by the faithful, who then accompany Annina and join the procession. Again, persons discerning a religious vocation will recognize that sometimes they have more support from folks they scarcely know than from their own family. Part of Annina's cross is thus her brother's boorish and self-absorbed behavior. He challenges her search for God and her desire to become a spouse of Christ. Michele rails against a decision he deems abnormal and reduces her sense of religious vocation to the delusions brought on by illness. He pleads that he needs her and must not lose her to her God. Annina tries in vain to show him how she sees the situation. She tells him, "No one can ever be lost who wanders, searching for God.''7 In her argument with her brother, she explains why she wants to take the veil, putting it in terms of love, the exclusive love of man and woman in a sacramental bond. Michele dismisses her explanation as that of a simple-minded child, and he asks her why God would choose her out of the whole human race. "Perhaps because I love Him," she answers. When he counters that she is speaking as though she loved a human being, she replies, "How else can I love Him since I am human?''8 For Michele, whose approach to love is to use another's body for his own indulgence, such explanations are out-side his experience and therefore meaningless. One lesson any Christian must learn is that in Christ one loves a person, not an idea. Michele can see Annina's desire for union with Christ only as a rejection of him-self. For him, her love for Christ has made God his rival; Review for Religious Michele's own love for Annina bursts forth as hatred for God. Within their neighborhood, which might as well be a village or small town, these impassioned disputes between brother and sister, and between brother and priest, make this opera a story about relationships--and in the end a religious vocation is about one's relationship with family and friends as well as with God. While not referring to The Saint of Bleecker Street by name, Dame Kiri Te Kanawa could well have been describing it when she said that opera explores and illustrates "love, duty, temptation, moral-ity, and strength of character in a closely confined society.''9 In that restricted environment, a small family in an old-fash-ioned ethnic neigh-borhood, Annina falls in love with God and desires to dedicate her life to Him. Menotti's opera shows us a moral struggle, strength of character set amidst ques-tions of duty and love. In short, here we see the basic ingredients of any man or woman's story of discerning a call to religious life. One lesson any Christian must learn is that in Christ one loves a person, not an idea. Menotti's "Amahl" Although Annina does not reveal her vision of the Lord she loves, Menotti gives us a glimpse of Him in another opera, Amahl and the Night Visitors. It has the distinction of being the first opera written for televi-sion, first airing live on Christmas Eve, 1951, on NBC. Whereas the setting for The Saint is the austere inte-rior of a poor apartment building in 1950s Manhattan, 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation 396 Amahl gets its setting from a painting, Hieronymus Bosch's Adoration of the Magi. Menotti had seen it in the Metropolitan Museum of Art and decided that Amahl, a lame shepherd boy, and his widowed mother would live in a decrepit hut somewhere on the way to Bethlehem at the time of Christ, but the stage set and the costumes would be anachronistic, capturing the Renaissance styles of the 15th century. Defying historical accuracy in this way suggests the magical realm of the fairy tale, a level of universal ideals that transcend recorded time. On a cold starry night a poor boy and his mother receive into their home three enigmatic kings and through selfless generosity are graced with a miracle. When it was first produced, Amahl was highly acclaimed, its popularity with critics and audiences assur-ing its repetition each Christmas for ten years. Amahl "isn't sacred music," one recent critic has written, but it is "the modern equivalent of a medieval mystery play.''1° Whether on television or on stage, there have been many other productions of this opera, leading an evangelical magazine to call it "a moving piece of modern American mythology, unfailingly powerful.''11 Let us reflect upon the power of that myth for vocational discernment. One winter's evening Amahl and his mother become unprepared hosts of the Magi as they follow the star to Bethlehem. Menotti draws upon his boyhood memories of the Italian custom at Christmas of men dressed as the Three Kings going round one's town or village and visiting homes in order to bring gifts to the children.!2 Amahl, attracted by Kaspar's caged pet parrot, has an exchange with that King, a duet meant to be comic, but in these days, after the priest scandals with teenage boys, it becomes creepy. After more than fifty years, the opera's innocence has been tarnished. Still, the viewer Review for Religious must try to see it in the spirit of its time and from that perspective learn from its intended message. When Amahl is out of earshot, Melchior carries on a dialogue with the mother. Melchior, a baritone, embodies solemnity, and in that conversation one sees from two angles the object of the Magi's search (and so also of Annina's love). In response to the mother's ques-tions about the mission of the Magi, Melchior asks her, "Have you seen a child the color of wheat, the color of dawn? His eyes are mild, his hands are those of a king, as king he was born," and then asks her, "Have you seen a child the color of earth, the color of thorn? His eyes are sad, his hands are those of the poor, as poor he was born." 13 These contrasting descriptions of the One sought by the Magi reflect the ineffable facets of Christ, and yet the mother recognizes Him. She sees Him first in her own son, but at last, when the Magi depart, she sends Amahl along with them to seek the Child. Once he finds the. Child, Amahl is to give Him thanks and praise for the miracle granted to the crippled boy. Here again the man or woman discerning a religious vocation may see parallels, a parent bravely yet tearfully letting go of a beloved son or daughter who wants to join strangers in the search for God. Catholic critics had accolades for Amahl and for The Saint. Interestingly, none of them considered the place either could have in encouraging vocations to religious life. For example, The Saint of Bleecker Street's "poetic truth," according to Commonweal, "is large and profound," bridging "the alien worlds of pure faith and destructive reason.''~4 Another Catholic magazine noted that the opera had the "stark realism of the Old Testament," with violent obsessions, open religious fer- 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation vor, and sexuality barely beneath the surface, yet these extremes of emotion "are more than balanced by scenes of reverence, even exaltation, and instances of touching human affection.''i5 In the secular press, contemporary critical reactions to The Saint ranged from dismissing it with words like "nonsense" and "bogus,''16 to apprecia-tive appraisals, one quoting Menotti saying, "Whatever you believe, all men know that the love of God is incor-ruptible.''~ 7 Here a word may be in order regarding Menotti's own struggle with belief. Menotti and Belief As a boy Menotti was lame, and he was taken to a Marian shrine, Madonna del Monte, where he received a blessing and was cured.18 As a result, throughout his life he remained fascinated by saints and miracles. Even when he fell away from the church, he believed in God and wrestled with questions of faith. In the early 1950s, when he was mulling over The Saint of Bleecker Street, he decided he needed to meet a saint, so he went to Italy to see Padre Pio. He. attended a morning Mass offered by Padre Pio and then was allowed to meet with him in the friary. After having heard about the priest's uncanny insights and deep spiritual gifts, Menotti was deflated when Padre Pio's counsel amounted to what any priest anywhere could have advised: "God gives you a gift, and you must compose the right music in honor of God." 19 Menotti's disappointment at the seemingly banal words from the holy man echoes that of Naaman the Syrian (2 K 5). The leprous Syrian is told by the prophet Elisha to wash seven times in the River Jordan, a rem-edy that strikes the afflicted man as being too simple and something he could have done back home. It can Review for Religious happen that someone discerning a call to religious life will visit a monastery or religious house and find the daily routine devoid of the heroic penances the idealistic inquirer sometimes imagines necessary. A wise direc-tor, a Don Marco, perhaps, will point out that the daily routine of community life, with its Eucharistic liturgy and the Liturgy of the Hours, will provide sufficient penances. As an adult, Menotti seems not to have partaken often of any of the sacraments of the church, and his ongoing doubts about his faith found expression in his operas, most clearly in The Saint.2° At ninety he spoke about his long interior dialogue with the God whose creed he found difficult to believe in. Musing upon the questions God asked him, he said, "That's the trouble, . . . because I don't know what to answer.''2~ One would be hard put to find a more concise summary of the inner turbulence faced by some men and women discerning a religious calling. Of course, artists working with religious subjects need not be religious people themselves, but often their work arises'from "a collaboration" between the artist and "the religious community of which he is a participating member.''2z Menotti, like Puccini, grew up immersed in the Catholic culture of northern Italy, and both men grappled with that culture when creating their operatic worlds. Part of their struggle derived from their lives within the secular culture of fame and fortune. Puccini, though, unlike Menotti, was close friends with his par- "God gives you a gift, and you must compose the right music in honor of God." 399 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation 4oo.1 ish priest, a former army chaplain who loved music.23 As this essay has argued, noble music and revealed religion can complement one another, in particular when a man or woman is discerning a religious vocation. Liberated Imagination--and Faith Charles Moore has hailed opera's ability to "liberate the imagination," and he rejoiced in its "discerning. the basic rhythms of human hopes, fears, and desires.''z4 The value of opera for vocational discernment is in its ability to show us another dimension to the human experience. As with other performances in the theater or on film, one must willingly suspend disbelief when watching an opera; that suspension is even greater in opera, for what would otherwise be spoken dialogue or soliloquies are sung. Such suspending of disbelief leaves behind the normal routines we accept as ordinary real-ity and exposes us to distilled human passions. Whether those passions are those of a Tosca or an Annina, an Amahl or a Melchior, they may transport us to a height from which we may see more clearly the way to respond to the call to holiness. Let us look again at Tosca in contrast to Annina. Meant to be larger than life, Puccini's character of Floria Tosca is a famous opera singer in Rome, and the opera bearing her name opens in June of 1800 in a side chapel of Rome's baroque church of Sant' Andrea della Valle. Tosca's beloved, an artist who reads Voltaire, is painting an image of St. Mary Magdalene, and nearby is a statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Tosca, a pious narcissist, makes a grand entrance and lays a bouquet at the feet of the Virgin. When she realizes that the model for the Magdalene is the sister of a Napoleonic revolu-tionary, her jealousy flares up. Such radical associations Review for Religious snare Tosca and her lover in a nightmarish entangle-ment with a corrupt police force. Both are arrested and found guilty without a trial. When interrogated and tormented by Baron Scarpia, the lecherous and sadistic chief of police, Tosca sings of her.faith being rewarded with suffering, but part of her suffering is self-inflicted. She has been devout and gen-erous, it is true, but she has a rationalist for a boyfriend and expects deference because of her fame as a singer. Her heart is divided, always a path to tragedy. Tosca, unlike Mary Magdalene, has not had her demons cast out; rather, they pursue her to a fatal end. In stark contrast to the vain and worldly Tosca, Annina appears as a model of humility. Her faith opens her to suffering, which she bears for her Beloved. Menotti shows Annina wholly dedicated to seeking God and being united to Him, and she must face a brother whose unexamined fear and carnal desires become masks for the false god of the self. Tosca offers flowers to the Virgin, but Annina shares the Virgin Mary's openness to God's call. Like Mary Magdalene, Annina would be willing to sit by the empty tomb, staring into the abyss where He had been. A :nan or woman facing the possibility of a religious vocation must be aware of the Tosca within each of us, while desiring to grow into something of an Annina. The call to be a religious is the Holy Spirit first beckoning and then giving the grace to yearn to see that there is more to life than creature comforts and the cheers of the crowd. Menotff shows Annina wholly dedicated to seeking God and being united to Him 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation One way of understanding the verismo genre used by Puccini and Menotti is to see it as "concerned with common people and their preoccupations, rather than the trials and passions of aristocrats.''25 On one level, Tosca is about two lovers caught in the middle of politi-cal turmoil; on another, as we have seen, it is about a woman of faith in profound crisis. Menotti's operas discussed here are about simple people caught off guard by the arrival in their lives of the Son of God. From studying the history of the church, one learns that such complications occur in the lives of aristocrats and com-mon people as well. Opera, likewise the realm of all who are open to its riches, can help an aspiring religious see anew the gospel call to seek the One who is dawn and earth, wheat and thorn, poverty and royalty, all in all. Notes ' Daniel J. Wakin, "For Opening Night at the Metropolitan, a New Sound: Booing," New York Times (23 September 2009), p. C- 5; David Patrick Stearns, "Boos for the Met's New 'Tosca' Weren't Off-base," Philadelphia Inquirer (24 September 2009), p. D-l; see also Alex Ross, "Fiasco," New Yorker (5 October 2009): 84-85. 2 See John Anthony Davis, "The Political and Cultural Worlds of Puccini's Tosca," in Tosca's Prism: Three Moments in Western Cultural History, ed. Deborah Burton et al. (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2005), pp. 135-144; Susan Vandiver Nicassio, "The Eternal Politics of Tosca," in Tosca's Prism, pp. 249-252; H. Wendell Howard, "Suor Angelica: Puccini's Catholic Opera," Logos 1 (Fall 1998): 94- 103. 3 Charles Reid, "Gian-Carlo Menotti," Tablet (20 October 1956): 319. 4 John Lukacs, "A Night at the Dresden Opera," New Yorker (17 March, 1986): 100; reprinted in Remembered Past, ed. Mark G. Malvasi and Jeffrey O. Nelson (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2005), p. 457. s See John Gruen, Menotti: A Biography (New York: Macmillan, 1978); of the numerous obituaries, see E Paul Driscoll, "Gian Carlo Menotti," Opera News (April 2007): 88. For The Saint of Bleecker Review for Religious Street and Tosca, see Barry Singer, "Changing Fortunes," Opera News 0uly 2007): 50. 6 Gian Carlo Menotti, The Saint of Bleecker Street (New York: G. Schirmer, 1954), act 1, scene 1, p. 14. 7 Menotti, The Saint, act 1, scene 2, p. 23. 8 Menotti, The Saint, p. 22. 9 Kiri Te Kanawa, with Conrad Wilson, Opera for Lovers (London: Headline, 1996), pp. 140-141. ,0 Steve Smith, "A Young Shepherd's Ageless Trek," New York Times (17 December 2007), p. E-5. ~ "Christmas Music," Christian Century (4-17 December 2002): 37. ~2 John Gruen, Menotti, p. 108. ~3 Gian Carlo Menotti, Amahl and the Night Visitors (New York: G. Schirmer, 1951), pp. 20-21. ~4 Richard Hayes, "The Saint of Bleecker Street," Commonweal (4 February 1955): 477. ~s Theophilus Lewis, "Theatre," America (22 January 1955): 434. ~6 Harold Clurman, "Theater," Nation (22 January 1955): 83- 84. ,7 "Successful Saint," Time (10 January 1955): 42; see Irving Kolodin, "Menotti's 'The Saint of Bleecker Street,'" Saturday Review (8 January 1955): 28; Winthrop Sargeant, "Menotti's New Opera," New Yorker (8 January 1955): 74-76; "A Saint Sings in Menotti's Best," Life (14 February 1955): 62-63. 's John Gruen, Menotti, p. 109; see Robert R. Reilly, "Gian Carlo Menotti's Heavenly Muse," Crisis (May 2001): 38. 19 Reilly, "Heavenly Muse," Crisis (May 2001): 39; see Gruen, Menotti, pp. 120-122 and 131. 20 See Gruen, Menotti, p. 166. 2~ Reilly, "Heavenly Muse," Crisis (May 2001): 38. 22 Michael Linton, "Moses at the Met," First Things 98 (December 1999): 15. 23 See Dante Del Fiorentino, Immortal Bohemian: An Intimate Memoir of Giacomo Puccini (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1952); Jane Phillips, "Puccini and the Priest," Opera News (12 March 1951): 26-28; Mary Jane Phillips-Matz, Puccini: A Biography (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 2002), pp. 258-259. 403 69.4 2010 Heisey ¯ Operatic Discernment of a Vocation 24 Charles Moore, "The Fantastic Power of Opera to Fly Free," Daily Telegraph (21 July 2009): 19. 25 Johanna Fiedler, Molto Agitato: The Mayhem Behind the Music at the Metropolitan Opera (New York: Doubleday, 2001), p. 79; see Joseph Volpe, with Charles Michener, The Toughest Show on Earth: My Rise and Reign at the Metropolitan Opera (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2006), p. 167: "The characters aren't gods or monsters, they're people caught up in the moral and political issues of their time." Personal Reflection [ Group Discussion 1. What are the ways or method that I have used in making a discerned decision? 2. How has Heisey in using opera as a help in discerning given me new ways of entering into discernment? 404] Review for Religious JAMES H. KROEGER Searching for Jesus at Christmas Once or twice a year, usually around the season of Christmas or Easter, many news-papers and popular newsmagazines (Time or Newsweek) present an article on some aspect of Jesus or the Judaeo-Christian faith. Often these features try to pique readers' interest by using attention-grabbing headlines. They ask: What is the true Christmas Story? Why did Jesus have to die? How do Jews, Muslims, and Buddhists view Jesus? Who was the real Jesus? Often the articles claim to provide new and recent discoveries into the person and identity of Jesus. Believing Christians can read these presen-tations with interest, but they should realize lighting the way James H. Kroeger MM, a Maryknoll missioner, has served in Asia (Philippines and Bangladesh), since his 1970 arrival in the Orient. Currently he teaches at the Pontifical Faculty of Theology at Loyola School of Theology of the Ateneo de Manila University as well as at the Mother of Life Catechetical Center. He can be reached at: 68.4 2009 Kroeger ¯ Searcbing for Jesus at Christmas that such popular portrayals of Jesus will probably add little insight into their knowledge and practice of the faith. One need not be alarmed by these magazine arti-cles. Actually, the popularity of such material shows the continuing interest on a broad public scale in the person and mission of Jesus. Also, as adult believers, we admit that we do have many recurring questions about Jesus and his meaning for our lives and for the life of the world. Where can we and should we look for answers to our questions? Where should we search? At this point, I offer a word of disclosure, telling you who I am. Thus, what I write in this presentation, which will explore some difficult questions, will be anchored into a solid foundation. I am a man of faith, a Catholic priest, serving in the Philippines for four decades. I have taught Christology [theology of the person and mission of Jesus Christ] for over thirty years in several schools of theology, major seminaries, and catechetical centers. My personal library contains well over one hundred books on Christology, and I have published numerous articles and books on the subject. In short, I write as a believer, a man of the church. Beginning the Search For Christians, the primary written source of faith in the person of Jesus is sacred scripture, the Gospels in particular. We rely on four books included in the New Testament: the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Just about everything that the Christian church teaches about J~sus comes through the Gospels. These Gospels, in turn, serve as a criterion of truth and authenticity for the church's teaching about Jesus. Because the Gospels are the central sources for understanding Jesus, one has to ask: What is a Gospel? Review for Religious Parenthetically, readers will note that before addressing specific questions about Jesus, it is necessary to exam-ine some general foundations upon which our faith is based. "Gospel" derives from Old English meaning "good spell/news"; this translates the Greek eu (good) and angelion (news, announcement). As "good news" the Gospels communicate the message of God's saving action in Christ and the accounts of Jesus' activity pro-duced by the early church. A Gospel is a very unique kind of written literature; it is a genre of writing that is different from other liter-ary forms. Thus, a Gospel is not simply a "biography" in the modern sense of that term (a detailed account of someone's life); it is also not "history" in the sense of a chronological presen-tation of a series of events. Yet, the Gospels contain both bio-graphical and historical elements. However, Gospels are written from another perspective and with another motive in mind. Simply, a Gospel can be described as a "faith sum-mary." Gospels contain material that will lead readers to know and love--in faith--the person of Jesus. This means that biographical and historical materials are at the service of the primary purpose of the Gospels: com- ¯ ing to a loving knowledge and experience of Jesus. The Gospels aim to help us in knowing and encountering Jesus personally, not just knowing many factual details about him. Another simple way to express the nature of the Gospels is to accept that they were written "from faith to faith." The Gospels emerged from the living faith of Simply, a Gospel can, be described as a "faith summary. " 407 69.4 2010 Kroeger * Searching for Jesus at Christmas 408 the evangelists and the early church. They were written to faith, to engender and strengthen the faith of believers. The evangelists (Gospel writers) did not intend to sup-ply every detail about the life of Jesus; rather, they chose to include those stories which would best serve the "promotion of the faith." At heart, Gospels are "proc-lamation not biography or history." This insight is well expressed, by:John the Evangelist: "There were many other signs that Jesus worked and the disciples saw, but they are not recorded in this book. These are recorded so that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that believing this you may have life through his name" On 20:30-31). Composing Gospels Related to the nature and purpose of the Gospels, questions may arise about how and when the Gospels were written. Here the Catholic Church has provided solid guidance on the actual "writing process," explaining the "coming-to-be" of the four Gospels that we accept as the inspired Word of God. Again, this background material will serve to anchor our many "Christmas-time questions" about the person of Jesus, questions which will be addressed in the later part of this presentation. Christians believe that the authors of the Bible (both Old and New Testaments) were inspired, or guided, by the Holy Spirit. According to Roman Catholic theol-ogy, this does not mean that God spoke to the bib-lical authors directly, as one might dictate a letter to a secretary. Neither did the evangelists have modern equipment such as a tape recorder to capture the verba-tim words of Jesus. Rather, our church holds that these inspired texts are writings whose authors, prompted by the Holy Spirit, convey God's revealed truth using their Review for Religious own abilities, words, and styles. This is clearly evident in each of the four Gospels; for example, John's literary style differs from that of Matthew, Mark, and Luke. In short, scripture contains "God's Word in human words." God is the ultimate author of the scriptures; the truth that God conveys in and through them is reliable; we can securely build our faith upon these written scrip-tures as they are interpreted within the faith community of the church. It is this same Catholic Church that encourages the use of historical-critical scholarship to better pen-etrate the full meani.ng . of God's Word. Since ' ~ the 1943 magna carta of Catholic biblical schol-arship (Divino Afflante Spiritu), scripture stud-ies have flourished in the church--all to the benefit of believers. The church encourages . its biblical scholars and theologians to employ "scien-tific" approaches to delve deeper into the full meaning of God's revealed message in the scriptures. The church accepts that the Gospels are, in fact, not literal, chronological accounts of the words and deeds of Jesus. Our Gospels are the products of a faith-devel-opment !n early Christianity. They emerged through a three-stage process that moves (a) from the ministry and oral preaching of Jesus, (b) through the oral preaching of the apostles, and (c) finally to the actual writing of the Gospels as we know them. This understanding is echoed in the revelation document coming from the Second Vatican Council. This fact does not imply in any Our Gospels are the products of a faith-development in early Christianity. 69.4 2010 Kroeger ¯ Searcbing for ~esus at Christmas sense that the Gospels are not reliable sources. Today it is generally accepted that the Gospels were written in this order: Mark (60s), Matthew and Luke (70s-80s), and John (90s). Are Gospels Historical? Although there are difficult questions that do not admit of easy, brief answers, we must, in order to pro-mote our faith, struggle to respond to them. On the question of the historical nature of the Gospels [this will directly affect our understanding of the Christmas stories], we can get help by using two German words that give us insight into the nature of history. History can validly be understood through two dif-ferent, yet interrelated, perspectives. Historisch (his-torical) designates the facts of the past that can be demonstrated by documents and critically analyzed by the methods of scientific history. Geschichtlich (historic) refers to the same event(s) but focuses on the signifi-cance and importance of that fact for a certain group of people. In simpler language, historisch focuses on the plain historical data [what happened], whereas geschicht-lich seeks its deeper significance [what meaning does it have]. Some simple examples may prove helpful. As a mis-sionary in the Philippines for forty years, there are sev-eral dates that are important for me (and all Filipinos), but they would have no significance--even for. my own siblings who live in the United States. For Filipinos, 30 December 1896, is significant; it is the death of Jose Rizal, our national hero. The proclamation of Martial Law happened on 21 September 1972--with grave con-sequences for Filipinos. Ninoy Aquino was assassinated on 21 August 1983; the EDSA (Epifanio de Los Santos Review for Religious Avenue, Quezon City, Manila) "people-power" revolu-tion unfolded in 22-25 February 1986; Cory Aquino died on 1 August 2009. Most Filipinos know these dates almost instinctively. Yet, these same events would not be remembered by someone from Italy, Canada, or Indonesia. Here we see the importance and difference between historisch and geschichtlich. The historical facts and dates I have just mentioned are true, factual history. However, they have special meaning and importance only for Filipinos; they are seared into the consciousness of the Filipino peo-ple. While true facts of history, they mean little or nothing to non-Filipinos. Similarly, the Gospels have significant meaning--but only for believing Christians. Evangelists: Pastoral Theologians Moving back to our discussion of the Gospels, we come to appreciate that the evangelists were not pri-marily interested in presenting a detailed historical chronology of Jesus' life; nor were they interested in providing a comprehensive biography of Jesus and his family. The Gospel writers focused primarily on pre-senting the importance and meaning of Jesus for believ-ing Christians. Thus, while not denying or falsifying the historisch (historical data and facts), the main interest of the Gospels is to show the geschichtlich (significance) of this man Jesus for us and for our salvation. The Gospel writers focused primarily on promoting faith in Jesus; that is why the Gospels are not primarily history or biography. They are "faith summaries"; they are written based on the evangelists' faith with the purpose that we too would come to faith in Jesus. To achieve this goal of "faith promotion," each evan-gelist shaped his Gospel differently. Matthew, writing for 411 69.4 2010 Kroeger * Searching for Jesus at Cbristmas Jewish Christians, often demonstrates by the use of Old Testament quotations that the scriptures are fulfilled in the person and work of Jesus. Mark seeks to emphasize that Jesus is manifested as the crucified Messiah, fre-quently rejected by the people. Luke's Gospel is shaped by his religious mentality; he is a faithful recorder of Jesus' loving-kindness. The whole of John's thought is dominated by the mystery of the Incarnation. Each of the Gospels is unique and adopts varied theological emphases, while remaining focused on the person of Jesus. This was done so that the mes-sage of Jesus would bet- Each of theGospels is unique and adopts varied theological emphases, while remaining focused on the person of ]egus. ter reach the intended audience. In this sense, I call the evangelists "pastoral theologians,'~ because they pastorally shaped and focused their theological mes-sage with their audience in mind. Matthew, for example, quoted the Old Testament frequently so that his Jewish Christian audience would more easily come to faith in Jesus. Although we have four canoni-cal Gospels, they all coalesce to produce an integrated Gospel portrait of the person of Jesus. 412]