Suchergebnisse

'Between the second and the third century A.D., after centuries characterized by nearly continuous growth, the Roman Empire experienced a profound crisis. Evidence of this crisis comes from important economic signals, such as the fineness of coins and the number of shipwrecks in the Mediterranean Sea. After showing that the empire's economic decline had already begun in the second century A.D., the author will outline a hypothesis about the causes of the fall, based on the de-specialization of the Roman economic system, which prevented it from continuing its evolution towards modernity, leading it instead along a path of progressive implosion.' (author's abstract)|

'Der Beitrag geht von aktuellen Vorschlägen aus, Michel Foucaults Überlegungen zum Diskursbegriff für die empirische Diskursforschung zu nutzen. Diese Bemühungen befördern jedoch einen sprachanalytischen Bias der Diskursanalyse, der dem Foucaultschen Anliegen einer Analyse von Macht/ Wissen-Komplexen nicht ausreichend Rechnung trägt. Stattdessen und dagegen wird für einen Anschluss der Diskurstheorie und -forschung an die (Hermeneutische) Wissenssoziologie plädiert. Dazu präsentiert der Beitrag methodisch-konzeptionelle Vorschläge zum hermeneutisch-interpretativen Vorgehen, zur Analyse von Wissensbausteinen (Deutungsmuster, Klassifikationen, Phänomenstruktur, narrative Struktur) und, angelehnt an die Grounded Theory sowie Traditionen der Sequenzanalyse, zu konkreten Arbeitsschritten der empirischen Diskursforschung. Betont wird zugleich, dass Diskursanalyse nicht auf Textanalyse reduziert wird, sondern auch Materialitäten - bspw. in Gestalt von Dispositiven - erfasst.' (Autorenreferat)

"Am 12. und 13. März 2008 haben die drei wichtigsten deutschen außen- und entwicklungspolitischen Thinktanks, das Deutsche Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), das GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies und die Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP) zusammen mit Vertretern des Auswärtigen Amtes, des Bundesministeriums für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ) und des Bundeskanzleramtes über 'Neue Führungsmächte/ Ankerländer - Herausforderungen und Perspektiven für die Politikgestaltung Deutschlands' beraten. Damit wird eines der zentralen Themen zukünftiger Außenpolitik angesprochen. In den kommenden Dekaden bis zur Mitte des 21. Jahrhunderts wird es zu einer Verschiebung des wirtschaftlichen und politischen Gewichtes verschiedener Weltregionen und einzelner Staaten kommen. Asien, aber auch einzelne Subregionen in Lateinamerika, Afrika sowie im Nahen und Mittleren Osten werden wirtschaftlich und politisch weiter an Bedeutung gewinnen. China wird möglicherweise in den nächsten zwanzig bis dreißig Jahren zur größten Volkswirtschaft aufsteigen, Indien könnte bis zur Jahrhundertmitte zu den USA aufschließen, falls sich der gegenwärtige Trend fortsetzt. Aufstrebende Mächte wie Brasilien, Südafrika oder das wiedererstarkende Russland werden gleichfalls eine größere Rolle in Weltwirtschaft und internationaler Politik spielen. Europa und die USA werden relativ an Einfluss verlieren und stehen bereits heute vor der Herausforderung, auf die zukünftigen Entwicklungen angemessen zu reagieren. Die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung kann einen Beitrag dazu leisten, die zukünftigen Entwicklungstrends, aber auch mögliche Krisen und Konflikte genauer zu erfassen, und dabei helfen, adäquate außenpolitische Strategien zu entwickeln." (Autorenreferat)

"Das sozial- und geisteswissenschaftliche Konzept der 'Generation' ist ein Produkt der langen Jahrhundertwende zwischen 1875 und 1930. Karl Mannheims klassisch gewordener Aufsatz über das 'Problem der Generationen' stand 1928 am Ende dieser ersten Phase einer theoretischen Ausformulierung des Konzepts. Sie hatte in den 1870er Jahren eingesetzt, als erstmals der Versuch unternommen wurde, das Generationskonzept zur tragfähigen Basis einer Analyse des sozialen und kulturellen Wandels auszubauen. In Deutschland war dabei Wilhelm Dilthey federführend, der den Begriff der Generation 1875 als eine Bezeichnung für ein Verhältnis der Gleichzeitigkeit von Individuen definierte, die in den Jahren der Empfänglichkeit dieselben leitenden Einwirkungen erfahren haben. Vor diesem Hintergrund rekonstruiert der Beitrag die Entwicklung des wissenschaftlichen Generationskonzepts von Dilthey bis Mannheim in der gleichzeitig entstehenden Intellektuellenkultur des späten 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts. Er folgt dabei der leitenden These, dass der Generationsbegriff in der Kulturkrise der langen Jahrhundertwende eine doppelte Funktion erfüllte: Zum einen sollte er nach der als krisenhaft erfahrenen Auflösung traditioneller sozialer Bindungen eine neue Kategorie der Zugehörigkeit stiften und durch seine temporale Struktur Orientierungsmarken im beschleunigten gesellschaftlichen Wandel setzen. Zum anderen diente er der sozial auf spezifische Weise ungebundenen Schicht der Intellektuellen sowohl als Kategorie der Selbstbeschreibung wie als Parole der Selbstmobilisierung. Die Annahme, dass der Generationsbegriff als Selbstbeschreibungskategorie von Intellektuellen zu verstehen ist und auf diesem Weg Eingang in den Wissenschaftsdiskurs gefunden hat, wird besonders anhand seiner Verbindung zur Wissenssoziologie überprüft, deren Entstehung ebenfalls auf Dilthey und Mannheim zurückgeführt werden kann." (Autorenreferat)

"Von einem vielstimmigen Chor von Neurowissenschaftlern wird seit gut einem Jahrzehnt das endgültige Ende des Subjekts proklamiert. Anders aber als die Poststrukturalisten, die zu Beginn der 70er Jahre Ähnliches verkündet hatten, stellen diese Wissenschaftler nicht den Diskurs, sondern das Gehirn bzw. genauer: das in den Gehirnschaltungen somatisierte Wissen als Urgrund und Ursprung menschlichen Tuns vor. Die Vorstellung einer 'personalen Identität' eines 'Ich', welches alle Handlungen entweder direkt mittels (rationaler) Entscheidung trifft, oder doch zumindest eine Stellungnahme zu Entscheidungen abgibt, ist dieser Deutung zufolge eine vom Gehirn geschaffene Illusion, die dem Organismus lediglich die - falsche - Gewissheit liefert, er selbst bzw. eine besondere Inneninstanz sei der Urheber und Autor jeglichen bewussten sinnhaften Handelns und Kommunizierens. Neurowissenschaftler glauben darüber hinaus, dass der Körper und das Gehirn eigenständig (also gleichsam 'hinter dem Rücken') Erfahrungen aufnehmen und dieses 'Wissen' bei späteren 'Entscheidungen' auch eigenständig verwerten; sie glauben, dass die Intersubjektivität durch die 'Spiegelneuronen' gesichert wird, und sie glauben, dass alle Entscheidungen (bewusste wie unterbewusste) vor der Umsetzung vom Gehirn selbstständig evaluiert und gegebenenfalls revidiert werden. Das Gehirn erscheint so als der 'wirkliche' Autor allen menschlichen Tuns. Ein echtes 'Verstehen' dieses Autors ist - so die These der Neurowissenschaft - nicht nur, aber vor allem durch immer mehr Neurowissenschaft möglich. Die Zeichen für die Gehirnforschung stehen gut, nicht nur, weil die Forschungsgelder für solche Untersuchungen üppig fließen, sondern auch, weil die Neurowissenschaften (von manchen Medien und manchen Bildungspolitikern) gern als abschließende naturwissenschaftlich gesicherte Beseitigung des Subjektivitäts- bzw. des Erziehungsproblems gehandelt werden. Der Erfolg der Neurowissenschaften fordert die Soziologie zum Nachdenken heraus - auch darüber, weshalb die Gehirnforschung gesellschaftlich so erfolgreich ist (also ob ihr Erfolg sich guter und gezielter Professionspolitik verdankt oder dem Umstand, dass man hier rechtzeitig die 'Zeichen der Zeit' erkannt hat - und was dies wiederum über die Gesellschaft sagt). Der Erfolg der Neurowissenschaft stellt jenseits des Poststrukturalismus aber auch eine ernstzunehmende Herausforderung für jede soziologische Theoriebildung dar, die nicht in der Systemtheorie aufgeht, sondern weiter darauf besteht, dass sinnhaftes Handeln und Kommunizieren menschlicher Akteure für die Konstitution und Entwicklung von Gesellschaft unabdingbar sind." (Autorenreferat)

The aim is to analyse how the referendum is becoming a constraint on European local and sub-national governments. The referendum is a semi-direct democracy tool defined in modern times to compensate for the shortcomings of the representative government. We will analyse how the referendum introduces a disruption of representative time and how it forces governors to communicate and act responsibly. The referendum institution is intrinsically changing the contours of the representative government by initiating a process of continuous democracy that has nothing to do with a permanent democracy, but implies the attenuation of the time cycle marked by the preeminence of elections. ; International audience The article deals with the way referendums are becoming a constraint for local and subnational governments in Europe. The referendum is a tool of semi-direct democracy defined in our political modernity in order to complete the deficient representative government. We will analyse how the referendum introduces a new political time and how it compels governments to communicate and act in a responsive way. The institution of referendum modifies the outlines of representative government by initiating a process of continuous democracy which is not permanent democracy, but the interruption of a regular time marked by the elections. ; The aim is to analyse how the referendum is becoming a constraint on European local and sub-national governments. The referendum is a semi-direct democracy tool defined in modern times to compensate for the shortcomings of the representative government. We will analyse how the referendum introduces a disruption of representative time and how it forces governors to communicate and act responsibly. The referendum institution is intrinsically changing the contours of the representative government by initiating a process of continuous democracy that has nothing to do with a permanent democracy, but implies the attenuation of the time cycle marked by the preeminence of elections. ; Il s'agit ...

Published at: History and politics, 5: 7-27, 2001 [es] Military interventions in Latin America have often been a consequence of social and political actors' dissatisfaction with governments or election results. The external dimension, and in particular US influence, starts to be decisive during the period of ideological polarisation following the Cuban revolution. The new shift in US foreign policy during the Carter administration and the terrible consequences of civil wars and human rights violations have over recent years created a political and social climate clearly opposed to new military interventions. ; Peer reviewed ; Published at: History and politics, 5: 7-27, 2001 [es] Military interventions in Latin America have often been a consequence of social and political actors' dissatisfaction with governments or election results. The external dimension, and in particular US influence, starts to be decisive during the period of ideological polarisation following the Cuban revolution. The new shift in US foreign policy during the Carter administration and the terrible consequences of civil wars and human rights violations have over recent years created a political and social climate clearly opposed to new military interventions. ; [EN] Military interventions in Latin American politics had been often requested by political and social actors, unsatisfied with electoral or governmental results. After the Cuban revolution the foreign dimension acquires a new relevance, as ideological polarization inside many countries increases the US influence on Latin American armies. After a new change in Washington's Latin American policy, during the Carter administration, and the devastating effects of civil wars and violations of human rights, in the last years the social and political climate has been clearly opposite to new military interventions. ; Published at: History and politics, 5: 7-27, 2001 [es] Military interventions in Latin America have often been a consequence of social and political actors' dissatisfaction with ...

Peer reviewed ; Publicado en: A. Guelke, ed., Democracy and Ethnic Conflict, 29-51, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004. Territorial politics in Spain can be regarded as the expression of a mode of multiple ethnoterritorial concurrence, which relates sub-state mobilisation with the interplay among central institutions and regions, or Comunidades Autónomas (Moreno, 1995). The 'historical nationality' of the Basque Country has recently witnessed an increase in political terrorism carried out by ETA, as evidenced by party sectarian assassinations and actions throughout Spain. This course of action has further encouraged a division between Basque nationalists and autonomists regarding proposals to eradicate political violence. This paper briefly analyses relevant historical events in contemporary Basque Country with the purpose of framing the nature of the present political conflict. It reflects on recent developments that were triggered after the signing by the nationalist parties of the Pacto de Lizarra on September 12, 1998. It also examines the results of the latest Basque Elections held on May 13, 2001 and explores the future prospects for ending terrorism.

Published as: Evaluation of the Business Teachers' Incorporation Action (IDE), Madrid: Cotec Foundation for Technological Innovation, 2004 The incorporation of doctoral candidates into companies is considered to be a very appropriate measure to raise the technological level of the productive fabric. The development acquired by the public R & D system in the 90s suggested that the doctors he had trained could meet not only the demand of the system itself, but also an incipient need from the business sector, which had not yet emerged. On the basis of the above assumptions, Cotec strongly supported, between mid-1997 and the end of 2001, the launch and development by the General State Administration of the Action for the integration of doctoral candidates in enterprises (IDE), with the primary aim of stimulating the improvement and start of technological innovation activities in companies. As a first technology policy evaluation exercise, after the completion of the IDE Action and replaced by the Torres Quevedo programme, an analysis was carried out in order to gain useful experience for similar programmes in the future. The study shows widespread satisfaction, both among the companies and among the doctors involved, as well as the high rate of doctors who continued in the business environment with open-ended contracts. This study, in the context of evaluating and monitoring the actions of the National R & D & I Plan, has been jointly promoted by the Directorate-General for Research and the Secretariat-General for Science Policy of the Ministry of Science and Technology and has been funded by the Cotec Foundation. ; Peer reviewed ; Published as: Evaluation of the Business Teachers' Incorporation Action (IDE), Madrid: Cotec Foundation for Technological Innovation, 2004 The incorporation of doctoral candidates into companies is considered to be a very appropriate measure to raise the technological level of the productive fabric. The development acquired by the public R & D system in the 90s suggested ...

Peer reviewed ; Published in: Regional Studies 39 (7), 939-954, October 2005 There is simultaneous trend of regionalisation and decentralization in Europe, a trend that has also affected the science and technology policy domain, with an open debate on the functioning of the multilevel governance system. Regional authorities have become directly involved in the design and implementation of regional S&T policies, however the interventions of sub-national governments are much more diverse than the prevailing view about the convergence of regional policies towards innovation policies might imply. This article describes science, technology and innovation policies adopted by five Spanish Regional Governments between the mid-80s and the beginning of the 21st century from a comparative perspective. The paper firstly describes the policy approaches (academic v. industrial) adopted by the regional authorities. Secondly, we analyse the explanatory factors in order to reach certain conclusions about the circumstances under which regional governments are able to implement policies of one or the other approach. Despite the influence of some structural factors, especially as regards initial political preferences, the analysis highlights the relevance of the mobilised interests when they are concentrated in the region, showing that changes in policy orientation are particularly difficult when those interests play a role in the administration of such policies. Preferences towards a policy reorientation are more likely to succeed with the aid of appropriate administrative arrangements, especially along with significant budget increases. Funding from the Madrid Regional R&D Plan, the III National R&D Plan (SEC 1999-0829-C02-01) and the PRIME membership (EU Network of Excellence, CIT1-CT-2003-506596)

Published in the Spanish Review of Political Science 1: 81-95, 1999. [ES] In the political culture of democratic countries, there is currently a majority of support for democracy's institutions and values and a widespread feeling of mistrust towards professional politicians, parties and politicians. Factors that could explain this paradox include social changes that have eroded citizens' identification with parties, especially those caused by mass media, and frustration about policy outcomes, especially when major political forces prove unable to guarantee a stable economic model of growth. But there is an additional factor: societal changes have also complicated the process of aggregating preferences, and political parties face the difficult task of reconciling the resolution of general problems with the satisfaction of particular demands on which consensus is difficult. ; [EN] In the political culture of democratic countries today we can observe majoritarian support for democratic values and institutions. But at the same time citizens widely distrust politics, politicians and parties. There are some factors that can explain this paradox. First, social changes, and specially those introduced by mass communication, have eroded political identification. Second, inability of governments to deliver sustained growth causes frustration towards politicians and parties. A third factor could be the increasing complexity of preference aggregation, as long as parties must conciliate general goals with particular demands over which a wide consensus is difficult to obtain. ; Published in the Spanish Review of Political Science 1: 81-95, 1999. [ES] In the political culture of democratic countries, there is currently a majority of support for democracy's institutions and values and a widespread feeling of mistrust towards professional politicians, parties and politicians. Factors that could explain this paradox include social changes that have eroded citizens' identification with parties, especially those caused by mass ...

Communication presented at the PhD Day of the Department of Political Science of the University of Paris 1 Panthéon — La Sorbonne, 17 September 2007 This paper analyses the conceptual and policy conditions for the production and reception of the 2006 White Paper, which sets out the European Commission's proposals for "EU communication policy". Through the tensions that led to the examination of this text by the various institutional partners, the authors date back to the history of the interinstitutional struggles around European public action in the field of information and communication to Eurocitizens. They observe the increasing but euphemised politicisation of this aspect of EU politics. ; Communication présentée à la journée d'études doctorales du Département de Science politique de l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon - La Sorbonne, 17 septembre 2007 Ce papier analyse les conditions conceptuelles et politiques de fabrication et de réception du Livre blanc 2006 qui porte les propositions de la Commission européenne concernant la "politique de communication de l'Union européenne". A travers les tensions qui ont jalonné l'examen de ce texte par les différents partenaires institutionnels, les auteurs remontent l'histoire des luttes interinstitutionnelles autour de l'action publique européenne en matière d'information-communication des eurocitoyens. Et observent la politisation croissante mais euphémisée de cet aspect du jeu politique communautaire.

Background. User´s satisfaction is an important tool to evaluate the performance of healthcare services. Measures of satisfaction are important tools for research, administration and planning.-- Objectives. (i) Study patient satisfaction as a multidimensional concept including organizational issues, professional competence, human characteristics, and status of facilities as dimensions determining the relation between patients and healthcare providers; and (ii) Investigate the contribution of each dimension to overall patient satisfaction, their determinants so as to examine individual and market characteristics which affect overall patient satisfaction, and their mechanisms of operation.-- Design. Our dataset is based on results from a survey undertaken in health centres to patients visiting their physician. We use information on: (i) Individual variables -demographic, socioeconomic and psychological-; (ii) Market variables –scheduling, centre type, habitat-. The four dimensions included are: organizational issues, professional competence, human characteristics and status of facilities.-- Main Measures. Patient overall satisfaction is measured as recommendation of the service (dichotomous variable which allows focus on patient's discontent). Satisfaction defined over the four dimensions are measured as ordinal variables (5-point Likert's scale).-- Results. Although individual and market characteristics affect satisfaction with each dimension and overall satisfaction, they operate differently. The characteristics of the provided service determine dramatically, but not only, satisfaction with organisational issues. Since the later is the relatively more important component of overall quality assessment, policy-makers should keep track of these control variables.-- Conclusions. We have provided a tool for health policy management to be aimed towards ameliorating patient's discontent, since we have identified patients' "value chain".