The article analyzes peculiarities of Ukraine's memory policy in 2014-2019 in the context of its European integration aspirations. The features of the politics of memory / historical politics in Ukraine are described after the dramatic events of the end of 2013-2014, which were proclaimed as a "Revolution of Dignity" (or "Euromaidan"). These events were also connected with the beginning of Russian aggression in the East of Ukraine, with the beginning of so called "Leninopad" (demolition of monuments to Lenin) and forced decommunization up until 2019. That is, to the changes in the political class of Ukraine related to the election of the 6-th President Volodymyr Zelensky. Undoubtedly, memory policy will change and its content will receive a separate consideration in the nearest future. The author of this article first of all strived to stimulate broader scholarly discussions on this topic. Scientist's conscience demands to be modest in answering even those questions that appear simple at first sight. The scientific novelty is to summarize the key trends of the memory policy in Ukraine in 2014-2019 and to identify a number of problems that have a negative impact on Ukraine's European integration process. The article considers Ukrainian experience of memory policy as a mechanism for influencing political reality. Memory policy refers to effective mechanisms for influencing political reality, in particular, to change the degree of social consolidation, citizens' self-awareness, the formation and strengthening of collective identities. In 2014-2019 the gradual awareness of the effectiveness of these mechanisms caused the increase of interest in collective memory, which was demonstrated by the leaders of the state, politicians, political parties and civil society structures. The formation and implementation of memory policy in Ukraine were getting increasingly conscious and directed. The search for such a model of memory policy, which would be able to promote the consolidation of these groups into a united civil society, to convert a diversity of the images of the past of Ukraine into its resource, not its problem. This is also encouraged by the ongoing Russian hybrid aggression. One of its manifestations appears a permanent imposing on Ukrainians of the imperial-Soviet image of the past by the propaganda structures of the Russian Federation. This is prompted by a well-defined strategy for Ukraine's European integration. As the experience of 2014-2019 has shown, Ukraine with some of foundations of its historical policy fits quite organically into the pan-European scheme (for example, by strengthening the influence and role of civil society in this area). At the same time, there were some problems during the mentioned period. First of all, they were related to the search for an adequate model of the collective memory, which focuses on the value of the state as a common homeland and a human rights' guarantee. An important step was 2014 decommunization policy in Ukraine. By condemning totalitarianism (Nazi and Soviet models), it ensured that Ukraine's public space was cleansed of communist symbolism (though not definitively). At the same time, it has created new risks and new questions that need to be discussed and answered with the obligatory participation of expert scientists. ; У статті проаналізовано особливості політики пам'яті у 2014-2019рр. у контексті євроінтеґраційних прагнень України. Охарактеризовано особливості політики пам'яті/історичної політики в Україні після драматичних подій кінця 2013-2014 року, що їх оголошено «революцією Гідності» (або «Євромайданом»), з початком російської аґресії на Сході України, з початком «ленінопаду» і форсованої декомунізації і до 2019р. Тобто до змін у політичному класі України, пов'язаних з обранням 6-го Президента Володимира Зеленського. Безсумнівно, політика пам'яті змінюватиметься і її зміст невдовзі можна буде аналізувати окремо. Автор статті насамперед прагнув стимулювати подальшу дискусію дослідників і всіх осіб, зацікавлених в обговоренні вказаної теми. Сумління науковця вимагає не поспішати з однозначною відповіддю навіть на (здавалося б) прості запитання. Наукова новизна полягає в узагальненні ключових тенденцій політики пам'яті в Україні у 2014-2019рр. і у визначенні низки проблем, які мають неґативний вплив на процес євроінтеґрації України. Розглянуто український досвід політики пам'яті як механізму впливу на політичну реальність. Політика пам'яті належить до ефективних механізмів впливу на політичну реальність, зокрема, на ступінь консолідації суспільства, самоусвідомлення громадян, формування та зміцнення колективних ідентичностей. Поступове усвідомлення дієвості цих механізмів зумовлювало у 2014-2019рр. зростання інтересу до питань колективної пам'яті, яке демонстрували очільники держави, політики, політичні партії та структури громадянського суспільства. Формування та реалізація політики пам'яті в Україні відбувалося дедалі більш усвідомлено і спрямовано. Тривав пошук такої моделі політики пам'яті, яка здатна сприяти консолідації цих груп у єдине громадянське суспільство, зробити різноманіття образів минулого в України її ресурсом, а не проблемою. До цього спонукає і російська гібридна аґресія, одним із проявів якої стало перманентне нав'язування українцям з боку пропагандистських структур Російської Федерації імперсько-радянського образу минулого. До цього спонукає і чітко визначена стратегія України на європейську інтеґрацію. Як показав досвід 2014-2019рр., певними засадами своєї історичної політики Україна достатньо органічно вписується у загальноєвропейську схему (наприклад, посиленням впливу і ролі громадянського суспільства у цій сфері). Водночас у згаданий період виявилися і певні проблеми, насамперед пов'язані з пошуками адекватної викликам моделі колективної пам'яті, яка фокусується на цінності держави як спільної батьківщини і ґаранта прав людини. Важливим кроком стала політика декомунізації, що провадилася в Україні від 2014р. Засудивши тоталітаризм (нацистського і радянського зразків), вона забезпечила очищення публічного простору України від комуністичної символіки (хоча й не остаточно). Водночас вона породила нові ризики і нові питання, які потребують дискусій і пошуку відповідей за обов'язкової участі експертів-науковців.
The object of the master's work is to rethink and reevaluate the totalitarian past on the example of the attitude to its heritage in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The purpose of the work is to analyze and evaluate the ways of rethinking and the methods of assimilation of totalitarian ideological heritage in the post-Soviet countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia). Understand their experience in this area, which may be useful for Ukraine. The main tasks of the work: to analyze the phenomenon of Soviet monumental propaganda, the ideas embedded in it, popular replicated ideological plots in order to understand and define this phenomenon; explore the monument as an instrument of the politics of memory and a marker of public space in order to understand its features and functions; outline the features of the search for identity and the establishment of a memory policy, as well as the memory war of the post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia) in relation to the Soviet past; consider the course, range, logic and features of the overthrow of Soviet monuments at the beginning of 1990s in Central - Eastern Europe in order to understand how the attitude towards Soviet monuments has changed, what explains such changes, what are the consequences of these changes; to conduct a comparative analysis of the forms of development of relics of Soviet monumental propaganda in the museum environment using the example of theme parks of Soviet ideological art Muzeon (Russia), Memento (Hungary) and Grutas park (Lithuania) in order to understand how the methods of development and memory policy of these countries differ to the Soviet past; to study the phenomenon of Leninfall, its political and ideological context, which led to the decommunization laws in Ukraine in order to understand why the attitude to the Soviet heritage has changed; to describe the artistic practices perception of Leninfall in order to understand how both representatives of creative professions and the audience react to it consumers; summarize the debate about the present and future of Soviet monumental propaganda in Ukraine in order to determine its place in the history of the country; examine the influence of Leninfall on its attitude to the Soviet totalitarian heritage in Lithuania, Belarus, and Russia. Using a retrospective, historical - comparative, chronological method, also the systematization and generalization method, it was possible to conclude that Soviet monumental propaganda created a pantheon of the leader and heroes, which were circulated throughout the USSR. Monuments became symbols of the Soviet Union and in some countries survived it for decades. Monuments symbolize Soviet power, and the territory on which they stand is part of the "Russian world". After gaining independence, with few exceptions, only Western Ukraine got rid of Soviet ideological monuments. Due to the transition period and the formation of the economy, the ideological functions of Soviet monuments were scored. But at the time of the country's reorientation of values, the monuments turned out to be alien, moreover, they became the symbols of another country that was trying to reintegrate the post-Soviet space on the basis of the imperial project called "Great Russia." The search for the identity of an independent country was largely based on its opposition to the USSR. In Lithuania, it was possible to determine a consistent negative assessment of the Soviet, Russia altogether included the Soviet in its historical narrative, while Belarus was unable to critically look at the Soviet past. For many years in Ukraine, Ukrainian and Soviet identities coexisted, which are mutually exclusive. The situation changed during the Euromaidan, when Ukraine finally decided on the European vector. Political and value changes in the countries of Central - Eastern Europe resulted in the dismantling of ideological monuments, symbols of foreign power. The situation was not always solved using dismantling, sometimes the monuments were transferred, names changed, etc. thus they no longer performed their ideological functions. At that time, the understanding of this layer of heritage began, the understanding that dismantling without explanation or discussion is the Soviet method of unifying memory. The museum form of assimilation of the totalitarian heritage allows to physically preserve the monument, for subsequent study and use. Such monuments can be used for educational and enlightening purposes. The choice of the pro-European vector of the country's development and the desire to create own Ukrainian historical narrative stimulated Leninfall as a process of cleaning the symbolic space of the country. The artistic practices of comprehending Leninfall begin a discussion about the significance of Soviet monumental sculpture, about who will replace Lenin and whether it is worth continuing this practice. Ideological sculpture has prospects for being used in tourism and museum activities. Nevertheless, the main problem of this heritage lies in its interpretation, the criteria of which should be developed. The Leninfall influenced the perception of the Soviet ideological heritage in neighboring countries for Lithuania, it became an opportunity to look at the unresolved situations from the 1990s, Belarus shows an example when monuments are removed from the center or completely removed, which indicates a reassessment of the past. Against the background of the authorities of the country that protects and values the Soviet heritage. In Russia, despite several demolitions, and petitions for dismantling, new monuments to Lenin appear which indicates that the country has a pro-Soviet dominant narrative, but there are alternative views. The territory of the annexed Crimea shows distance from Ukraine, in the form of the dismantling of the monument to the hetman P. Konashevych-Sagaidachny, while in Ukraine there was Leninfall. And the appearance of monuments not only to Lenin, but also to figures of Russian history, may indicate a symbolic marking of the territory as Russian.
The object of the master's work is to rethink and reevaluate the totalitarian past on the example of the attitude to its heritage in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The purpose of the work is to analyze and evaluate the ways of rethinking and the methods of assimilation of totalitarian ideological heritage in the post-Soviet countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia). Understand their experience in this area, which may be useful for Ukraine. The main tasks of the work: to analyze the phenomenon of Soviet monumental propaganda, the ideas embedded in it, popular replicated ideological plots in order to understand and define this phenomenon; explore the monument as an instrument of the politics of memory and a marker of public space in order to understand its features and functions; outline the features of the search for identity and the establishment of a memory policy, as well as the memory war of the post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia) in relation to the Soviet past; consider the course, range, logic and features of the overthrow of Soviet monuments at the beginning of 1990s in Central - Eastern Europe in order to understand how the attitude towards Soviet monuments has changed, what explains such changes, what are the consequences of these changes; to conduct a comparative analysis of the forms of development of relics of Soviet monumental propaganda in the museum environment using the example of theme parks of Soviet ideological art Muzeon (Russia), Memento (Hungary) and Grutas park (Lithuania) in order to understand how the methods of development and memory policy of these countries differ to the Soviet past; to study the phenomenon of Leninfall, its political and ideological context, which led to the decommunization laws in Ukraine in order to understand why the attitude to the Soviet heritage has changed; to describe the artistic practices perception of Leninfall in order to understand how both representatives of creative professions and the audience react to it consumers; summarize the debate about the present and future of Soviet monumental propaganda in Ukraine in order to determine its place in the history of the country; examine the influence of Leninfall on its attitude to the Soviet totalitarian heritage in Lithuania, Belarus, and Russia. Using a retrospective, historical - comparative, chronological method, also the systematization and generalization method, it was possible to conclude that Soviet monumental propaganda created a pantheon of the leader and heroes, which were circulated throughout the USSR. Monuments became symbols of the Soviet Union and in some countries survived it for decades. Monuments symbolize Soviet power, and the territory on which they stand is part of the "Russian world". After gaining independence, with few exceptions, only Western Ukraine got rid of Soviet ideological monuments. Due to the transition period and the formation of the economy, the ideological functions of Soviet monuments were scored. But at the time of the country's reorientation of values, the monuments turned out to be alien, moreover, they became the symbols of another country that was trying to reintegrate the post-Soviet space on the basis of the imperial project called "Great Russia." The search for the identity of an independent country was largely based on its opposition to the USSR. In Lithuania, it was possible to determine a consistent negative assessment of the Soviet, Russia altogether included the Soviet in its historical narrative, while Belarus was unable to critically look at the Soviet past. For many years in Ukraine, Ukrainian and Soviet identities coexisted, which are mutually exclusive. The situation changed during the Euromaidan, when Ukraine finally decided on the European vector. Political and value changes in the countries of Central - Eastern Europe resulted in the dismantling of ideological monuments, symbols of foreign power. The situation was not always solved using dismantling, sometimes the monuments were transferred, names changed, etc. thus they no longer performed their ideological functions. At that time, the understanding of this layer of heritage began, the understanding that dismantling without explanation or discussion is the Soviet method of unifying memory. The museum form of assimilation of the totalitarian heritage allows to physically preserve the monument, for subsequent study and use. Such monuments can be used for educational and enlightening purposes. The choice of the pro-European vector of the country's development and the desire to create own Ukrainian historical narrative stimulated Leninfall as a process of cleaning the symbolic space of the country. The artistic practices of comprehending Leninfall begin a discussion about the significance of Soviet monumental sculpture, about who will replace Lenin and whether it is worth continuing this practice. Ideological sculpture has prospects for being used in tourism and museum activities. Nevertheless, the main problem of this heritage lies in its interpretation, the criteria of which should be developed. The Leninfall influenced the perception of the Soviet ideological heritage in neighboring countries for Lithuania, it became an opportunity to look at the unresolved situations from the 1990s, Belarus shows an example when monuments are removed from the center or completely removed, which indicates a reassessment of the past. Against the background of the authorities of the country that protects and values the Soviet heritage. In Russia, despite several demolitions, and petitions for dismantling, new monuments to Lenin appear which indicates that the country has a pro-Soviet dominant narrative, but there are alternative views. The territory of the annexed Crimea shows distance from Ukraine, in the form of the dismantling of the monument to the hetman P. Konashevych-Sagaidachny, while in Ukraine there was Leninfall. And the appearance of monuments not only to Lenin, but also to figures of Russian history, may indicate a symbolic marking of the territory as Russian.
Version française disponible:http://www.afd.fr/webdav/site/afd/shared/PUBLICATIONS/RECHERCHE/Scientifiques/Etudes-AFD/13-VF-etudes-afd.pdf ; International audience ; Citizen participation is a question that has long been debated in academic circles (Arnstein 1969). Equally prevalent in the development discourse and in recommendations made by international institutions, has been the principle of participation as a guarantee of good governance (Christens & Speer 2006). The principle of community participation further conforms to the international human rights framework with regard to the right to adequate housing. In India, this principle has been emphasized, to varying degrees, in the policies and programmes surrounding slum clearance, launched since the 1990's. It is notably the case of the national strategy of "Slum-free city planning", Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) that was launched in 2009.This paper will first analyse the manner in which the involvement of the slum inhabitants is envisaged in the framework of national policies as well as in programmes put in place at the state level, specifically in Mumbai and in Delhi, since 1990. We will demonstrate in particular how the concept of participation is based upon a notion that these residents are organized into a "community" and are represented by NGOs and community-based organizations.Second, we will explore the manner in which these principles are, or are not implemented on the ground by examining some slum demolition operations as well as some rehabilitation or resettlement programmes, with or without housing.Participation is a process that may involve the population at different levels, as Arnstein (1969) aptly analysed by proposing a ladder of citizen participation. Our analysis will centre on the first levels of participation, namely informing and consulting the residents. Access to information, is in fact, the prerequisite for effective citizen participation. Concurring with Jordhus-Lier et al. (2015), our case studies in Delhi and Chennai indicated that several factors limit the circulation of information, and subsequently the involvement of project affected people. The main limiting factors proved to be: withholding of information by certain actors, late communication, and ambiguous roles played by intermediaries (local leaders and NGOs). Observations on the ground also put into evidence the challenges of a representative and equitable consultation of slum residents in the context of heterogeneous (non) communities affected by different interests.The participation of civil society organizations within "invited spaces" (Cornwall 2002, Miraftab 2004), according to the terms and conditions imposed by state authorities, opens up the debate (including among the NGOs) on the benefits to the slum residents of being engaged versus a strategy of confrontation and mobilization within "invented spaces" (Miraftab 2004) of claim making controlled by the base.Our analysis is based on field surveys and interviews conducted in Delhi from 2007 to 2015, and in Chennai from 2011 to 2013. ; La participation citoyenne est une question débattue de longue date dans le milieu académique (Arnstein 1969). Le principe de participation comme garant de bonne gouvernance est également devenu prégnant dans les discours et recommandations des institutions internationales en matière de développement (Christens & Speer 2006). Il est de même affirmé dans les conventions internationales traitant du droit à un logement convenable. Les politiques et programmes de résorption des bidonvilles lancés en Inde depuis les années 1990 mettent aussi en avant, à des degrés divers, le principe de participation de la « communauté ». C'est notamment le cas de la stratégie nationale de planification de villes sans-bidonville (« Slum-free city planning »), le programme Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) lancé en 2009-2010.Cette communication propose dans un premier temps une analyse de la manière dont l'implication des habitants concernés est envisagée dans ce document de politique nationale, ainsi que dans les programmes mis en œuvre au niveau des Etats, en particulier à Mumbai et à Delhi, depuis 1990. Nous montrerons en particulier comment la notion de participation repose sur une conception des habitants organisés en « communauté », et représentés par des ONG ou des associations de résidents. Dans un deuxième temps, nous nous intéresserons à la manière dont ces principes sont mis – ou non – en œuvre sur le terrain, en examinant des opérations de démolition des bidonvilles et de réhabilitation ou relocalisation, avec ou sans relogement. La participation est un processus qui recouvre différents degrés d'implication des populations, comme Arnstein (1969) a pu l'analyser en proposant une échelle de participation citoyenne. Notre analyse se centrera ici sur les premiers degrés de participation, à savoir l'information et la consultation des habitants. L'information est en effet le préalable essentiel à toute participation effective. Or, en accord avec Jordhus-Lier et al. (2015), nos études de cas à Delhi et Chennai montrent que plusieurs facteurs viennent limiter la circulation de l'information et par conséquence l'implication des habitants dans les projets les affectant : la rétention des informations par certains acteurs, une communication intervenant trop tardivement, le rôle ambigu des intermédiaires (leaders locaux et ONG). Les observations de terrain mettent également en évidence les défis d'une consultation représentative et équitable dans des contextes de (non)communautés hétérogènes, traversées par des intérêts divergents. La participation des organisations issues de la société civile dans les « espaces invités » (Cornwall 2002, Miraftab 2004) selon les termes et conditions posés par les instances publiques ouvre le débat (y compris parmi les ONG) sur les bénéfices à attendre pour les habitants des bidonvilles d'un tel engagement, par rapport à une stratégie de confrontation et une mobilisation dans des « espaces inventés » (Miraftab 2004) de revendication contrôlés par la base. Notre analyse est basée sur des enquêtes de terrain et des entretiens menés à Delhi de 2007 à 2015, et à Chennai de 2011 à 2013.
Version française disponible:http://www.afd.fr/webdav/site/afd/shared/PUBLICATIONS/RECHERCHE/Scientifiques/Etudes-AFD/13-VF-etudes-afd.pdf ; International audience ; Citizen participation is a question that has long been debated in academic circles (Arnstein 1969). Equally prevalent in the development discourse and in recommendations made by international institutions, has been the principle of participation as a guarantee of good governance (Christens & Speer 2006). The principle of community participation further conforms to the international human rights framework with regard to the right to adequate housing. In India, this principle has been emphasized, to varying degrees, in the policies and programmes surrounding slum clearance, launched since the 1990's. It is notably the case of the national strategy of "Slum-free city planning", Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) that was launched in 2009.This paper will first analyse the manner in which the involvement of the slum inhabitants is envisaged in the framework of national policies as well as in programmes put in place at the state level, specifically in Mumbai and in Delhi, since 1990. We will demonstrate in particular how the concept of participation is based upon a notion that these residents are organized into a "community" and are represented by NGOs and community-based organizations.Second, we will explore the manner in which these principles are, or are not implemented on the ground by examining some slum demolition operations as well as some rehabilitation or resettlement programmes, with or without housing.Participation is a process that may involve the population at different levels, as Arnstein (1969) aptly analysed by proposing a ladder of citizen participation. Our analysis will centre on the first levels of participation, namely informing and consulting the residents. Access to information, is in fact, the prerequisite for effective citizen participation. Concurring with Jordhus-Lier et al. (2015), our case studies in Delhi and Chennai indicated that several factors limit the circulation of information, and subsequently the involvement of project affected people. The main limiting factors proved to be: withholding of information by certain actors, late communication, and ambiguous roles played by intermediaries (local leaders and NGOs). Observations on the ground also put into evidence the challenges of a representative and equitable consultation of slum residents in the context of heterogeneous (non) communities affected by different interests.The participation of civil society organizations within "invited spaces" (Cornwall 2002, Miraftab 2004), according to the terms and conditions imposed by state authorities, opens up the debate (including among the NGOs) on the benefits to the slum residents of being engaged versus a strategy of confrontation and mobilization within "invented spaces" (Miraftab 2004) of claim making controlled by the base.Our analysis is based on field surveys and interviews conducted in Delhi from 2007 to 2015, and in Chennai from 2011 to 2013. ; La participation citoyenne est une question débattue de longue date dans le milieu académique (Arnstein 1969). Le principe de participation comme garant de bonne gouvernance est également devenu prégnant dans les discours et recommandations des institutions internationales en matière de développement (Christens & Speer 2006). Il est de même affirmé dans les conventions internationales traitant du droit à un logement convenable. Les politiques et programmes de résorption des bidonvilles lancés en Inde depuis les années 1990 mettent aussi en avant, à des degrés divers, le principe de participation de la « communauté ». C'est notamment le cas de la stratégie nationale de planification de villes sans-bidonville (« Slum-free city planning »), le programme Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) lancé en 2009-2010.Cette communication propose dans un premier temps une analyse de la manière dont l'implication des habitants concernés est envisagée dans ce document de politique nationale, ainsi que dans les programmes mis en œuvre au niveau des Etats, en particulier à Mumbai et à Delhi, depuis 1990. Nous montrerons en particulier comment la notion de participation repose sur une conception des habitants organisés en « communauté », et représentés par des ONG ou des associations de résidents. Dans un deuxième temps, nous nous intéresserons à la manière dont ces principes sont mis – ou non – en œuvre sur le terrain, en examinant des opérations de démolition des bidonvilles et de réhabilitation ou relocalisation, avec ou sans relogement. La participation est un processus qui recouvre différents degrés d'implication des populations, comme Arnstein (1969) a pu l'analyser en proposant une échelle de participation citoyenne. Notre analyse se centrera ici sur les premiers degrés de participation, à savoir l'information et la consultation des habitants. L'information est en effet le préalable essentiel à toute participation effective. Or, en accord avec Jordhus-Lier et al. (2015), nos études de cas à Delhi et Chennai montrent que plusieurs facteurs viennent limiter la circulation de l'information et par conséquence l'implication des habitants dans les projets les affectant : la rétention des informations par certains acteurs, une communication intervenant trop tardivement, le rôle ambigu des intermédiaires (leaders locaux et ONG). Les observations de terrain mettent également en évidence les défis d'une consultation représentative et équitable dans des contextes de (non)communautés hétérogènes, traversées par des intérêts divergents. La participation des organisations issues de la société civile dans les « espaces invités » (Cornwall 2002, Miraftab 2004) selon les termes et conditions posés par les instances publiques ouvre le débat (y compris parmi les ONG) sur les bénéfices à attendre pour les habitants des bidonvilles d'un tel engagement, par rapport à une stratégie de confrontation et une mobilisation dans des « espaces inventés » (Miraftab 2004) de revendication contrôlés par la base. Notre analyse est basée sur des enquêtes de terrain et des entretiens menés à Delhi de 2007 à 2015, et à Chennai de 2011 à 2013.
The concrete is one of the most important construction materials. Its sustainability is determined by its durability, its low maintenance and its ability to be reused, recycled or recovered. Hence, the use of recycled aggregates produced from CDW (Construction and Demolition Wastes) can further contribute to the sustainability of the concretes, generating many environmental benefits and allowing the ideal closure of the life cycle of this material. However, the following aspects govern the sustainability of recycled aggregates used in concrete production: the recycled aggregate should be available at short distances, and the recycled concrete produced should not impact the environment and must be as durable as its equivalent conventional option. In Spain, the number of producers of recycled aggregate is high enough to make viable the use of this material. However, the supply of recycled aggregates suitable, according to national legislation, for production of concretes is quite low. The use of mixed recycled aggregates for production of concrete should be better valued since it is a very important step into the consolidations of this recycling sector in the country. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the sustainability of concretes made with recycled aggregates produced in Spain that do not meet the requirements of the current national legislation for concrete production. These investigations were conducted through the evaluation of the durability and the environmental impact, done by the leaching analysis. The evaluation of durability and environmental impact were done by an extensive experimental campaign with concretes produced using different proportions of coarse recycled aggregates (20%, 50% and 100%). Two types of recycled aggregates have been chosen: one mainly comprised of mortar, concrete and unbound aggregates elements, but with a significant amount of asphalt elements (aggregate AH), and another comprised of a large amount of ceramic elements (aggregate AC). Also, concretes made with 100% of conventional aggregate were produced as reference. The properties examined were: porosity, absorption, compressive strength, elastic modulus, drying shrinkage, mercury intrusion porosimetry, capillary absorption, carbonation, chloride penetration, and leaching of both the granular and the monolithic materials. The estimation and evaluation of the sustainability of the recycled concretes produced in this work has been done through indexes and indicators of the forecast lifespan and of the environmental impact created from mathematical models available in the literature and/or experimental results from this study. Finally, a new approach to the sustainable use of recycled concretes is advocated. The results obtained have been analyzed and compared, in order to validate the method developed and to define technical and environmental quality levels for recycled aggregates used in concretes in accordance with the needs, limitations and strengths of each situation. ; El hormigón es considerado uno de los materiales más importantes de la construcción civil. Su valor como material sostenible se determina por su durabilidad, necesidad de poco mantenimiento y capacidad de reutilizarse, reciclarse o recuperarse. En este sentido, el uso de árido reciclados provenientes de RCD puede contribuir aún más para la sostenibilidad de un hormigón, pues produce diversos beneficios ambientales y permite el cierre ideal de su ciclo productivo. La sostenibilidad de uso de áridos reciclados en la producción de hormigones, sin embargo, se establece por los siguientes aspectos: el árido reciclado debe estar disponible a cortas distancias, y el hormigón reciclado producido no puede generar impacto al medio y debe ser tan durable como su opción convencional equivalente. En España, la disponibilidad de productores de árido reciclado es lo suficientemente alta para viabilizar el uso de este material. En cambio, la oferta de áridos reciclados que se adecuen a las condiciones impuestas por la normativa española actual para la producción de hormigones es bastante reducida. El uso de áridos reciclados mixtos en la producción de hormigones debe ser valorado pues es un paso muy importante para consolidar este tipo de reciclaje en el país. A tal efecto, este estudio propone el análisis de la sostenibilidad de hormigones producidos con áridos reciclados españoles que no cumplen los requisitos impuestos por la normativa española actual para la producción de hormigones, a partir del análisis de su durabilidad e impacto ambiental. Se ha realizado una amplia campaña experimental donde se ha evaluado la durabilidad y el impacto ambiental por lixiviación de hormigones producidos con distintas proporciones de áridos reciclados gruesos (20%, 50% y 100%). Dos tipos de áridos reciclados han sido escogidos: uno compuesto mayoritariamente por elementos de mortero, hormigón y áridos no ligados, pero con una cantidad importante de elementos asfalticos (árido AH), y uno compuesto con una importante cantidad de elementos cerámicos (árido AC). Como referencia, se ha producido un hormigón hecho con 100% de árido convencional. Las propiedades analizadas han sido: porosidad, absorción, resistencia a compresión, módulo de elasticidad, retracción por secado, porosimetría de intrusión de mercurio, absorción capilar, carbonatación, penetración de cloruros, y lixiviación del material granular y del material monolítico. La evaluación y medida de la sostenibilidad de los hormigones reciclados producidos en este trabajo se ha realizado a través de índices y indicadores de previsión de vida útil y de impacto ambiental por lixiviación creados a partir de modelos matemáticos disponibles en la bibliografía y/o resultados obtenidos en la etapa experimental. Finalmente, se defiende un nuevo enfoque para el uso sostenible de hormigones reciclados. Se ha realizado el análisis y la comparación de los resultados obtenidos entre si, con el objetivo de validar el método desarrollado y de definir niveles de calidad técnicos y ambientales de uso de áridos reciclados en hormigón de acuerdo con las necesidades, deficiencias y calidades de cada situación. ; Postprint (published version)
The concrete is one of the most important construction materials. Its sustainability is determined by its durability, its low maintenance and its ability to be reused, recycled or recovered. Hence, the use of recycled aggregates produced from CDW (Construction and Demolition Wastes) can further contribute to the sustainability of the concretes, generating many environmental benefits and allowing the ideal closure of the life cycle of this material. However, the following aspects govern the sustainability of recycled aggregates used in concrete production: the recycled aggregate should be available at short distances, and the recycled concrete produced should not impact the environment and must be as durable as its equivalent conventional option. In Spain, the number of producers of recycled aggregate is high enough to make viable the use of this material. However, the supply of recycled aggregates suitable, according to national legislation, for production of concretes is quite low. The use of mixed recycled aggregates for production of concrete should be better valued since it is a very important step into the consolidations of this recycling sector in the country. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the sustainability of concretes made with recycled aggregates produced in Spain that do not meet the requirements of the current national legislation for concrete production. These investigations were conducted through the evaluation of the durability and the environmental impact, done by the leaching analysis. The evaluation of durability and environmental impact were done by an extensive experimental campaign with concretes produced using different proportions of coarse recycled aggregates (20%, 50% and 100%). Two types of recycled aggregates have been chosen: one mainly comprised of mortar, concrete and unbound aggregates elements, but with a significant amount of asphalt elements (aggregate AH), and another comprised of a large amount of ceramic elements (aggregate AC). Also, concretes made with 100% of conventional aggregate were produced as reference. The properties examined were: porosity, absorption, compressive strength, elastic modulus, drying shrinkage, mercury intrusion porosimetry, capillary absorption, carbonation, chloride penetration, and leaching of both the granular and the monolithic materials. The estimation and evaluation of the sustainability of the recycled concretes produced in this work has been done through indexes and indicators of the forecast lifespan and of the environmental impact created from mathematical models available in the literature and/or experimental results from this study. Finally, a new approach to the sustainable use of recycled concretes is advocated. The results obtained have been analyzed and compared, in order to validate the method developed and to define technical and environmental quality levels for recycled aggregates used in concretes in accordance with the needs, limitations and strengths of each situation. ; El hormigón es considerado uno de los materiales más importantes de la construcción civil. Su valor como material sostenible se determina por su durabilidad, necesidad de poco mantenimiento y capacidad de reutilizarse, reciclarse o recuperarse. En este sentido, el uso de árido reciclados provenientes de RCD puede contribuir aún más para la sostenibilidad de un hormigón, pues produce diversos beneficios ambientales y permite el cierre ideal de su ciclo productivo. La sostenibilidad de uso de áridos reciclados en la producción de hormigones, sin embargo, se establece por los siguientes aspectos: el árido reciclado debe estar disponible a cortas distancias, y el hormigón reciclado producido no puede generar impacto al medio y debe ser tan durable como su opción convencional equivalente. En España, la disponibilidad de productores de árido reciclado es lo suficientemente alta para viabilizar el uso de este material. En cambio, la oferta de áridos reciclados que se adecuen a las condiciones impuestas por la normativa española actual para la producción de hormigones es bastante reducida. El uso de áridos reciclados mixtos en la producción de hormigones debe ser valorado pues es un paso muy importante para consolidar este tipo de reciclaje en el país. A tal efecto, este estudio propone el análisis de la sostenibilidad de hormigones producidos con áridos reciclados españoles que no cumplen los requisitos impuestos por la normativa española actual para la producción de hormigones, a partir del análisis de su durabilidad e impacto ambiental. Se ha realizado una amplia campaña experimental donde se ha evaluado la durabilidad y el impacto ambiental por lixiviación de hormigones producidos con distintas proporciones de áridos reciclados gruesos (20%, 50% y 100%). Dos tipos de áridos reciclados han sido escogidos: uno compuesto mayoritariamente por elementos de mortero, hormigón y áridos no ligados, pero con una cantidad importante de elementos asfalticos (árido AH), y uno compuesto con una importante cantidad de elementos cerámicos (árido AC). Como referencia, se ha producido un hormigón hecho con 100% de árido convencional. Las propiedades analizadas han sido: porosidad, absorción, resistencia a compresión, módulo de elasticidad, retracción por secado, porosimetría de intrusión de mercurio, absorción capilar, carbonatación, penetración de cloruros, y lixiviación del material granular y del material monolítico. La evaluación y medida de la sostenibilidad de los hormigones reciclados producidos en este trabajo se ha realizado a través de índices y indicadores de previsión de vida útil y de impacto ambiental por lixiviación creados a partir de modelos matemáticos disponibles en la bibliografía y/o resultados obtenidos en la etapa experimental. Finalmente, se defiende un nuevo enfoque para el uso sostenible de hormigones reciclados. Se ha realizado el análisis y la comparación de los resultados obtenidos entre si, con el objetivo de validar el método desarrollado y de definir niveles de calidad técnicos y ambientales de uso de áridos reciclados en hormigón de acuerdo con las necesidades, deficiencias y calidades de cada situación. ; Postprint (published version)
Ympäristökysymys ja aseveliakseli on tutkimus suomalaisen kaupunkiympäristön politisoitumisesta. Väitöskirja vastaa kysymykseen miten ympäristöstä tuli politiikkaa? piirtämällä tarkan kuvan neljästä ympäristön politisoitumisen vuosikymmenestä 1960-luvulta lähtien, kasvukonsensuksesta ympäristökiistoihin. Tamperelaisia ympäristökiistoja ja paikallista politiikkaa käytetään teoksessa laboratoriona, jossa tiivistyy laajempia suomalaisen lähihistorian muutostrendejä. Paikallisten ympäristöongelmien synty kietoutuu muuttuvan yhteiskunnan arvostuksiin ja puhetapoihin sekä sukupolvien välisiin jännitteisiin. Erityisesti teos analysoi jännitteitä, joita voimistuva ympäristöliikehdintä synnytti haastaessaan Tampereella pitkään vaikuttaneen valtakoalition, ns. aseveliakselin, paikallisen hallintatavan. Ympäristökysymys ja aseveliakseli sukeltaa ympäristön politisoitumiseen viiden tamperelaisen tapauksen kautta: 1. Pyynikin moottoritiehanke (1959 - 1974) 2. Näsijärven saastuminen ja vedenoton siirtäminen Roineeseen (1960 - 1972) 3. Kauppahallin virastotalon purkamiseen liittynyt kiista (1972 - 1983) 4. Epilän kivihiilivoimalahankkeeseen liittynyt kiista (1981 - 1984) 5. Tampellan alueen kaavoituskiista (1989 - 1995) Tapaukset kertovat ympäristöongelmien yhteiskunnallisesta muotoutumisesta ja oman aikansa toiveista, tavoitteista ja ristiriidoista. Ympäristön pilaantumisen ja -suojelun nousu yhteiskunnalliseksi kysymykseksi liittyy kiinteästi Suomen ja Tampereen sodanjälkeiseen kehitykseen ja vaurastumiseen, jonka kääntöpuolena ympäristöhaittoja voidaan pitää. Useamman paikallisen tapaustutkimuksen yhdistäminen paikallisen hallintatavan analyysiin tuo uuden näkökulman ympäristöongelmien ja paikallisen poliittisen kulttuurin historiallisen rakentumiseen. Ympäristöongelmia käsitellään yhteiskunnallisina ongelmina, joille toimijoiden väliset jännitteet ja määrittelykamppailut sekä erilaisten vaatimusten esittäminen ovat ominaisia. Politisoitumisen analyysissä tukeudutaan sosiologi Pierre Bourdieun ja politiikantutkija Kari Palosen käsitteisiin. Politisoitumisen käsitteellä ei viitata puoluepolitiikkaan, vaan pikemminkin vakiintuneiden ajatus- ja toimintamallien kyseenalaistumiseen. Tutkimus etenee teoreettisten ja metodologisten lähtökohtien kautta tapaustutkimuksiin, joiden lomassa taustoitetaan ympäristöliikehdinnän historiaa paikallisella tasolla. Tapausten jälkeen käsitellään paikallisen hallintatavan teoreettista näkökulmaa ja paikallisen hallinnan historiallisia muotoja Tampereella. Ympäristön politisoituminen tapahtui Tampereella vaiheittain. Ensimmäiset ympäristöliikehdinnän merkit näkyivät Tampereella ns. ympäristöherätyksen myötä 1960- ja 70-luvun taitteessa. Ympäristöliikkeen jakautuminen oikeisto-vasemmisto -ulottuvuudella kuitenkin jarrutti ympäristöjärjestöjen kasvua 1970-luvun puolivälissä. Vuosikymmenen lopulta lähtien alkoi uusi ympäristöprotestien vaihe. Jännite suoraviivaisen johtajakeskeisen hallintavan ja uusien, rauhan aikana kasvaneiden sukupolvien edustajien kuten vihreän liikkeen välillä kävi ilmeiseksi paikallisissa ympäristökiistoissa 1980-luvun alusta alkaen. Tämä jännite huipentui tutkimuksen viimeisessä tapauksessa, Tampellan kiistassa 1980- ja 90-lukujen taitteessa. Sosiaalidemokraattien ja Kokoomuksen muodostaman kunnallispolitiikan valtakoalition, aseveliakselin, näkökulmasta ympäristöprotestit näyttäytyivät vastustuksena, ei uutena yhteiskunnallisena kysymyksenä. Väitämme, että tämä johtui sekä aseveliakselin historiallisesti muodostuneista arvostuksista ja suhtautumistavoista että tamperelaisen politiikan kentän jakautumisesta aseveliakselikoalition ja sen vastustajien välillä. Nämä tekijät vaikeuttivat ympäristökysymysten nostamista paikallisen päätöksenteon piiriin ja supistivat ympäristöliikehdinnän toimintatilaa. Ympäristön politisoituminen ilmeni Tampereella useammalla ulottuvuudella, joista ensimmäisenä voi pitää ympäristöherätyksen synnyttämää uutta tulkintakehystä. Se antoi kaikupohjaa paikallisille ympäristön muuttamista politisoiville vaatimuksille. Luonto politisoitui ympäristöksi ja ympäristö politisoitui yhteiskunnalliseksi protestiksi ja kritiikiksi, joka ilmeni vaatimuksina paikallisissa ympäristökiistoissa. Toiseksi politisoiminen liittyi yksittäisten ympäristön muutoksia koskevien suunnitelmien kyseenalaistamiseen. Tätä tapahtui Tampereella 1970-luvulta alkaen ja selvemmin 1980-luvun ympäristökiistoissa. Määrittelykamppailut koskivat esim. Kauppahallin virastotalon tapauksessa paitsi talon purkusuunnitelmia, myös talon esteettistä arvoa kaupunkimaisemassa. Tampereen kasvoja voimakkaasti muuttanut modernisaatiokehitys ei enää näyttänytkään väistämättömältä. Samalla voidaan puhua myös laajemmasta kaupunkimaiseman muutosten kyseenalaistumisesta. Ympäristöherätys ja yksittäiset tapahtumat kuten Verkatehtaan purkaminen 1970-luvun lopulla muuttivat tamperelaisten tapaa katsoa kaupunkiaan. Kolmanneksi kiistoissa nousi esiin tiedon ja asiantuntemuksen politiikka. Tiedon politiikka ilmeni selvästi 1980-luvun kiistoissa, joissa (tieteellisen) tiedon ja asiantuntijuuden rooli kyseenalaistui. Kauppahallin virastotalon kiistassa kyseenalaistettiin rakennusten huonokuntoisuuden kriteerit. Epilän voimalakiistassa politisoitui asiantuntijoiden tuottama tieto voimalavaihtoehtojen edullisuudesta. Tampellan kiistassa kriisiytyi kaupunkisuunnittelijoiden asiantuntemus ja rooli yleisen edun vaalijoina. Neljäs politisoitumisen ulottuvuus koskee yksittäisten kysymysten toimintavaihtoehtojen kyseenalaistamisen laajenemista koskemaan koko paikallista hallintatapaa ja paikallista poliittista kulttuuria. Selvimmin yksittäiseksi hallintatavan kyseenalaistumisen tapaukseksi muodostui tutkimuksessamme Tampellan tapaus, jossa suuret rakentamissuunnitelmat ja paikallisten poliittisten eliittien toimintamallit joutuivat ennen näkemättömän kritiikin kohteeksi. Paikallinen hallintatapa ei kyseenalaistunut vain ympäristökysymysten vaikutuksesta, mutta ympäristökonfliktit näyttäytyvät kiinnostavina teollisuuskaupungin perinteiden rapautumista ilmentävinä tapahtumina. Viidenneksi ympäristön politisoituminen kosketti laajemmin kaupungin habitusta kaupunkimaiseman, paikallisen perinteen ja itseymmärryksen tasoilla. Kyse ei ole vain ympäristökohteista vaan laajemmin paikallisesta kulttuurista ja identiteetistä. Paikalliset ympäristöliikkeet toimivat kuten yhteiskunnallisilta kaupunkiliikkeiltä voidaan odottaa: ne synnyttivät konflikteja ja muuttivat osaltaan kaupungin merkityksiä. Kaupungin habituksen muutokseen liittyy selvästi perinteisen tamperelaisen ns. savupiipputeollisuuden hiipuminen. Jälkiteollistuvan kaupungin ympäristökonfliktit olivat sekä tämän yhteiskunnallisen murroksen indikaattoreita että sen katalysaattoreita. Teollisuuskaupungin traditioiden kyseenalaistuminen voidaan nähdä osana laajempaa yksinkertaisen modernin projektin kritiikkiä. Tutkimus perustuu laajaan asiakirja- ja lehtiaineistoon sekä ympäristökiistojen ytimessä vaikuttaneiden kansalaisaktivistien ja paikallisten päättäjien haastatteluihin. Paikallisen historian kuvauksessa on käytetty sekundaarilähteitä ja haastatteluja, tapaustutkimukset perustuvat pääasiassa lehti -ja asiakirja-aineistoihin ja haastatteluihin. Tapausten käännekohtia on lisäksi analysoitu määrällisellä sisällönerittelyllä sekä diskurssi -ja argumentaatioanalyysin keinoin. ; ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES AND THE "BROTHERS IN ARMS AXIS" POLITICISATION OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN TAMPERE FROM 1959 TO 1995 This study examines the politicisation of the environment in the context of one Finnish locality, Tampere. It is a study on the politics of the environment, i.e. the historical developments and contestations that preceded the institutionalisation of environmental policy. The politics of the environment is examined at the local level in the context of the tension between the rise of environmentalism and the traditions of local politics and governance. The locality of Tampere, thus provides a laboratory for understanding how environmentalism took place and what kind of tensions it caused. Theoretically the study draws on both sociology and political science. The theoretical frame is set by combining Kari Palonen s terminology of politics and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of action. Politicisation is a central notion in the study. It is understood as a process of questioning the rules of the game, i.e. claiming something to be playable and contingent. In Bourdieu s terms this implies a process of questioning the givenness of the doxa and provoking orthodox arguments from the political elite. Politicisation may take place at different scales, from the local disputes to broader patterns of governance and political culture. The central research question was the following: ·How has the environment become politicised at the local level? This question was divided into the following questions: ·What events have contributed to the politicisation of the environment? ·What kinds of disputes and actor coalitions emerged in these events? ·How did the patterns of local governance influence the definition of environmental problems? And, vice versa, how did the environmental problems effect local governance? ·What was the role of environmental movements in the politicisation of the environment? The research was carried out in the form of five case studies, all in the same locality, touching on different aspects of environmental issues, and covering the temporal scope of the study, from the 1960s to the 1990s. The cases studied were the following: 1. The Pyynikki highway construction plan (1959-1974) 2. The pollution of lake Näsijärvi by a local pulp plant and the moving the municipal water intake to lake Roine (1960-1972) 3. The dispute over the planned demolition of the old Jugendstil Office block in the city center (1972-1983) 4. The dispute over the plan to build a coal power plant in Epilä (1981-1984) 5. The conflict over the planning of the Tampella industrial area in the city center (1989-1995) The cases cover the time from the pre-history of environmentalism, i.e. when the environment was still a non-issue, through the rise of environmentalism (the so called environmental awakening ) to the institutionalisation of environmental issues in the 1990s. The research data comprised sources on local history including archives and official documents, newspaper materials and 35 interviews of local actors. Methodologically, the study was structured in relation to different levels: 1) in the context of local history (secondary sources on local history and interviews), 2) the case studies using thick description out of which, 3) detailed instances of discourse analysis, especially argumentation (or claims-making ) were extracted. Environmental problems were studied in a contextual constructivist frame as social problems constructed in processes of claims-making, involving argumentation and discursive struggle. Local environmental movements were studied as urban social movements whose activities affect the collective production of the city while being aimed at contesting and challenging the prevailing social order. The local movements in Tampere were key actors in politicising the environment, contributing to a change whereby previously undisputed environmental change and related social practices were no longer seen as inevitable or normal. Movements created new meanings not only for their participants, but for the larger community, also extending beyond the time frame of their most active presence. Since the late 1960s, the rise of environmentalism became manifest through locally based movements and organizations. The purely scientific orientations of local conservationist associations were challenged by more socially and politically oriented civic activities and associations. An important milestone was the founding of Pirkanmaa nature conservation association in 1969. Since 1970, environmentalism gathered momentum with rapidly growing membership figures and local initiatives. It soon suffered, however, from ideological divisions in the mid-1970s, as the radical left-wing students took over the nature conservation association. The divisions started to recede when the Koijärvi bird lake conflict (in Forssa) marked the rise of the Finnish green movement. This had its effect in Tampere as well: the ideological divisions between right- and leftwing environmentalists were reconciled in the early 1980s, which marked the beginning of an active period of environmental contestation. The emergence of the Finnish Green movement in the 1980s made such contestation increasingly visible at the local level. In Tampere, the first greens were elected in the local council in 1984. During the different disputes beginning from the 1970s, but especially in the 1980s, environmental protest challenged local political traditions and political culture, especially the traditions of the local governance. In Tampere, the scene of local politics in Tampere had virtually ever since the Second World War been dominated by a particular, unofficial institutional arrangement, which was commonly known as the brothers-in-arms axis. Adopted in the mid-1950s, the notion referred to the co-operation between the conservative National Coalition party and the Social Democrats in local politics and municipal government. This coalition was held together through a shared habitus based on wartime experiences and held a promise of welfare. The brothers-in-arms axis became an important player in local politics in the 1960s when the central figures of the coalition gained important position in city government. The study examines both the processes that enabled the stabilization of this co-operation into a local growth regime and those that have, especially since the 1980s, contributed to its weakening. The politicisation of the environment was a novelty in the modernist political landscape of Tampere. In the eyes of the governing coalition, however, environmental protest was perceived as mere opposition, not as a new issue on the agenda. We argue that this was due to the local traditions of an industrial city, divided between left and right and a political sphere divided between the brothers-in-arms coalition and the communists, which allowed little space for new social movements. Environmental protest, however, was not the only factor to challenge the regime. The regime was also weakened through the loosening of ideological division s between the left and the right, as the communists had gradually lost political ground. The politicisation of the environment gathered momentum in the late 1970s when the growth of Tampere had slowed down and when there was a growing discrepancy between the mode of governance and its increasingly postindustrial social environment. This tension, and the inertia of the closed style of governance, became visible in the Tampella dispute in 1989, the biggest local environmental conflict to date. The politicization of the environment took place at different levels. It happened both at the level of individual disputes as alternatives were demanded to the straightforward mode of local planning, but it also expanded into a broader critique of local governance. Furthermore, we argue that the politicisation of the environment was not only an agent-driven phenomenon, since it depended on the cultural resonance of claims presented in local disputes. The study allows us to indicate critical events in the politicization of the environment. These were events sine qua non, i.e. events that set the stage and sensitized local actors for future contestations. The demolition of the old broadcloth factory (Verkatehdas) in 1976 and the dispute over Tampella were critical events in this sense. The former was retained in the memory of then activists-to-be and the latter both signaled the crisis of the closed-style decision-making and served to stabilize the local greens as a credible political alternative. Finally, the contestations, together with the restructuration of the locality, resulted in altering the modern industrial habitus of the city.
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The ideological left and political consultants were the biggest losers in Louisiana's 2023 general election, as the state went back to the future with new heights attained in the political career of Republican Atty. Gen. Jeff Landry, who fewer than a dozen years ago looked to have little future in politics but now becomes the lodestar for genuine, far-reaching conservative policy change.
Landry assumed an additional title this past weekend: governor-elect, when he bested a field of a 15 with 52 percent of the vote, avoiding a runoff. Nobody else came close – Democrat former cabinet member Shawn Wilson (26 percent) barely got half of Landry's total and the combination of Republican former gubernatorial official Stephen Waguespack (5.9 percent), Republican Treas. John Schroder (5.3 percent), independent trial lawyer Hunter Lundy (4.9 percent), Republican state Sen. Sharon Hewitt (1.7 percent), and Republican state Rep. Richard Nelson (0.3 percent, comprised of voters who didn't get the memo that he had withdrawn about a month ago) that drew barely more than a third of Landry's haul even as collectively they spent in 2023 $9.2 million through nearly the end of September, only $400,000 fewer than did Landry.
This result reverberates on different levels. Perhaps the outright general election win, only the second by a newcomer to the Governor's Mansion after Republican Bobby Jindal's second try in 2007, was predictable. Landry's first campaign in 2007 saw him fall fewer than 600 votes short from defeating a sitting Democrat state representative for a state senate seat, and in his next in 2010 he knocked off a former speaker of the House on the way to winning a congressional seat.
His only sharp defeat came in 2012, when reapportionment put him in a district that didn't favor him geographically. He passed on a Senate run in 2014 as sitting GOP then-Rep. Bill Cassidy consolidated support while GOP then-Treas. John Kennedy deferred while patiently waiting on GOP Sen. David Vitter to run for governor the next year that, whether Vitter won, would create an open seat.
With Kennedy still serving as treasurer in 2015, which if open could have served as an easy landing spot for Landry and with his political shelf life deteriorating, he planned a bold move to keep his hoped-for career going. He took on Republican, formerly Democrat, Atty. Gen. Buddy Caldwell in that year's elections, and, again displaying prodigious campaign skills, took him down.
Fates aligned for him with this win. With Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards' surprise win over Vitter that year and the subsequent policy-making pressure he applied to expand government sometimes through unlawful, if not unconstitutional, means, Landry was presented with many chances to use the powers of his office to thwart these, giving him a natural policy megaphone and ability to demonstrate fidelity to conservatism in action. That slew of opportunities only increased when Democrat Pres. Joe Biden took office and began doing much the same.
The free publicity and ensuing consistent deliverables by his winning many legal battles against leftist overreach (one that played out the day before the election) – and even his losses confirmed his willingness to tackle without reservation the rot of leftism – combined with his formidable campaign skills made his general election win possible. Although this will disappoint political consultants, who looked to suck a few more million bucks from a gubernatorial runoff. Instead, Landry now has a considerable war chest for 2027.
That thought only will add to the heartburn suffered by the left that now must endure at least four years of policy misery, as without Edwards the trickle of conservative policy gains over the past several years will intensify into a dam burst over the next few with Landry leading on likely legislative and certainly Board of Education and Secondary supermajorities along with his appointments. And it harkens back to 2007, when Jindal came to office with similar enthusiasm behind his ascension.
Yet things back then were somewhat different that, in retrospect, should have tempered enthusiasm. While reformist sentiments were well present in that election, another major part of Jindal's win came as a buyer's remorse reaction to his narrow loss in 2003 and subsequent bungling in office by Democrat Gov. Kathleen Blanco. This shallowness of conservative policy-making soil translated into his not having a Republican majority in the Legislature until almost the end of his first term and on BESE only by the grace of his appointments to it.
However, insufficient conservative numbers wasn't the only problem that limited how much of a conservative agenda Jindal could achieve. After a year into his second term, Jindal began to orient his policy-making more towards a national audience that subverted progress in favor of potential electability. For example, this interference ended up sabotaging tax reform and stopping progress in educational reform.
That premature curtailment of conservative gains seems set to end in 2024 with Landry at the helm. He is every bit as ideologically committed as was Jindal but without the distraction of desiring a career past state boundaries. To the political left, that makes him even more dangerous and likelier to succeed in finally turning the ship of state away from foundering waters into smoother seas.
Jindal was the precursor needed to start an extensive demolition of the liberal populism that has held Louisiana back for so long (some minor efforts and short-lived achievement of this having occurred under Republican Gov. Buddy Roemer). The legacy Landry promises to leave, especially if having eight years to do so, would be to build a far different and much improved edifice on the rubble of Louisiana's dysfunction that the left has foisted onto it for so many decades. Maturation leading to post 20th-century politics finally may have arrived in Louisiana.
Na osnovu sačuvane izvorne građe obrađuju se radovi na restauraciji i prezentaciji jugoistočnog dijela Dioklecijanove palače u Splitu usredotočenog na monumentalni carev mauzolej i njegov neposredni okoliš. Obuhvaćeno je vrijeme druge polovice 19. stoljeća pa do Prvog svjetskog rata u doba austrijske uprave pokrajinom Dalmacijom. To je bilo vrijeme radikalnih promjena u odnosu na graditeljsko nasljeđe koje su se ogledale od zaštite pojedinačnih građevina do urbanih cjelina, od usmjeravanja na najstariji i najvrijedniji antički sloj k integralnom uvažavaju kasnijih ostvarenja pa i onih manjeg umjetničkog i povijesnog značaja. ; In the 19th century, the historical centre of Split, particularly the part inside the perimeter of Diocletian's Palace, was densely populated, with narrow lanes, dark and airless. The most important Antique buildings, the Temple, the Peristyle, the Vestibule and the Mausoleum were in a fairly good state of preservation, but had been completely neglected. In addition, they had been stifled by houses built on later that so encircled them that they could be seen from no direction. The whole of the area was poorly explored, and it was only in the middle of the century that any very great interest was shown in the remains of the Roman palace; still, however, little was done in the way of protection and presentation. The situation continued to deteriorate, and it was not until 1873 that the Ministry in Vienna sent down three professors to Split to determine the situation and propose a solution for putting it in order. At the beginning, attention was devoted to the Antique buildings, the oldest and most valuable stratum. The most complicated situation was in the eastern temenos of Diocletian's Palace, in the consecrated space that with its wall enclosed the emperor's tomb. At that time, in and immediately around it, was a series of more recent, ordinary buildings that completely blocked off and stifled the monumental building of the former Mausoleum, now the Cathedral. The Viennese experts, headed by Dr Alexander Conze, submitted a report about the operations on the Mausoleum required and the demolition of a large number of worthless buildings around it, in order for the Roman building to appear in its proper prominence. On the western side of the eastern temenos was the open space of the Antique Peristyle, which was used as the church square. They were divided from each other by a colonnade supporting semicircular arches. Behind them, in the space of the temenos, in front of the Mausoleum, there was a sequence of buildings that had their main facades built in between the Roman columns. These were the chapel of St Roch, 16th century, and next to it, that of St Barbara, 17th century, and then after that southwards a café building and the private house of the Petrini. Along the whole of the northern side of the temenos, extending from west to east, was the building of the old episcopal palace built in the 17th century, with its two small wings towards the south. It was partially built on the Roman portico lining the street, and partially on the Decumanus of the imperial palace. It was too dilapidated for the bishops to live in anymore. With the narrow street in front of it, it was encumbered with the passing of pedestrians in this much-frequented and cramped part of the city, which had grown rapidly in the 19th century. On the eastern side in the extension of the Cathedral was a choir, put up in the 17th century. The extension was in a half of its area within the temenos, while the second half came out of it through the wall outside. South of the Mausoleum, abutting onto the outer side of the wall of the temenos, were private buildings, a sacristy and the Early Medieval Chapel of St Matthew. The chapel was demolished in 1880, and the sarcophagi of the archbishops of Split that had been in it for centuries were moved to the side of the altar in St John's Baptistery. At that time small buildings, numbers 450, 472 and 473, close to the Vestibule of Diocletian's own quarters were pulled down so that the rotunda could be renovated, and for there to be a view onto the Mausoleum on that side as well. Putting in order the neglected space of the eastern temenos, hemmed in with buildings, and its immediate surroundings, was the most demanding problem within the compass of Diocletian's Palace. A systematic solution was addressed only in the early 20th century, when, in 1904, a Standing Commission for Diocletian's Palace was set up, to meet every year in Split. It had representatives of local and regional government, and experts from Vienna. The biggest problem in terms of scope, position of complexity and from the viewpoint of the new conservation principles, was the building of the old bishop's palace, with its modest intimations of Baroque that extended to the north of the Mausoleum. The building hindered the flow of pedestrian traffic in this very busy part of the city and hid the view of the Mausoleum. There were major discussions about its future. Views diverged about the new approach concerning the need to keep up historical units, and the requirement that this part of the city should be provided with better conditions of life with respect to traffic and sanitation. In the 19th century, all the buildings that had occluded the Mausoleum, apart from the old bishop's palace, had been torn down. But the problem was not solved until 1924, when the building burned down. At the turn of the 19th and 20th century, the Cathedral and the medieval bell tower were thoroughly restored, according to a drawing by the Viennese architecture Alois Hauser, who also oversaw the works. Today the space of the eastern temenos is almost completely freed of later buildings and thus the most important stratum from Antiquity has been given prominence. But this has its drawbacks, because a large part of the south east quadrant of Diocletian's Palace, bereft of its buildings, became empty and featureless, the picturesque charm of the setting having been destroyed.
The occurrence of microplastics in the environment has attracted attention in recent years. This is particularly evident in the huge volumes of initiatives, research, projects and actions that are taking place both internationally and in Sweden. The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (Swedish EPA) sees the occurrence of microplastics in the environment as an important ongoing issue. While we are dependent on synchronisation of results within the EU and other countries, and sometimes have to wait for others' results, our own work in Sweden needs to continue. The Swedish EPA considers that the conditions for reducing the dispersal of microplastics in the environment has been improved by the measures it proposes here. To continue making progress, we need to increase our knowledge of sources, dispersal and effects. Proposals for action The Swedish EPA proposes that the Government: Introduces a notification requirement for facilities using artificial grass and moulded granulate surfaces and for equestrian arenas containing rubber or plastics. The Swedish EPA undertakes to be a national knowledge node for microplastics in the environment. We consider that in the immediate future, the greatest need will lie in the collection and dissemination of knowledge. The measures below could be included as part of this node work and be, to a large extent, financed by the increase requested in the Swedish EPA's budget. Measures for supervisory guidance for artificial grass pitches and other outdoor facilities for sports and play. Continued financing of pre-procurement purchasing group for artificial grass. Work towards a change in criteria in the Ecodesign Directive for washing machines. Promote the use of domestic filter solutions for households. Measures for laundries. The Swedish EPA also undertakes to support other authorities as a knowledge node by taking in, collecting and disseminating new knowledge. The agency considers it appropriate for this responsibility be evaluated and reviewed after five years. Commission The Swedish EPA has focused on quantified land-based sources. We are reducing the gaps in knowledge and providing the action proposals above. An important starting point for the current commission is the list of the largest emission sources and important dispersion routes presented by the Swedish EPA in its first commission in May 2017. The largest quantified source, road traffic, is handled by VTI, the Swedish National Road and Transport Research Institute, in a separate commission. The second and fourth largest sources, artificial grass pitches and washing of textiles, are handled in this commission. The work on the third largest source, boat hulls, is coordinated by the Swedish Transport Agency. Litter is probably a major source of microplastics – perhaps the largest – but very difficult to quantify. In view of the EU's extensive work, for example on its plastic strategy, the recently adopted single-use plastics directive, and ongoing national efforts, such as information dissemination, beach cleaning and the recent concluded inquiry on sustainable plastic use, the Swedish EPA has chosen not to investigate this source in more detail in this commission. The Swedish EPA reports new sources, such as construction and demolition waste, and other uses of artificial grass. In its proposed measures, the Swedish EPA has not intended to anticipate the results from the inquiry Giftfri och cirkulär återföring av fosfor från avloppsslam [Non-toxic and circular return of phosphorus from sewage sludge], and the commissions of the Swedish National Road and Transport Research Institute (VTI) and the Swedish Food Agency (Livsmedelsverket), respectively. New knowledge of occurrence and effects Knowledge of the presence and effects of microplastics in surface waters in lakes and oceans has increased in recent years. However, the presence and effects in soil and air and the health risks to humans are less well-known. There is a consensus among researchers that the negative effects increase the smaller the particles are. On 30 April 2019, the EU Commission's scientific advisory function, SAM, published a scientific opinion. This outlines increasing concern about the presence of microplastics in air, soil and sediment. It also noted that, although ecological risks are rare at present, there are at least a few local areas, in coastal waters and sediments, in which effects could occur. If future emissions remain at the same level as today or increase, the risks may be extensive within a century. The report has also listed possible measures, such as incorporating microplastics into relevant directives or reducing emissions at source. New knowledge of artificial grass pitches, outdoor facilities and textiles Knowledge of emissions from artificial grass pitches, textile production and laundry facilities has increased. We can, with greater certainty, quantify emissions from artificial grass pitches that result in lower, but still large, total emissions than previously estimated. However, knowledge of emissions from other outdoor sports and play facilities is comparatively low. The size of the area involved, the size of the total emissions, life expectancy, etc. are areas where more knowledge is needed. The emissions from textile production are estimated to be significantly lower than those from laundry facilities, partly because the number of production plants is low in Sweden, compared to the number of laundry facilities. The largest amounts of microplastics from textile washing are still assumed to come from domestic washing. There are already examples of filter solutions that can be installed on washing machines meant to reduce emission of microplastics into the output water, but their efficacy needs to be verified. There is also a need to ensure that the use of filter solutions does not contribute to a conflict of objectives between different environmental impact categories, such as increased energy consumption and climate impact. The Swedish EPA sees a need for further analyses. No new findings have been made which would reverse or drastically alter either the previous understanding of the major sources or the order of size of emissions. We have, however, expanded our knowledge base in certain areas. New knowledge of dispersal pathways Knowledge of what happens to microplastics in wastewater treatment plants has increased. A new study shows that microplastics are present in more purification stages than previously noted and that there are still significant uncertainties in the measurement results. Previous analyses showing a 95–99 % purification rate in outgoing water have been verified. For storm water, a study of storm water wells in Gothenburg shows the presence of microplastics, which are largely assumed to come from tyre wear and road surfacing.
Concrete is the most used building material in the construction industry, with a production estimated to be about 1 billion tons/year in the European Union. Natural aggregate (NA) is one of the main ingredients of concrete, whose production reached about 2.8 billion tons in Europe in 2017. It is today evident that natural aggregates and sand are becoming a scarce resource and their availability becomes therefore an important challenge. Furthermore, environmental concerns regarding the construction industry have risen, particularly regarding CO2 emissions and waste production from construction and demolition activities (C&D Waste). That's why the construction industry needs to develop and implement processes able to incorporate recycled products into its building materials. Recycled Concrete Aggregates (RCA) produced from crushed C&DW as a replacement of natural aggregates is one of those solutions which has made it a thoroughly studied field. RCA consist of coarse particles containing natural aggregates as well as residual cement paste which impairs negatively their properties compared to NA. Indeed, the use of RCA inside concrete increases the porosity and may therefore reduce its durability. The focus of this master thesis is to analyse the influence of RCA on transfer properties (water retention curves, permeability and porosity) and drying behaviour of concrete. Indeed, a better knowledge of those properties will help to determine the effect of RCA on the durability of concrete as water and vapour transfers are the necessary condition to observe degradation processes like carbonation, chloride ion diffusion or alkali-aggregate reaction. A numerical model for drying phenomena of concrete samples with recycled aggregates is developed in this thesis. To support this modelling, an experimental programme with sorption and desorption tests as well as porosity and permeability determination, is implemented. To better study the influence of the RCA alone, several concrete mixes are studied: a reference composition with natural aggregates and the same composition with RCA (same granulometric curve), a mix with natural aggregates but another cement type and, finally, a mortar without any aggregates. The three concrete compositions have the same paste content and type as it highlights the influence of the change of aggregates/cement type. The modelling is performed with a nonlinear finite element software developed at the University of Liège (called Lagamine). It follows the theory of nonlinear finite elements modelling of flows in porous media and consists of a coupled thermo-hydraulic study of the material. An application is also carried out in the form of an exterior parking lot's column subjected to real outdoor conditions: at constant and variable temperature, the relative humidity will vary between 40% and 95%, with multiple cycles of 6 months. Results show that, as predicted, concrete made from Recycled Concrete Aggregates (RCA) is more porous than its Natural Aggregates (NA)-based counterpart. Its water absorption and intrinsic permeability are also superior than for regular concrete. In terms of water retention properties, both concretes are similar, with no significant differences. The first indicator of durability measured in this thesis is the resistance to carbonation, which showed that concrete made from RCA is more prone to carbonation than concrete with NA. Nota Bene: this master thesis has been performed during the COVID-19 period when lockdown was applied from March 19th to May 31st, 2020. ; Le béton est le matériau de construction le plus utilisé dans l'industrie du bâtiment, avec une production estimée à environ 1 milliard de tonnes/an dans l'Union européenne. Les granulats naturels sont l'un des principaux ingrédients du béton, dont la production a atteint environ 2,8 milliards de tonnes en Europe en 2017. Il est aujourd'hui évident que les granulats naturels et le sable deviennent une ressource rare et leur disponibilité devient donc un défi important. En outre, les préoccupations environnementales concernant l'industrie de la construction ont augmentées, notamment en ce qui concerne les émissions de CO2 et la production de déchets provenant des activités de construction et de démolition (déchets C&D). C'est pourquoi l'industrie de la construction doit développer et mettre en œuvre des processus capables d'incorporer des produits recyclés dans ses matériaux de construction. Les granulats de béton recyclés produits à partir de déchets C&D broyés en remplacement des granulats naturels sont l'une de ces solutions qui en ont fait un domaine soigneusement étudié. Les granulats de béton recyclés sont constitués de particules grossières contenant des agrégats naturels ainsi que des résidus de pâte de ciment qui modifient négativement leurs propriétés par rapport aux granulats naturels. En effet, l'utilisation de ces granulats recyclés à l'intérieur du béton augmente sa porosité et peut donc réduire sa durabilité. L'objectif de ce travail de fin d'étude est d'analyser l'influence des granulats recyclés sur les propriétés de transfert (courbes de rétention d'eau, perméabilité et porosité) et le comportement au séchage du béton. En effet, une meilleure connaissance de ces propriétés permettra de déterminer l'effet de ceux-ci sur la durabilité du béton car les transferts d'eau et de vapeur sont la condition nécessaire pour observer des processus de dégradation comme la carbonatation, la diffusion d'ions chlorure ou la réaction alkali-agrégats. Un modèle numérique pour les phénomènes de séchage d'échantillons de béton avec des agrégats recyclés est développé dans ce travail. Pour soutenir cette modélisation, un programme expérimental comprenant des tests de sorption et de désorption ainsi que la détermination de la porosité et de la perméabilité, est mis en œuvre. Pour mieux étudier l'influence des granulats recyclés seule, plusieurs mélanges de béton sont étudiés : une composition de référence avec des granulats naturels et la même composition avec les recyclés (même courbe granulométrique), un mélange avec des granulats naturels mais un autre type de ciment et, enfin, un mortier sans aucun granulat. Les trois compositions de béton ont la même teneur en pâte et le même type de pâte car elles mettent en évidence l'influence du changement de type de granulats/ciment. La modélisation est réalisée à l'aide d'un logiciel d'éléments finis non linéaires développé à l'Université de Liège (appelé Lagamine). Il suit la théorie de la modélisation par éléments finis non linéaires des écoulements dans les milieux poreux et consiste en une étude thermo-hydraulique couplée du matériau. Une application est également réalisée sous la forme d'une colonne de parking extérieur soumise à des conditions extérieures réelles : à température constante et variable, l'humidité relative variera entre 40 et 95%, avec de multiples cycles de 6 mois. Nota Bene: ce travail de fin d'étude a été réalisé durant la période de COVID-19 pendant laquelle le confinement a été mis en place du 19 Mars au 31 Mai 2020.
El Casc Antic de Barcelona va patir de sobrepoblació, congestió i diversos brots epidèmics fets que van augmentar la vigilància i preocupació per la higiene urbana. Un dels primers intents va començar quan Carles III i Carles IV van emetre reials decrets relatius a l'exhumació dels cementiris. El primer va prohibir de l'enterrament al costat de esglésies i hospitals i va imposar la conversió dels existents en places públiques, i el segon va permetre la construcció de cementiris extramurs lluny de les zones poblades. Això va donar pas a molts dels espais oberts de Barcelona i places de petita escala. La segona ocasió de crear espais públics deriva dels processo de desamortització de béns eclesiàstics, com la Llei d'Álvarez Mendizábal (1834-1837), i la crema de convents de 1835, quan l'Església catòlica va perdre gran part de seus convents, esglésies i col·legis reconvertits en nous edificis, carrers i places.Al segle XIX, Espanya també va ser testimoni d'un moviment higienista i diversos metges i científics van ser prominents incloent Pere Felip Monlau que va discutir a fons la higiene en tots els seus aspectes. Espanya, i Barcelona en particular, van experimentar grans onades d'immigració procedents de les zones rurals a la recerca de treball, i un creixement industrial massiu. A la dècada de 1850 es va convertir en un nucli antic superpoblat, cada vegada més dens , poc saludable i degradat, cau d'una tensió política i social inestable. Bàsicament, el casc antic era sufocant dins de les seves pròpies muralles. Monlau, igual que Cerdà després d'ell, ens descriu en els seus escrits les dràstiques condicions de vida, els espais ocupats i edificis molt alts, la manca d'infraestructura sanitària, aigua potable, llum solar i ventilació. Posa l'èmfasi en la importància de crear espais oberts, places i jardins i el seu impacte en la millora de la higiene urbana. Va cridar a la demolició de la muralla del nucli antic i l'expansió cap a la reserva de sòl urbà del Pla de Barcelona. Després de molts debats la destrucció de les muralles va començar el 1854 i va durar fins a 1868. ; Barcelona's old town had been suffering from overpopulation, congestion and several epidemic outbreaks that raised awarness concerning urban hygiene. One of the first intents of urban hygiene began when Carlos III and Carlos IV issued Royal Decrees concerning the exhumation of cemeteries. The first prohibited burial grounds next to churches and hospitals and imposed the conversion of existing ones into public squares, and the second enabled the construction of extramural cemeteries away from populated areas. This gave way to many of Barcelona's open spaces and small scale squares. The second intent of creating public spaces was taking advantage of the confiscation of ecclesiastic assets, like the Álvarez Mendizábal's Act (1834-1837) in particular, and the burning of convents in 1835 where the Catholic Church lost a large number of its convents, churches, and colleges to new buildings, streets and squares.In the 19th century, Spain also witnessed a hygienist movement and several doctors and scientists were prominent including Pere Felip Monlau who thoroughly discussed hygiene in all its aspects. Spain, and Barcelona in particular, experienced large waves of immigration coming from rural areas in search of work, and a massive industrial growth. By the 1850's the old town became overpopulated, increasingly dense, unhealthy and degraded,and was left in an unstable political and social tension. Basically, the old town was suffocating within its own walls. Monlau, as did Cerdà after him, described in his writings the drastic living conditions, the occupied spaces and exceedingly high buildings, the lack of sanitary infrastructure, clean water, sunlight and ventilation. He stressed on the importance of creating open spaces, squares and gardens and their impact on improving urban hygiene. He called for the demolition of old town's Roman Walls and the expansion towards the urban land reserve of 'Pla de Barcelona' or Barcelona Plain. After many debates the destruction of the walls began in 1854 and lasted until 1868. ; El casco antiguo de Barcelona ha estado sufriendo de sobrepoblación, congestión y varios brotes epidémicos queaumentaron la vigilancia y preocupación por la higiene urbana. Uno de los primeros intentos comenzó cuando Carlos III y Carlos IV emitieron Reales Decretos relativos a la exhumación de los cementerios. El primero prohibió el entierro junto a iglesias y hospitales e impuso la conversión de los existentes en plazas públicas, y el segundo permitió la construcción de cementerios extramuros lejos de las zonas pobladas. Esto dio paso a muchos de los espacios abiertos de Barcelona y plazas de pequeña escala. La segunda intención de crear espacios públicos se aprovechó de la desamortización de bienes eclesiásticos, como la Ley de Álvarez Mendizábal (1834-1837) en particular, y la quema de conventos en 1835, cuando la Iglesia Católica perdió gran parte de sus conventos, iglesias y colegios reconvertidos en nuevos edificios, calles y plazas.En el siglo XIX, España también fue testigo de un movimiento higienista y varios médicos y científicos fueron prominentes incluyendo Pere Felip Monlau que discutió a fondo la higiene en todos sus aspectos. España, y Barcelona en particular, experimentaron grandes olas de inmigración procedentes de las zonas rurales en busca de trabajo, y un crecimiento industrial masivo. En la década de 1850 se convirtió en un núcleo antiguo superpoblado, cada vez más denso, poco saludable y degradado, cae de una tensión política y social inestable. Básicamente, el casco antiguo era sofocante dentro de sus propias murallas. Monlau, al igual que Cerdá después de él, nos describe en sus escritos las drásticas condiciones de vida, los espacios ocupados y edificios muy altos, la falta de infraestructura sanitaria, agua potable, luz solar y ventilación. Pone el énfasis en la importancia de crear espacios abiertos, plazas y jardines y su impacto en la mejora de la higiene urbana. Llamó a la demolición de la muralla del casco antiguo y la expansión hacia la reserva de suelo urbano del Plan de Barcelona. Después de muchos debates la destrucción de las murallas comenzó en 1854 y duró hasta 1868.
El casco antiguo de Barcelona ha estado sufriendo de sobrepoblación, congestión y varios brotes epidémicos que aumentaron la vigilancia y preocupación por la higiene urbana. Uno de los primeros intentos comenzó cuando Carlos III y Carlos IV emitieron Reales Decretos relativos a la exhumación de los cementerios. El primero prohibió el entierro junto a iglesias y hospitales e impuso la conversión de los existentes en plazas públicas, y el segundo permitió la construcción de cementerios extramuros lejos de las zonas pobladas. Esto dio paso a muchos de los espacios abiertos de Barcelona y plazas de pequeña escala. La segunda intención de crear espacios públicos se aprovechó de la desamortización de bienes eclesiásticos, como la Ley de Álvarez Mendizábal (1834-1837) en particular, y la quema de conventos en 1835, cuando la Iglesia Católica perdió gran parte de sus conventos, iglesias y colegios reconvertidos en nuevos edificios, calles y plazas. En el siglo XIX, España también fue testigo de un movimiento higienista y varios médicos y científicos fueron prominentes incluyendo Pere Felip Monlau que discutió a fondo la higiene en todos sus aspectos. España, y Barcelona en particular, experimentaron grandes olas de inmigración procedentes de las zonas rurales en busca de trabajo, y un crecimiento industrial masivo. En la década de 1850 se convirtió en un núcleo antiguo superpoblado, cada vez más denso, poco saludable y degradado, cae de una tensión política y social inestable. Básicamente, el casco antiguo era sofocante dentro de sus propias murallas. Monlau, al igual que Cerdá después de él, nos describe en sus escritos las drásticas condiciones de vida, los espacios ocupados y edificios muy altos, la falta de infraestructura sanitaria, agua potable, luz solar y ventilación. Pone el énfasis en la importancia de crear espacios abiertos, plazas y jardines y su impacto en la mejora de la higiene urbana. Llamó a la demolición de la muralla del casco antiguo y la expansión hacia la reserva de suelo urbano del Plan de Barcelona. Después de muchos debates la destrucción de las murallas comenzó en 1854 y duró hasta 1868. ; Barcelona's old town had been suffering from overpopulation, congestion and several epidemic outbreaks that raised awarness concerning urban hygiene. One of the first intents of urban hygiene began when Carlos III and Carlos IV issued Royal Decrees concerning the exhumation of cemeteries. The first prohibited burial grounds next to churches and hospitals and imposed the conversion of existing ones into public squares, and the second enabled the construction of extramural cemeteries away from populated areas. This gave way to many of Barcelona's open spaces and small scale squares. The second intent of creating public spaces was taking advantage of the confiscation of ecclesiastic assets, like the Álvarez Mendizábal's Act (1834-1837) in particular, and the burning of convents in 1835 where the Catholic Church lost a large number of its convents, churches, and colleges to new buildings, streets and squares. In the 19th century, Spain also witnessed a hygienist movement and several doctors and scientists were prominent including Pere Felip Monlau who thoroughly discussed hygiene in all its aspects. Spain, and Barcelona in particular, experienced large waves of immigration coming from rural areas in search of work, and a massive industrial growth. By the 1850's the old town became overpopulated, increasingly dense, unhealthy and degraded, and was left in an unstable political and social tension. Basically, the old town was suffocating within its own walls. Monlau, as did Cerdà after him, described in his writings the drastic living conditions, the occupied spaces and exceedingly high buildings, the lack of sanitary infrastructure, clean water, sunlight and ventilation. He stressed on the importance of creating open spaces, squares and gardens and their impact on improving urban hygiene. He called for the demolition of old town's Roman Walls and the expansion towards the urban land reserve of 'Pla de Barcelona' or Barcelona Plain. After many debates the destruction of the walls began in 1854 and lasted until 1868. ; El Casc Antic de Barcelona va patir de sobrepoblació, congestió i diversos brots epidèmics fets que van augmentar la vigilància i preocupació per la higiene urbana. Un dels primers intents va començar quan Carles III i Carles IV van emetre reials decrets relatius a l'exhumació dels cementiris. El primer va prohibir de l'enterrament al costat de esglésies i hospitals i va imposar la conversió dels existents en places públiques, i el segon va permetre la construcció de cementiris extramurs lluny de les zones poblades. Això va donar pas a molts dels espais oberts de Barcelona i places de petita escala. La segona ocasió de crear espais públics deriva dels processo de desamortització de béns eclesiàstics, com la Llei d'Álvarez Mendizábal (1834-1837), i la crema de convents de 1835, quan l'Església catòlica va perdre gran part de seus convents, esglésies i col·legis reconvertits en nous edificis, carrers i places. Al segle XIX, Espanya també va ser testimoni d'un moviment higienista i diversos metges i científics van ser prominents incloent Pere Felip Monlau que va discutir a fons la higiene en tots els seus aspectes. Espanya, i Barcelona en particular, van experimentar grans onades d'immigració procedents de les zones rurals a la recerca de treball, i un creixement industrial massiu. A la dècada de 1850 es va convertir en un nucli antic superpoblat, cada vegada més dens , poc saludable i degradat, cau d'una tensió política i social inestable. Bàsicament, el casc antic era sufocant dins de les seves pròpies muralles. Monlau, igual que Cerdà després d'ell, ens descriu en els seus escrits les dràstiques condicions de vida, els espais ocupats i edificis molt alts, la manca d'infraestructura sanitària, aigua potable, llum solar i ventilació. Posa l'èmfasi en la importància de crear espais oberts, places i jardins i el seu impacte en la millora de la higiene urbana. Va cridar a la demolició de la muralla del nucli antic i l'expansió cap a la reserva de sòl urbà del Pla de Barcelona. Després de molts debats la destrucció de les muralles va començar el 1854 i va durar fins a 1868.
Since 2003, more than 400 popular districts categorized as sensitive urban zones and 4 million inhabitants have become part of a program initiated by the Framework Act on Town Planning and Urban Renewal (so-called "Borloo law"). In order to achieve district transformation and social diversity, the program has led to demolition/rebuilding operations, the refurbishment of existing dwellings and the redefinition of public urban areas (street network and green spaces, etc.)The municipalities of Clichy-Sous-Bois and Montfermeil in the Seine-Saint-Denis region were part of this program. Whilst being the largest program in France (in terms of allocated budget and demolished dwellings), it also had the singularity to involve the destruction of dilapidated privately-owned buildings such as Les Bosquets in Montfermeil and La Forestière in Clichy-sous-Bois. All the new buildings reconstructed there are under social housing management.All re-housed inhabitants consequently moved from the status of owner-occupiers or private housing tenants to that of social housing tenants. In addition to their change in status, this situation implies regular interactions between these 'displaced'people and the professionals (of the city, of nonprofit organizations, social landlords who operate in the area, in these buildings within the frame of pre- and post-rehousing accompaniment.Based on an analysis supported by interviews, observations and archives, this thesis aims at understanding the genesis of this policy as much as the effects of the will for district transformation through generalizing social housing, on professional practices and the trajectories of the re-housed inhabitants.To this end, archives and interviews help understanding that the degradation of the former co-ownership properties was attributable primarily to their conditions of marketing, construction and management. Yet, all the measures of public action, up to the signature of the urban renewal program, systematically present the inhabitants and their features (popular classes or migrants) as solely responsible for this deterioration.The ethnography of professional practices then shows how in the new homes the professionals use the interactions with the inhabitants to regulate the way they live there. This work is done with a view to avoiding new damage to the buildings.Eventually the interviews with the inhabitants (made before and after re-housing) illustrate how re-housing and the interactions with professionals destabilize them within their individual anchorages and shake the sense of hierarchies within this social group. While former owners made up the upper class in their previous housing, they now feel the most downgraded. Conversely, tenants who were the most dominated are today the most rehabilitated.Beyond empirical results, this analytical approach rates the issues of the thesis on sevral scales. First, this work illustrates how, in a constructivist perspective, these co-ownership properties and their inhabitants have been built as a problem and a category of public action. Then, starting from the practices of professionals, this thesis discloses how within the frame of urban policy, some forms of regulation and domination over certain targeted publics (here working classes and migrants) are still exerted. Finally this thesis is consistent with a sociology of popular classes who are attentive to their internal differences as much as to the various ways a measure of public action can be perceived. ; Depuis 2003, plus de 400 quartiers populaires classés en Zones Urbaines Sensibles (ZUS) et 4 millions d'habitants sont devenus les destinataires d'un Programme de Rénovation Urbaine (PRU) instauré par la « loi Borloo » d'orientation et de programmation pour la ville. Dans un objectif de transformation des quartiers et de mixité sociale, ces programmes entraînent des opérations de démolition/reconstruction de logements, la réhabilitation du parc existant et la redéfinition des espaces urbains collectifs (voirie, espaces verts, etc.).Les communes de Clichy-sous-Bois et de Montfermeil en Seine-Saint-Denis font l'objet d'un de ces PRU. Tout en étant le plus important de France (en termes de budget et de logements détruits), il a aussi la particularité d'entraîner la démolition d'immeubles en copropriétés privées dégradées : les Bosquets à Montfermeil et la Forestière à Clichy-sous-Bois. À leur place, toutes les nouvelles constructions et les relogements se font dans le parc social. L'ensemble des habitants relogés passe donc du statut de propriétaires occupants ou locataires du parc privé à celui de locataires du parc social. Outre ce changement de statut résidentiel, cette situation s'accompagne de la mise en interactions régulières de ces « délogés » aux professionnels (de la ville, associatifs et des bailleurs) qui interviennent sur ce quartier, dans ces immeubles dans le cadre d'accompagnement pré et post relogement.Basée sur une enquête conduite par entretiens, observations et archives, cette thèse vise autant à saisir la genèse de cette politique, que les effets de la volonté de transformation des quartiers, par la généralisation du parc social, sur les pratiques professionnelles et les trajectoires des habitants relogés.Dans cette optique, les archives et les entretiens donnent à comprendre que la dégradation des anciennes copropriétés s'explique en priorité par leurs conditions de commercialisation, de production et de gestion. Or, toutes les mesures d'actions publiques, jusqu'à la signature du programme de rénovation urbaine, présentent systématiquement les habitants et leurs caractéristiques (populaires et immigrées) comme les principaux responsables de cette dégradation.L'ethnographie des pratiques professionnelles illustre ensuite comment dans les résidences neuves, ces acteurs se servent des interactions avec les habitants pour encadrer leurs manières d'habiter. Ce travail se faisant dans l'idée d'éviter une nouvelle dégradation des bâtiments.Enfin, les entretiens auprès des habitants (réalisés avant et après relogement) dévoilent comment le relogement et la rencontre avec les professionnels les déstabilisent dans leurs ancrages individuels et ébranlent le sens des hiérarchies internes à ce groupe social. Alors que les anciens propriétaires constituaient dans la copropriété la frange supérieure de ce groupe, ils sont aujourd'hui ceux qui se sentent le plus déclassés. À l'inverse, les locataires qui dans la copropriété occupaient les positions les plus dominées sont aujourd'hui les plus réhabilités.Au-delà des résultats empiriques, ces pistes analytiques situent les enjeux de la thèse à plusieurs échelles. D'abord, c'est dans une perspective constructiviste que ce travail illustre comment ces copropriétés et leurs occupants ont été construits comme un problème et une catégorie d'action publique. Ensuite, c'est en partant de la pratique des professionnels que cette thèse dévoile comment dans l'espace de la politique de la ville se maintiennent des formes d'encadrement et de domination à l'égard de certains publics cibles (ici issus des catégories populaires et immigrées). Enfin, cette thèse s'inscrit dans une sociologie des classes populaires autant attentives à leurs différences internes qu'aux modalités de réception variée d'une mesure d'action publique.
