Suchergebnisse

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been one of the most debated political cases. However, usually the focus is on the physical, political and economic views of the conflict. This research focuses on the psychosocial analysis of the Palestinian social identity in Jerusalem. It explores the reasons behind the Islamization of social identity among Palestinian Jerusalemites. It does so through the eyes of Palestinian females who live in East Jerusalem. The study seeks to understand how the Palestinian participants from East Jerusalem define their social identity. The definition was categorized into three groups: Islamic, Arabic and Palestinian. In addition to that, the study investigated the perceived threats posed on the participant's social identity. These threats are categorized into: threats from the Israeli occupation, the Palestinian society itself, and the corruption of the Palestinian authority. Moreover, this research compares the role of religion in the lives of Palestinian Jerusalemites now and twenty years ago. Therefore, it shows how and when the Islamization of social identity started. The results of this research are based on primary and secondary resources. I have conducted 25 individual interviews and a process of participant observation. The argument of this paper is that the Islamization of social identity in Jerusalem is a process with two main reasons behind it. First, the fall of Palestinian nationalism after the Oslo Accords and the Palestinian civil war. This led into identity crisis and created an identity vacuity which needed to be filled. Second the direct threat posed on the Palestinian Islamic identity during the Second Intifada and until now. This made the Islamic identity the salient one. The Islamic identity needed to be defended, therefore, it was prioritized and used to demonstrate the urgency of staying in Jerusalem. ; M-DS

The rapid rise of Pegida (Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes) in late 2014/ early 2015 commands sober attention. Contempt for migrants and asylum-seekers, generally, and for Muslims in particular — accompanied by the obligatory panic-mongering over Europe's purported "Islamization" — is the standard cant of far-right populism across Europe and in no sense unique to Germany. Nonetheless, the diminishing reticence about a more or less overt embrace of Nazism — especially in Germany — seems to signal an unprecedented level of toxicity in contemporary Europe. Alongside the more customary expressions of far-right German nationalism and neo-Nazism, moreover, what is particularly noteworthy and distinctive about Pegida is its explicit and emphatic "Europeanism." As a new expression of the postcolonial racial politics of "European" identity, therefore, Pegida represents a political formation that commands urgent and serious critical scrutiny.

Political Islamization in Malaysia is represented by the two largest Malay-Muslim parties, UMNO and PAS. This article analyzes the Islamization policy introduced and implemented by UMNO and PAS during the era of Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak as Prime Minister of Malaysia. This research presented four policies implemented by UMNO; Islam Hadhari, the Wasatiyyah principle, the Shariah Indeks of Malaysia, and the cooperation between UMNO and PAS. The four principles of Islamization introduced by PAS include; the agenda of the Islamic State, the implementation of Hudud, the Islam democratization, and the concept of Welfare State. The proposing of Islamization policies by both parties clearly shows that Islam has been one of the key indicators of country governance. The study also found that UMNO-PAS's Islamization policy has finally pioneered the cooperation between two parties from 2015 until now.

My efforts in this research work have been geared, towards x-raying Fulani pastoralists' killings in Nigeria and its antecedents. The study revealed the controversies over the conflict between the Fulani herdsmen and farmers coupled with the federal government cattle colony policy in Nigeria. This was partly the cause of ethnic and religious tension in the country. In the course of this research work, I observed that the challenges of the Fulani herdsmen attacks posed a threat to the existence of Nigeria as one indivisible entity. The objective of this research work was to present a way forward against similar regular or frequent occurrence in future. I recommended that there should be synergies by the federal government, state governments, local councils, security agents, and by all and Sunday towards ameliorating the menace of the herdsmen's killings. Methods of approach are historical and phenomenological methods cum the review of related extant material.

The present article aims to observe how the secular democracy of Turkey is seriously questioned by an Islamist-rooted party - the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which uses propaganda to increase its influence on the population. Shaping the image of Ottoman Turkey, or amending it in accordance with contemporary reality is a difficult task. Despite numerous attempts towards modernization throughout the last two centuries, new communication tools brought by globalization and all the efforts made by Turkey to join the EU, the country"s image in many European countries is still influenced by perceptions inherited from the time of the Ottoman Empire. In the context of negotiations for accession to the European Union, Turkey delivers evidence of ignorance regarding the steps it needs to follow towards European integration, respectively to the defence and consolidation of the democratic regime, bequeathed by the founder of modern Turkey, Mustafa Kemal.

The discourse on the �Islamization� of laws in the legal systems of post-colonial Muslim states is dominated by two conflicting narratives. The dominant Western narrative views the Islamization of laws as the re-incarnation of narrow and archaic laws embodied in discriminatory statutes. In contrast, the dominant narrative of political Islam deems it as the cure-all for a range of social, political and economic ills afflicting that particular Muslim state. This Paper presents a deeper insight into the Islamization of Pakistan's law. Pakistan has three decades of experience with incorporating shari'a law into its Common Law system, an experience which has been characterized by a constant struggle between the dominant Western and Islamist narratives. Pakistan's experience helps us deconstruct the narratives and discourses surrounding Islamization and understand that the project of incorporating Islamic laws in a modern Muslim society must be based upon indigenous demands and undertaken in accordance with the organically evolving norms of recognition, interpretation, modification and enforcement in that society. Furthermore, substantive law cannot be understood or enforced outside of a legal system, its legal culture(s) and professional discourse(s), and of the broader socio-political dialectics that give context and relevance to it. Therefore, we need to shift focus to the systemic problems deeply ingrained in Pakistan's legal system that allow law and legal processes to be used to prolong disputes and cause harassment. Islamic legality can, in fact, play a significant role in breaking down the resistance that vested interests may offer to such a restructuring of the legal system along more egalitarian lines.

The discourse on the �Islamization� of laws in the legal systems of post-colonial Muslim states is dominated by two conflicting narratives. The dominant Western narrative views the Islamization of laws as the re-incarnation of narrow and archaic laws embodied in discriminatory statutes. In contrast, the dominant narrative of political Islam deems it as the cure-all for a range of social, political and economic ills afflicting that particular Muslim state. This Paper presents a deeper insight into the Islamization of Pakistan's law. Pakistan has three decades of experience with incorporating shari'a law into its Common Law system, an experience which has been characterized by a constant struggle between the dominant Western and Islamist narratives. Pakistan's experience helps us deconstruct the narratives and discourses surrounding Islamization and understand that the project of incorporating Islamic laws in a modern Muslim society must be based upon indigenous demands and undertaken in accordance with the organically evolving norms of recognition, interpretation, modification and enforcement in that society. Furthermore, substantive law cannot be understood or enforced outside of a legal system, its legal culture(s) and professional discourse(s), and of the broader socio-political dialectics that give context and relevance to it. Therefore, we need to shift focus to the systemic problems deeply ingrained in Pakistan's legal system that allow law and legal processes to be used to prolong disputes and cause harassment. Islamic legality can, in fact, play a significant role in breaking down the resistance that vested interests may offer to such a restructuring of the legal system along more egalitarian lines.