Suchergebnisse

Among many other challenges for international justice bodies and human rights defenders, Russia's aggression against Ukraine has caused a massive illegal imprisonment of Ukrainian noncombatants. In the occupied territories, the Russian authorities have detained people who did not take part in hostilities and have deprived them of their freedom for extended periods of time. For example, Evgeny Guryanov, my neighbor in the town of Bucha, was detained in March 2022. An auto mechanic, Evgeniy had repaired cars for over twenty years, and his hands were always stained with machine oil. The Russian military suspected him of weapons dealing and took him to a pretrial detention center in Bryansk region. He's been held there for almost two years.High Numbers of Detained Civilians According to research conducted by my colleagues at the Center for Civil Liberties, Kyiv, and myself, the Russian Federation has deprived about 7,000 civilian Ukrainians of their liberty since February 2022. Using many different sources—including some unpublished data compiled by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)—we have confirmed the presence of about 1,600 civilians in places of forced detention. Most likely the other 5,400 Ukrainian civilians are in Russian prisons. Many of these civilians were detained by the occupying forces back in February and March 2022 in the Kyiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, Kharkiv, and Kherson oblasts. These territories have long been liberated from Russian occupiers, but the detained civilians are still languishing in Russian prisons.All these people are included in the Ukrainian Unified Register of Missing Persons under Special Circumstances. Today the registry includes information on approximately 14,000 civilians who have disappeared since February 2024. In addition to currently illegally detained Ukrainians, the list includes killed or released persons. All these data are approximate since the Russian authorities refuse to provide information on or access to civilian detainees.The Status of Detained Civilians Most of the detained civilians have not been officially accused of anything and no criminal cases have been lodged against them. In rare cases, the Russian military police may say they suspect a detainee of participating in the resistance. But statements of this sort are false: a period of only two years is allotted under the law to confirm such suspicions. Additionally, international humanitarian law stipulates that if there is any doubt as to whether a civilian is a combatant, civilian status must be assumed. The distinction between a prisoner of war (POW) and a civilian is crucial: a POW can be kept in captivity until the end of the war, while a civilian must be released immediately.The Russian authorities have created a procedure for imprisoning Ukrainian civilians that is illegal even under Russian law. The deprivation of liberty order is signed by the head of the regional department of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSS). The same person extends the period of detention every three months.Many heads of departments of the FSS understand that they are detaining Ukrainian civilians without a court decision. That is illegal under both international humanitarian law and Russian legislation. But knowing what the law is does not lead to implementation of the law. It's likely that the Russian authorities will use the detained civilians to place additional pressure on Ukraine in the future.The Russian authorities also violate the right of Ukrainian civilians to communicate with their relatives. The Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols provide detainees with the right to send letters to their relatives, and require the authorities to allow visits from ICRC representatives. The Russian Federation does not fulfill these obligations.It is worth mentioning that the ICRC has special powers to protect civilian victims of military conflicts. However, these powers have not been fully implemented in the current war. For example, the ICRC has not yet received access to all places of forced detention of Ukrainian civilians in Russia. The ICRC officials say Russian authorities prevent them from visiting Ukrainians. Where Are Ukrainian Civilians Detained? Ukrainian noncombatant civilians are held in both official and secret prisons in the occupied territories and in Russia. Official places include pretrial detention centers, prisons, and correctional colonies. According to unpublished data from the Coordination Headquarters for Prisoners of War Affairs, there are fifty-seven such places. We also know that civilians are illegally detained in unofficial prisons, such as basements or warehouses. For example, in the occupied town of Enerhodar, some employees of the nuclear power plant have been held in the basement of the police department building since July 2023. Persons held in such fashion are removed from the protection of any law. Officially, they do not exist, and the occupiers can do whatever they want. The Torture of Civilians The majority of the detained Ukrainian civilians are tortured and badly treated. This fact was recorded by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: more than 91 percent of civilians surveyed after their return home stated that they had been subjected to torture, ill treatment, and sexual violence. Many Ukrainian civilians, after being discharged, report insufficient nutrition and difficulties in obtaining medical care while imprisoned. Three civilians have died over the past two years as a result of poor-quality medical care. In addition, keeping people in captivity for an indefinite period of time causes moral suffering.In violation of international humanitarian law, Ukrainian civilians are kept in closed cells and allowed only a single one-hour walk per day. Such conditions lead to deteriorating health.Violations of the law against these people continue even after their release. On those rare occasions when Ukrainian civilians are released—and we know of only thirteen such cases—release occurs only in the occupied areas of Ukraine, and never in the Russian Federation. But even after such release, the FSS prevents these civilians from traveling outside their region. Such limitations are absolutely illegal and the individuals cannot be considered free, even though they have been released from detention. What Can the West Do?The Ukrainian government and human right defenders continue in their efforts to release all civilians from Russian detention. Targeted sanctions by Western governments can help hugely in this matter. Such sanctions should be aimed at the Russian officials serving in the FSS and the Federal Penitentiary Service. Together, Ukrainian efforts and Western sanctions "for unlawful deprivation of liberty" can help free Ukrainian civilians from illegal detention by Russian authorities. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Among many other challenges for international justice bodies and human rights defenders, Russia's aggression against Ukraine has caused a massive illegal imprisonment of Ukrainian noncombatants. In the occupied territories, the Russian authorities have detained people who did not take part in hostilities and have deprived them of their freedom for extended periods of time. For example, Evgeny Guryanov, my neighbor in the town of Bucha, was detained in March 2022. An auto mechanic, Evgeniy had repaired cars for over twenty years, and his hands were always stained with machine oil. The Russian military suspected him of weapons dealing and took him to a pretrial detention center in Bryansk region. He's been held there for almost two years.High Numbers of Detained Civilians According to research conducted by my colleagues at the Center for Civil Liberties, Kyiv, and myself, the Russian Federation has deprived about 7,000 civilian Ukrainians of their liberty since February 2022. Using many different sources—including some unpublished data compiled by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC)—we have confirmed the presence of about 1,600 civilians in places of forced detention. Most likely the other 5,400 Ukrainian civilians are in Russian prisons. Many of these civilians were detained by the occupying forces back in February and March 2022 in the Kyiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, Kharkiv, and Kherson oblasts. These territories have long been liberated from Russian occupiers, but the detained civilians are still languishing in Russian prisons.All these people are included in the Ukrainian Unified Register of Missing Persons under Special Circumstances. Today the registry includes information on approximately 14,000 civilians who have disappeared since February 2024. In addition to currently illegally detained Ukrainians, the list includes killed or released persons. All these data are approximate since the Russian authorities refuse to provide information on or access to civilian detainees.The Status of Detained Civilians Most of the detained civilians have not been officially accused of anything and no criminal cases have been lodged against them. In rare cases, the Russian military police may say they suspect a detainee of participating in the resistance. But statements of this sort are false: a period of only two years is allotted under the law to confirm such suspicions. Additionally, international humanitarian law stipulates that if there is any doubt as to whether a civilian is a combatant, civilian status must be assumed. The distinction between a prisoner of war (POW) and a civilian is crucial: a POW can be kept in captivity until the end of the war, while a civilian must be released immediately.The Russian authorities have created a procedure for imprisoning Ukrainian civilians that is illegal even under Russian law. The deprivation of liberty order is signed by the head of the regional department of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSS). The same person extends the period of detention every three months.Many heads of departments of the FSS understand that they are detaining Ukrainian civilians without a court decision. That is illegal under both international humanitarian law and Russian legislation. But knowing what the law is does not lead to implementation of the law. It's likely that the Russian authorities will use the detained civilians to place additional pressure on Ukraine in the future.The Russian authorities also violate the right of Ukrainian civilians to communicate with their relatives. The Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols provide detainees with the right to send letters to their relatives, and require the authorities to allow visits from ICRC representatives. The Russian Federation does not fulfill these obligations.It is worth mentioning that the ICRC has special powers to protect civilian victims of military conflicts. However, these powers have not been fully implemented in the current war. For example, the ICRC has not yet received access to all places of forced detention of Ukrainian civilians in Russia. The ICRC officials say Russian authorities prevent them from visiting Ukrainians. Where Are Ukrainian Civilians Detained? Ukrainian noncombatant civilians are held in both official and secret prisons in the occupied territories and in Russia. Official places include pretrial detention centers, prisons, and correctional colonies. According to unpublished data from the Coordination Headquarters for Prisoners of War Affairs, there are fifty-seven such places. We also know that civilians are illegally detained in unofficial prisons, such as basements or warehouses. For example, in the occupied town of Enerhodar, some employees of the nuclear power plant have been held in the basement of the police department building since July 2023. Persons held in such fashion are removed from the protection of any law. Officially, they do not exist, and the occupiers can do whatever they want. The Torture of Civilians The majority of the detained Ukrainian civilians are tortured and badly treated. This fact was recorded by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights: more than 91 percent of civilians surveyed after their return home stated that they had been subjected to torture, ill treatment, and sexual violence. Many Ukrainian civilians, after being discharged, report insufficient nutrition and difficulties in obtaining medical care while imprisoned. Three civilians have died over the past two years as a result of poor-quality medical care. In addition, keeping people in captivity for an indefinite period of time causes moral suffering.In violation of international humanitarian law, Ukrainian civilians are kept in closed cells and allowed only a single one-hour walk per day. Such conditions lead to deteriorating health.Violations of the law against these people continue even after their release. On those rare occasions when Ukrainian civilians are released—and we know of only thirteen such cases—release occurs only in the occupied areas of Ukraine, and never in the Russian Federation. But even after such release, the FSS prevents these civilians from traveling outside their region. Such limitations are absolutely illegal and the individuals cannot be considered free, even though they have been released from detention. What Can the West Do?The Ukrainian government and human right defenders continue in their efforts to release all civilians from Russian detention. Targeted sanctions by Western governments can help hugely in this matter. Such sanctions should be aimed at the Russian officials serving in the FSS and the Federal Penitentiary Service. Together, Ukrainian efforts and Western sanctions "for unlawful deprivation of liberty" can help free Ukrainian civilians from illegal detention by Russian authorities. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

Die Speicherung von Kohlenstoff im Wald ist ein hochaktuelles, klimapolitisches Thema. Dabei werden als Speicher die lebende und die tote Baumbiomasse sowie die aus dem geernteten Holz hergestellten Produkte und deren Substitutionseffekte betrachtet. Die Kohlenstoffbindung in der lebenden Baumbiomasse der Wälder ist vornehmlich von der Baumart, dem Standort und der Waldbehandlung abhängig. Außerhalb des Wal- des, bei den Holzprodukten und deren Substitutionspotenzial, ist die Art und Dauer der Verwendung maßgeblich für die Kohlenstoffbindung. Forstbetriebe können durch ihre strategische Ausrichtung das Teilziel der Kohlenstoffspeicherung stärker gewichten und somit zum gesellschaftlich geforderten Klimaschutz einen Beitrag leisten. Dazu sind jedoch Kenntnisse über baumarten-, standort- und behandlungsspezifische Effekte notwendig, welche die Kohlenstoffspeicherung beeinflussen. Zu diesem Zweck wurden Simulationen einer naturnahen und einer kohlenstofforientierten waldbaulichen Behandlung der fünf wichtigsten Baumarten im niedersächsischen Landeswald auf bedeutenden Standortseinheiten durchgeführt. Die Hauptwirtschaftsbaumarten im Landeswald von Niedersachsen sind Eiche, Buche, Fichte, Douglasie und Kiefer. Die analysierten Standorte verteilen sich auf jeweils vier Wuchsbezirke im Tief- und Bergland. Für die Identifikation wichtiger Kombinationen aus Wasser- und Nährstoffversorgung sowie der entsprechenden Leistungsfähigkeit der Baumarten wurden Informationen der Standortskartierung sowie der Forsteinrichtung der Niedersächsischen Landesforsten genutzt. Auf der Grundlage der Betriebsinventur der Niedersächsischen Landesforsten konnten Modelle zur Generierung von Einzelbaumdaten erstellt werden, die insbesondere zur Schätzung der aktuellen Bestandesgrundflächen und der zu Grunde liegenden Durchmesserverteilungen genutzt wurden. Mit ihrer Hilfe konnten realitätsnahe Weiserbestände als Grundlage der Simulationen, entsprechend den Informationen aus Forsteinrichtung und Standortskartierung, generiert werden. Damit die waldbauliche Behandlung abgebildet werden kann, ist es notwendig die Durchforstungsstärke und -art nachzubilden. Unter Verwendung von ertragskundlichen Versuchsflächendaten der Nordwestdeutschen Forstlichen Versuchsanstalt wurden erstmalig mittels Quantilsregression baumartenspezifische Funktionen zur Bestimmung der maximalen Bestandesgrundfläche für Nordwestdeutschland hergeleitet. Diese stellen aufgrund der größeren Datengrundlage und der verwendeten Methoden eine Verbesserung im Vergleich zum vorher benutzten Ansatz der Nordwestdeutschen Forstlichen Versuchsanstalt dar. Mit ihnen lässt sich die maximale Bestandesgrundfläche sicherer schätzen. Zur Definition eines praxisnahen Nutzungskonzeptes mit unterschiedlichen Pflegephasen abgegrenzt durch bestimmte Höhenbereiche, wird die aktuelle Bestandesgrundfläche ins Verhältnis zur maximal möglichen Grundfläche des Bestandes gesetzt. Mit dem neu erstellten Konzept kann nun eine grundflächengesteuerte, gestaffelte Durchforstung ab- gebildet werden. Wobei mit den entwickelten Methoden auch die Nachbildung anderer Nutzungskonzepte möglich ist. Mit den generierten Weiserbeständen und dem Waldwachstumssimulator WaldPlaner wurden die Auswirkungen der verschiedenen waldbaulichen Behandlungen auf die Bestandesentwicklung und die Kohlenstoffspeicherung untersucht. Dazu wurden u. a. die Einzelbaumdaten mittels bekannter Funktionen aus der Literatur in Biomasse umgerechnet, ein neuer Holzverwendungsschlüssel zur Verteilung des eingeschlagenen Rohholzes zu Produktklassen aufgestellt und ein Modell zur Kaskadennutzung in die Auswertung integriert. Durch die Bildung einer Kohlenstoffspeicherrate sind Rückschlüsse über den Einfluss der Wasser- und Nährstoffversorgung auf die Kohlenstoffspeicherung möglich. Sie erlaubt die Vergleichbarkeit der Baumarten, der Standorte sowie der einzelnen Speicher. Es zeigt sich bei einer Gesamtbetrachtung der untersuchten Pools (lebende und tote Baumbiomasse, Holzprodukte sowie deren Substitutionspotenzial), dass sich die Kohlenstoffspeicherraten deutlich zwischen den Baumarten unterscheiden und sich folgende Reihung ergibt: Douglasie, Fichte > Kiefer > Buche, Eiche. Der Forstbetrieb kann durch eine standortgemäße Baumartenwahl und -mischung, die Waldbehandlung und der Berücksichtigung der erwartbaren Holzqualitäten und Risiken das Teilziel der Kohlenstoffspeicherung im Rahmen des strategischen Managements stärker gewichten. Dabei haben standortgerechte Nadelbaumarten eine große Klimaschutzwirkung. Sie sollten allerdings nur insoweit angebaut werden, als das die multifunktionale Nachhaltigkeit der Wälder nicht verletzt wird. Im Bereich der Holzverwendung ist die Kaskadennutzung und stoffliche Nutzung weiter auszubauen, um möglichst viele Holzprodukte im Zivilisationskreislauf zu halten und abschließend energetisch zu nutzen. Auf forstpolitischer Ebene ergeben sich verschiedene Handlungsfelder. Einerseits sind konkrete Wege zur Lösung von Zielkonflikten zwischen nationaler Klimapolitik und anderen Strategien (z. B. Nationale Biodiversitätsstrategie, Waldstrategie 2020) zu entwickeln. Andererseits ist die große Bedeutung der Wälder als Kohlenstoffspeicher und nachhaltiger Rohstofflieferant, intensiver als bisher, der Gesellschaft näher zu bringen. Dessen ungeachtet besteht noch enormer Forschungsbedarf über den Einfluss des Klimawandels und verschiedener Risiken sowie der Kaskadennutzung auf die Kohlenstoffspeicherung im Forst-Holz-Sektor. ; Carbon sequestration in forests is a highly topical issue in the current climate change debate. The most important carbon pools are living and dead tree biomass, timber products and their substitution effects. The carbon sequestration of the living tree biomass mainly depends on tree species, site and silvicultural management. Type and duration of use are the main determinants of carbon sequestration in timber products and their potential for substitution. Forest management strategies can focus on the aim of carbon storage and thereby contribute to the socially demanded climate protection. However, for this to be achieved, knowledge about the effects of tree species, site and silvicultural management on carbon sequestration is required. For that purpose, the development of the five main tree species in Lower Saxony, Germany, was simulated under a near-natural and a carbon-oriented management at selected sites. The main tree species in the Lower Saxony State Forest are Oak, European beech, Norway spruce, Douglas fir and Scots pine. The selected sites are distributed in four growth districts in the lowlands and the mountainous regions of Lower Saxony, respec- tively. In order to identify important combinations of water and nutrient supply as well as the corresponding productivity of the tree species, information was gathered from site mapping and forest planing of the forest administration. Based on the operating inventory of the Lower Saxony State Forest, models for the generation of single tree data were created. These models were particularly used for the estimation of the current basal area and the underlying diameter distribution of the simulation stands. To represent silvicultural management, it is necessary to model intensity and the type of thinning. Using data from long-term thinning experiments of the Northwest German Forest Research Institute and quantile regression, it was possible to create species specific functions for maximum basal area, which are valid for Northwest Germany. Due to the larger database and the applied methods, these functions allow for more accurate estimates and can thus be regarded as improvements over the previously utilized methods. The ratio of current to maximum basal stand area was used for defining a realistic concept of utilization with height dependent thinnings. With help of this new concept, it is possible to simulate a graduated thinning, controlled by basal area. Furthermore, other utilization concepts can be modelled with the developed methods. The effects of silvicultural management on stand development were simulated with the forest growth simulator WaldPlaner. In order to estimate the consequences for carbon storage, single-tree data were converted to biomass with published functions. Additionally, harvested timber was allocated to product groups with a new allocation formula and a model for cascade use was integrated in the analysis. By forming a carbon sequestration rate, conclusions about the impact of water and nutrients on carbon storage are possible. Further, this rate allows for the comparison of tree species, sites and individual carbon pools. With respect to the considered pools, the sum of the carbon rates differs clearly among tree species and results in the following order: Douglas fir, Norway spruce > Scots pine > Beech, Oak. More weight can be given to carbon sequestration, as a subgoal of forest management, by selecting and mixing site adapted tree species, silvicultural management and con- sideration of the expectable wood qualities and risks. Site adapted coniferous species have a strong potential for climate protection. However, their cultivation should not harm the multifunctional sustainability of forests. Cascade and material usage of wood, followed by energetic utilization, are to be expanded, in order to keep as many wood products as possible in use. Forest policy has to manage several fields of action. On the one hand, concrete measures for resolving target conflicts between national climate policy and other strategies have to be developed (e.g., Nationale Biodiversitätsstrategie, Waldstrategie 2020). On the other hand, it is an important task to give the society a better understanding of the great importance forests have for carbon sequestration and sustainable provision of raw material. Nevertheless, there is still an enormous need for research on the impact of climate change and various risks and multiple use of wood on carbon sequestration in the forestry-wood-sector.

From the abstract: Integration and Dis-Integration or Dis-Integration and Integration or Dis-Integration and Re-Integration can be quite a word play. The Dis-Integration of the former Soviet Union (FSU) in the early 1990s marks a serious and unprecedented development in modern history. It was a break-up of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics into fifteen newly independent states. Hereby, twelve states formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), a structure that was to keep some order over the break-up. Three countries – the Baltics – announced their total independence and declared no will to be part of the CIS. A later Integration or Re-Integration within the CIS is being actively discussed and debated up to now. Several theories have evolved on the future of the region. Huntington's thesis predicts the 'Clash of Civilizations'. He argues that the future battle over world politics will be over religious and cultural factors. Huntington predicts a split-up of the world along religious lines. In turn, Duncan rejects religion to be a factor in the current developments of the CIS. He limits Kuzio's idea of a division between the CIS into 'radicals' and 'pragmatists' among the two groups – the 'Westernizers' and 'Slavophiles'. Duncan concludes that there is generally a shift towards pragmatism in the foreign policies of the member states of the FSU. Disillusionment with the West is widespread. Most important factors that make countries tend towards a Westernist' or Eurasianist' course are linked to ethnicity and conflict. The author views the political regime and economic reforms are less important. Other studies focus more on the relationship between Russia and the other CIS countries. Alexandrova's arguments support the trend towards pragmatism. She adds that Moscow gave up the concept of re-integration, which it was convinced of in the first years of transition. Russia's foreign policy from Yeltsin to Putin shifted from Multilateralism to Bilateralism. Russian capital, invested in the near-abroad, is seen as a strong instrument to influence other CIS states and force them to Moscow's security policy. Another -less recent- study on "Integration and Disintegration" from 1997 by authors of Brown University/U.S. and institutes from five newly independent states gives some outlook over the future ten years until 2006. Base for discussion were four rather extreme and abstract scenarios. Researchers and other experts from the region specialising in politics and security were confronted with the scenarios and asked to discuss and express their views on the future of the CIS. Economics did not play a major role in their debates over the tendencies within the region. In my work I will demonstrate that the energy sector, particularly the natural gas sector, plays an essential role in re-integrative tendencies. Logically, the largest successor of the FSU, the Russian Federation, plays a dominant role. As part of my work I will review prices for natural gas in the CIS. Applying the theory of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) enables me to compare prices internationally. Unfortunately, the data limit allows only a rough comparison. However, it supports trends developed in prior sections of the work. A statistical analysis is not used due to the insufficient data set. The structure of my dissertation is as following: Section 2 summarizes the theoretical framework regarding integration and disintegration, based on findings of the 1997-study by authors of Brown University. In the progress of the dissertation I will illustrate that findings of the latter study are close to reality even today. After explaining the theoretical framework I will outline the hypothesis of my work. At the end of that section I will give an overview of the factors that lead to the disintegration of the Soviet Union. I will then relate the impact on the natural gas sector across the region. It is the outset on which the later work builds on. In Section 3 I will describe the creation of a new CIS market for natural gas on three levels driven by the Russian Federation. Given the fact that the natural gas industries in the CIS are mostly state regulated, shedding light upon the inter-governmental dimension will explain policies and -most importantly- Russia's motivation. What strategies has Moscow developed over the years in terms of controlling this sector? A further look at the inter-company dimension will picture the main players –large corporations- that are producing, transporting and distributing natural gas throughout the region. It will support the tendencies about Russia's role developed in the beginning of the section. That dimension will illustrate the companies' role as the players on the domestic Russian and foreign 'near-abroad' market. The third part of the section will be a basic price analysis, discussing the available data set. Do prices serve to understand evolving market mechanisms and tendencies towards re-integration within the CIS? Section 4 summarizes the findings of my work. I will put together the 'pieces' in Russia's natural gas 'puzzle'. Table of Contents: 1.INTRODUCTION7 1.1Theories7 1.2The Natural Gas Sector8 1.3Countries Covered9 1.4Data9 1.5Methodology10 1.6Plan10 2.ONE THEORY OF INTEGRATION AND DIS-INTEGRATION IN POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES11 2.1Expectations of Experts of the Various Countries12 2.1.1Georgia12 2.1.2Ukraine12 2.1.3Belarus13 2.1.4Turkmenistan14 2.1.5Kazakstan15 2.1.6Russia15 2.2A Cross-Country Picture16 2.3Relevance of the Study Regarding the Natural Gas Market17 2.4Dis-Integration of the Soviet Union and the Natural Gas Market18 3.RE-INTEGRATION OF THE CIS NATURAL GAS MARKET21 3.1Inter-Governmental Dimension21 3.1.1Grouping the Countries21 3.1.2Main CIS – Natural Gas Export Markets23 3.1.2.1Turkmenistan – Iran23 3.1.2.2Russia – South-Eastern Europe and Turkey24 3.1.2.3Russia – Europe25 3.1.2.4Russia – China28 3.1.3The Countries as 'Pieces' in Russia's Natural Gas 'Puzzle'?30 3.2The Inter-Company Dimension31 3.2.1Brief Portraits of the Players32 3.2.1.1Gazprom32 3.2.1.2Itera33 3.2.1.3The Independent Gas Producers35 3.2.1.4The Oil Companies35 3.2.2The Players Acting in the Strategic CIS36 3.2.2.1In Georgia and Turkmenistan to the South and South-West36 3.2.2.2In Turkmenistan and Kazakstan to the South-East and East38 3.2.2.3In Ukraine and Belarus for Access to the West39 3.2.3Restructuring of the Russian Monopoly41 3.2.4Changes with the Reforms42 3.3Prices44 3.3.1Data44 3.3.2Purchasing Power Parity45 3.3.3Russia's Domestic Market47 3.3.3.1A Start to Deregulate Prices48 3.3.3.2Low versus International Prices?51 3.3.4Russia's Export Market to the Near-Abroad53 3.3.4.1Comparison on FSU – Level53 3.3.4.2Comparison with Far-Abroad54 3.3.4.3Comparison with Russia's Domestic Market55 4.CONCLUSION58 5.APPENDIX61 5.1Data61 5.2Literature72

Author's introductionAlthough criminologists have long dominated the field of school violence research, there has been a growing body of research by cultural sociologists in this area as well. In many ways, a cultural approach to understanding school violence has taken school violence beyond the realm of just criminal and physical acts of violence. These scholars have begun to examine verbal, emotional, sexual, and racial expressions violence, as well as violence that is perpetuated by institutions, what Bourdieu has called symbolic violence. Courses that take this perspective explore how cultural concepts, or what Swidler calls a 'cultural toolkit', can be used as a lens for analyzing the experiences and practices of school violence. This can include, for example, an examination of how the dominant American ideology of meritocracy and competition can foster fights between middle school students, or how a feminine identity might push girls to be relationally aggressive towards each other rather than physically aggressive. In this regard, cultural sociology broadens our understanding of what constitutes school violence to uncover a wide spectrum of behaviors, attitudes and beliefs that may indeed lead to more overt expressions of violence. In doing so, a cultural approach can also help educators rethink discipline policies that have been created to resolve this social problem.Author recommendsSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review51: 273–86.Swidler's concept of a cultural toolkit provides a strong foundation for any cultural sociology course. Swidler defines a cultural toolkit as the symbols, stories, rituals, beliefs, ideologies and practices of daily life through which people use to shape their behavior. This paper presents a broad understanding of culture, which Swidler argues is not a unified system, but rather a set of complex and changing concepts from which we select different pieces from in order to construct different strategies of actions. When considering cultural approaches to school violence, it is useful to consider this broad definition of culture.Henry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.'Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science567: 16–30.Henry provides a definition of school violence that transcends physical violence and interpersonal violence between students to include psychological, emotional, ethical and moral violence that occurs not only between students, but also includes harm committed by teachers and organizations against students. This latter form of harm can include tracking, school security, sexual harassment, or essentially anything that hinders the creativity, learning and academic success of a student. Henry argues that school violence must include symbolic violence, which he defines as the use of authority, power, and coercion to dominate an individual or group of people.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Ferguson builds on Bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence and Foucault's theory of disciplinary power to examine an intervention program for 'at‐risk' students, which was comprised of mainly 5th and 6th grade African‐American males. Her ethnography provides a great example of the benefit of using a cultural approach to studying violence, discipline and punishment in schools. For example, Ferguson argues that fighting among boys should be seen as a symbolic expression of masculinity and a space for boys to do emotional work, as well as a site for the production of power and a form of resistance to authority. Her work also explores how teachers and administrators can enact a form of symbolic violence onto students. She observed how the cultural behaviors of African‐American boys, for example, their use of Black English, was often translated by the teachers as 'problem behavior' and resulted in their label of 'Troublemaker'. Such labels often condemned the boys to the bottom rung of the social order and negatively impacted their academic success.Spina, Stephanie Urso, ed. 2000. Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.This edited collection examines school violence as a complicated and multi‐faceted phenomenon, exploring how political, economic, ideological and discursive practices contribute to school violence. This interdisciplinary book includes chapters from Donna Gaines, Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren, Stanley Aronowitz, and Paulo Freire and Donald Macedo. The authors expand the definition of violence by arguing that youth violence, adult violence and societal violence are all intricately connected, and therefore prevention of school violence would requires educators to move beyond reform that only takes place in the school system. Instead, violence prevention needs to implore a broader strategy for change that includes schools, families, communities, and beyond.Brown, Lyn Mikel 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. New York, NY: New York University Press.Mikel Brown conducted qualitative interviews with more than 400 girls from first grade through high school who were from different economic, racial and geographic backgrounds. She begins the book by analyzing the cultural messages that girls receive in the media; messages and images that she argues provide girls with a context for fighting among their peers. She draws on Paulo Freire's notion of horizontal violence to look at how girls' meanness to other girls is a result of their struggle to make sense of gender‐saturated images of beauty and heterosexuality that often reinforce their subordinate status in the world. Girlfighting then becomes an avenue to power for young girls in a culture that is rife with sexism. Unlike many other recent books on relational aggression among girls, Mikel Brown interrogates the complicated intersections of race, ethnicity, and class as it relates to girlfighting.Casella, Ronnie 2001. 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.Casella's ethnography of Brandon High School, a small city school in a diverse neighborhood in upstate New York, takes a cultural‐ecological approach to school violence, capturing systemic, interpersonal and hidden forms of violence. He provides a thoughtful critique of intervention strategies that have been created to deal with school violence, such as peer mediation programs, the use of police officers in the hallways, and D.A.R.E. programs, because these programs only address individual acts of violence and do not account for the realities of urban environments, prejudice, economic injustice and poverty that underlie and contribute to school violence.Merten, Don E. 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly25(1): 29–43.Don Merten has published several articles that provide a useful framework for examining aggressive behavior from a cultural standpoint. The data from this article come from a larger ethnographic project of predominantly middle class students in a suburban area who recently transitioned from elementary to junior high school. Merten argues that middle class culture promotes and celebrates individualism, success and hierarchy, which in turn creates a culture that promotes aggressive behavior among students, because students learn that meanness can be an easy avenue for gaining power and status in the hierarchy of cliques in schools.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives48(1): 25–48.Morris draws on Bourdieu's classic reproduction theory to look at the relationship between cultural capital and bodily discipline as it relates specifically to clothing styles and manners. This article is based on an ethnographic study of an urban middle school in Texas that recently enlisted a 'Standard Mode of Dress' uniform policy. The regulation of dress became a constant source of conflict between the students and staff at the school, but had the most punitive effect on poor and racially ethnic minority students, whose cultural styles tended to be negatively stereotyped by the teachers. These students were more likely to punished for violating the policy, even though all social class and racial groups, to some degree, violated the policy. This harsher punishment engendered resistance and alienation among the minority students, which Morris argues had the potential of pushing these students away from school, further reproducing the very inequalities that the school was trying to change.Online materials http://nces.ed.gov/programs/crimeindicators/crimeindicators2008/ The National Center for Education Statistics puts out an annual report on indicators of School Crime and Safety. The indicators in this report are based on information drawn from a variety of data sources, including national surveys of students, teachers, and principals. The report covers not just overt forms of school violence, such as bringing a weapon to school, fighting, and teacher injuries, but also covers bullying, victimization, student perceptions of school safety, and availability and use of drugs and alcohol. http://www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/yrbs/index.htm The Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance System is a school‐based survey conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The survey is conducted every 2 years and provides a representative sample of 9th through 12th graders in public and private schools in the United States. The YRBSS asks a wide variety of questions, but most relevant to school violence include self‐reported responses about behaviors that might lead to unintentional injuries and violence, such as carrying a weapon to school, being threatened by a weapon or being in a fight on school grounds. These data serve a useful comparison between student self‐reporting of violent behavior and school reporting of incidents of school violence. http://www.sshs.samhsa.gov/default.aspx The Safe Schools/Healthy Students website is a federal initiative by the U.S. Departments of Education, Justice, and Health and Human Services. It provides many useful resources, including links federal reports on school safety, a list of related websites, and video podcast discussions of school violence that can be used in the classroom. http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2001/uslgbt/toc.htm 'Hatred in the Hallways: Violence and Discrimination against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Students in U.S. Schools' is a report conducted by the Human Rights Watch. Data consists of interviews with 140 students, ages 12–21, and 130 parents, teachers, administrators and counselors across seven states, in every region of the U.S. The findings discuss a broad spectrum of violent behavior, including verbal harassment, homophobia, and physical violence. It can be useful for classroom discussion because each finding section of the report includes a 'case study' of one of the participants with direct quotes from their interview. http://www.aauw.org/research/hostile.cfm 'Hostile Hallways: Bullying, Teasing and Sexual Harassment in School' is a national report conducted by American Association of University Women on 8th to 11th grade students. The study found that 8 in 10 students experienced some form of harassment during their time in school. Both the executive summary and entire report are available to download on the website.Sample syllabusCourse outline and selected reading assignmentsSection 1: Introduction to cultural sociologyDefining CultureSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review 51: 273–86.Jepperson, Ronald and Ann Swidler 1994. 'What Properties of Culture Should We Measure?'Poetics 22: 359–71.Cultural Capital and Symbolic ViolenceBourdieu, Pierre and Jean‐Claude Passeron 1977. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage.Lareau, Annette, and Elliott B. Weininger 2003. 'Cultural Capital in Educational Research: A Critical Assessment.'Theory and Society 32: 567–606.Reproduction TheoryMacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 2, 'Social Reproduction in Theoretical Perspective.' Pp. 11–24 and Chapter 8, 'Reproduction Theory Reconsidered,' pp. 135–54.Cultural PedagogyGiroux, Henry 2000. 'Representations of Violence, Popular Culture and Demonization of Youth.' Pp. 93–105 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. Edited by Stephanie Urso Spina. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 2: Broadening the definition of school violenceHenry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.' Annals of the American Academy of Political and social Science 567: 16–30.Watkinson, Ailsa 1997. 'Administrative Complicity and Systemic Violence in Education.' Pp. 3–24 in Systemic Violence in Education: Promise Broken. Edited by Juanita Ross Epp and Ailsa M. Watkinson. Albany, NY: State University of NY Press.Urso Spina, Stephanie 2000. 'Violence in Schools: Expanding the Dialogue.' Pp. 1–40 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and LittlefieldCasella, Ronnie 2001. 'What is Violent about School Violence? The Nature of Violence in a City School.' Pp. 15–46 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Edited by Joan Burstyn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Elliott, Delbert S., Beatrix Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams 1998. 'Violence in American Schools: An Overview.' Pp. 3–30 in Violence in American Schools. Edited by Delbert S. Elliott, Beatrix A. Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part I, Chapters 1–3, pp. 3–76.Section 3: Ideology and aggressionMerten, Don 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly, v. 25 (1): 29–43.Willis, Paul 1977. Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. Farnborough, England: Saxon House.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part II, Chapters 4–7, pp. 77–178.MacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 6, 'School: Preparing for Competition,' pp. 83–111.Devine, John 1997. Maximum Security: The Culture of Violence in Inner‐City Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Read Chapter 1, 'Schools or 'Schools'? Competing Discourses on Violence,' pp. 19–46.Section 4: Cultural scripts – masculinityKimmel, Michael S. and Matthew Mahler 2003. 'Adolescent Masculinity, Homophobia, and Violence.'The American Behavioral Scientist 46(10): 1439–58.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 4, 'Naughty by Nature,' pp. 77–99 and Chapter 6, 'Getting into Trouble,' pp. 163–96.Bender, Geoff 2001. 'Resisting Dominance? The Study of a Marginalized Masculinity and its Construction within High School Walls.' Pp. 61–78 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Klein, Jessi and Lynn S. Chancer 2000. 'Masculinity Matters: The Omission of Gender from High‐Profile School Violence Cases.' Pp. 129–62 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 5: Cultural scripts – femininityEder, Donna 1985. 'The Cycle of Popularity: Interpersonal Relations among Female Adolescents.'Sociology of Education 58(3): 154–65.Merten, Don 1997. 'The Meaning of Meanness: Popularity, Competition, and Conflict Among Junior High School Girls.'Sociology of Education 70(3): 175–91.Merten, Don 2005. 'Transitions and 'Trouble': Rites of Passage for Suburban Girls.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 36(2): 132–48.Artz, Sibylle 2004. 'Violence in the Schoolyard: School Girls' Use of Violence.' Pp. 167–90 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities, edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Morris, Edward W. 2007. ''Ladies' or 'Loudies'? Perceptions and Experiences of Black Girls in Classrooms.'Youth & Society 38: 490–515.Mikel Brown, Lyn 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. NY: New York University Press.Section 6: Culture resources and school violence – languageLanguage and Symbolic ViolenceFerguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 7, 'Unreasonable Circumstances,' pp. 197–226.Youth Talk about ViolenceDiket, Read M. and Linda G. Mucha 2002. 'Talking about Violent Images.'Art Education March: 11–7.Morrill, Calvin, Christine Yalds, Madelaine Adelman, Michael Musheno, and Cindy Bejarano 2000. 'Telling Tales in School: Youth Culture and Conflict Narratives.'Law & Society Review 34(3): 521–65.Burman, Michele 2004. 'Turbulent Talk: Girls Making Sense of Violence.' Pp. 81–103 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities. Edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Obidah, Jennifer 2000. 'On Living (and Dying) with Violence: Entering Young Voices in the Discourse.' Pp. 49–66 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 7: Culture resources and school violence – clothingClothing and School Safety DebatesHolloman, Lillian and Velma LaPoint, Sylvan I. Alleyne, Ruth J. Palmer, and Kathy Sanders‐Phillips 1996. 'Dress‐Related Behavioral Problems and Violence in Public School Settings: Prevention, Intervention, and Policy—A Holistic Approach.'The Journal of Negro Education 65(3): 267–281.Stanley, M. Sue 1996. 'School Uniforms and Safety.'Education and Urban Society 28(4): 424–35.Gereluk, Dianne 2008. 'Limiting Free Speech in the United States.' Pp. 41–64 in Symbolic Clothing in Schools: What Should Be Worn and Why. New York, NY: Continuum.Brunsma, David L., ed. 2006. Uniforms in Public Schools: A Decade of Research and Debate. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education.Clothing, School Policies and Symbolic ViolenceHorvat, Erin McNamara 1999. '"Hey, Those Shoes are Out of Uniform": African American Girls in an Elite High School and the Importance of Habitus.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 30(3): 317–42.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives 48(1): 25–48.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 3, 'School Rules,' pp. 49–73.FilmsTough guise: violence, media, and the crisis in masculinity (2002)This Media Education Foundation film explores the relationship between popular culture and the construction of violent masculinity. Of particular relevance to this class, the film examines how the construction of masculinity relates to school shootings. The film is directed by Sut Jhally and narrated by Jackson Katz. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.Wrestling with manhood: boys, bullying and battering (2004)This Media Education Foundation film, written and directed by Sut Jhally, examines the relationship between professional wrestling and the construction of masculinity. The film looks at how wrestling contributes to homophobia, violence against women and bullying in school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.School violence: answers from the inside (2000)This film originally aired on PBS''In the Mix,' a television series created by and for teens. The film examines stereotyping and conflict in schools through the eyes and voices of teenagers attending a diverse suburban high school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Resources – Language.The killer at Thurston high (2000)This PBS Frontline film focuses on Kip Kinkel, who in 1998, at the age of 15, shot his mother and father, and then opened fire at his school in Springfield, Oregon, killing two and injuring 25. He is currently serving 111 years in prison. The film provides an understanding of the tragedy through multiple viewpoints, including interviews with Kip's sister, teachers and psychiatrists. This film could be used in the section Broadening the Definition of School Violence.Mean girls (2004)Written by Tina Fey and based on Rosalind Wiseman's book, Queen Bees and Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boyfriends, and Other Realities of Adolescence, this fictional account of 'mean girls' is a film that most college students will be familiar with. Clips from the film can be used in the section Cultural Scripts—Femininity to begin a discussion about relational aggression between girls in schools. It can also be used to examine the role that racism and classism play in our public perception of violent behavior, particularly since 'mean girls' in this film tend to be constructed as white and upper class, whereas in contrast, 'violent girls' in film have historically been constructed as poor, young women of color.Project ideas1. Social Policy and Intervention. This assignment is intended to get students critically thinking about how educators approach school violence. Have students pick either a national intervention program, such as D.A.R.E., or a local school policy created to deal with school violence. Begin by analyzing how school violence is defined and what type of intervention/prevention is being proposed. Require students to use a cultural approach to understand and critique the policy. In writing the paper, students should consider the following questions. How would a cultural sociologist define violence? What types of violence are missing from this policy? How would this policy be different if it took into account a cultural approach? The book, 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools (2001) by Ronnie Casella provides a good background resource for completing this assignment.2. Observation Project: Clothing and School Safety. Students will begin by gaining permission to observe at a local middle school or high school. Begin by analyzing the school policy towards clothing. Some schools might have an official uniform policy, whereas others might have policies regarding certain types of clothing (i.e. gang clothing, clothing with profanity, etc.) Next, spend several days observing students in non‐classroom settings, like the hallways, cafeteria, bus or playground. Take detailed fieldnotes. Pay particular attention to the clothing that students wear, any discussion made about clothing by either students or teachers, the relationship between clothing and identity, how clothes are used as a site of resistance, and how clothes might cause conflict between students, or between students and teachers. (You may also want to informally interview students about their perception of the school's policy on clothing, how they negotiate rules about clothing, and how they see clothing policies as contributing to conflict and violence, as well as school safety.) As a class, develop a coding scheme for the fieldnotes. Each student will then individually write an analysis paper on the relationship between clothing, conflict, discipline policies, and school violence.3. Mean Girls: Examining Relational Aggression in Schools. There has been much public attention in recent years to 'mean girls.' As a class, view the film Mean Girls during the course section, Cultural Scripts – Femininity. As a class, develop an interview guide with about six open‐ended questions (i.e. What were your experiences with 'mean girls' in high school? How did you or a close friend deal with being the victim of relational aggression? To what extent did you ever participate in being a 'mean girl'? How did teachers at your school respond to relational aggression between girls?) Next, have students interview six female students using the class interview guide. Students can work individually or in groups to write a paper that compares and contrasts the social construction of mean girls in the film with the actual perceptions of mean girls from their research participants. The analysis should be grounded in the social science research that students are reading on relational aggression.

The last poverty assessment for Rwanda was conducted in 1997. Three years after the genocide, the country was characterized by deep and widespread poverty, rock-bottom health indicators, and pervasive hunger and food insecurity. In real terms, gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was lower than it had been in 1960. In real terms, the economy quadrupled between 1995 and 2013. Enrolment in primary school is near universal and infant and child mortality are among the lowest in Africa. A large part of the population, including the extreme poor, is covered by public health insurance. This poverty assessment focuses on the evolution of poverty and other social indicators over the past decade (2000-1 and 2010-11). Using data from a variety of sources, mainly the three household living standards surveys (EICV) and the three demographic and health surveys (DHS) conducted during the past decade, the poverty assessment documents trends in monetary and non-monetary dimensions of living standards and examines the drivers of observed trends. The aim of the poverty assessment is to provide policy makers and development partners with information and analysis that can be used to improve the effectiveness of their poverty reduction and social programs.

Der Anbau von Gemüse in urbanen Gebieten stellt eine nachhaltige Strategie zur Nahrungsmittelsicherheit dar. Obwohl Gemüseanbau oft als Überlebensstrategie armer Bevölkerungsgruppen betrachtet wird, praktizieren ihn städtische Bewohner aller Einkommensschichten. Angesichts wachsender Bevölkerungszahlen in den Städten und steigender Armut wird der Anbau von Nahrungsmitteln zu einem entscheidenden Faktor der Existenzgrundlage, auch wenn er in vielen Entwicklungsländern – so auch in Ghana – offiziell untersagt ist. Im städtischen Großraum Tamale, im Norden Ghanas, wird Gemüseanbau durch Landknappheit, unklare Besitzverhältnisse und Wassermangel beeinträchtigt. Farmer weichen deshalb auf Flächen entlang temporärer Bachläufe, Abwasserkanäle, Erdlöcher, Brunnen, kaputter Abflussrohre und Rückhaltebecken aus. Urbanisierung und steigende Marktwerte für Land sowie unregulierte Grundstücksmärkte haben zu einem Anstieg an Landverkäufen in urbanen und peri-urbanen Gebieten geführt. Dabei konkurriert urbane Landwirtschaft mit anderen – ökonomisch gewinnträchtigeren – Formen der Landnutzung, wie beispielsweise der Industrie und des Wohnungsbaus. Für die Farmer besteht das größte Problem des rasanten urbanen Wachstums in den sich verändernden Landnutzungsmustern. Diese haben nicht nur zu einer Verringerung primärer Ackerflächen geführt, sondern auch zu geringerer landwirtschaftlicher Produktivität, einem niedrigen Lebensstandard und Nahrungsmittelunsicherheit. Die Situation im städtischen Großraum Tamale und den umliegenden Gebieten bildet diese Veränderungen besonders eindrücklich ab. Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert die sozio-politische Konfiguration, die Ressourcenflüsse in Aktivitäten der urbanen Landwirtschaft, verstanden als Produktion und Vermarktung landwirtschaftlicher und gartenbaulicher Produkte, kanalisiert. Sie untersucht, wie die Farmer diesen Prozess durch verschiedene Governance-Systeme in ihren jeweiligen sozio-ökonomischen Umgebungen bewältigen und es notwendig machen, verschiedene Technologien in unterschiedlichem Maße zu bewerten und einzusetzen. Nach einer allgemeinen Stichprobenumfrage in Kombination mit einem Participatory-Appraisal-Ansatz zur Feststellung der spezifischen Eigenschaften des urbanen und peri-urbanen landwirtschaftlichen Systems, habe ich ein Mixed-Method-Design für meine Studie angewandt. Mit Hilfe des Global Positioning Systems (GPS) erfasste ich quantitative räumliche Daten aller freistehenden Anbauflächen. Mit einer unbemannten Drohne wurde eine Luftbildvermessung durchgeführt und mit der ArcGIS Software kartiert. Zusätzlich habe ich Google Earth-Aufnahmen mit Erinnerungen von Farmern trianguliert. Qualitative Daten erhob ich durch Gruppendiskussionen, mit Hilfe teilnehmender Fotografie, in Interviews und durch teilnehmende Beobachtung. Die Forschung fand zwischen Oktober 2013 und Februar 2015 statt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich die landwirtschaftlich genutzte Fläche in Tamale und Umgebung zwischen 2008 und 2014 trotz gleichzeitiger Entstehung neuer Gemüsefelder an den Stadträndern um 8,3 % verringerte. Obwohl die landwirtschaftlichen Flächen weniger werden, ist Gemüseanbau kein temporäres Phänomen. Der Gemüseanbau hat eine außergewöhnliche Resistenz gegen verschiedene Widerstände bewiesen und ohne externe Initiative oder Unterstützung eine Nische eingenommen. Er profitiert dabei von seiner Nähe zum Markt, der hohen Nachfrage nach schnell verderblichen Produkten und den fehlenden Möglichkeiten, Waren gekühlt zu transportieren. Obwohl Farmer immer wieder ihren Standort wechseln, sind andere Freiflächen – oftmals diejenigen, die als Bauland ungeeignet sind – das gesamte letzte Jahrhundert hindurch landwirtschaftlich genutzt worden. Die Studie zeigt, dass Konflikte zwischen traditionellen- und Regierungsinstitutionen um Landbesitz und -management die Nahrungsmittelsicherheit nicht nur gefährden, sondern gleichzeitig auch zu innovativen städtischen Versorgungsstrukturen führen. Im Zusammenspiel aus freundschaftlichen Beziehungen und Netzwerken zwischen Farmern und anderen Akteuren sind innovative Strategien hervorgegangen. Beispielsweise werden Überflutungsgebiete oder öffentliche Grünanlagen kultiviert, die weder von Chiefs verkauft noch von der Regierung bebaut werden können. Auch erschließen sich die Akteure den Kontakt zu Nichtregierungsorganisationen, die in der urbanen Landwirtschaft eine Überlebensstrategie und eine zukunftsfähige Alternative zur Herstellung von Nahrungsmittelsicherheit sehen und die Gemüsegärtner folglich unterstützen. Komplexe sozio-politische Realitäten wie der Mangel an verlässlichen legalen Rahmenbedingungen für städtischen Anbau führen durch unterschiedliche Landmanagementsysteme zu Konflikten zwischen "traditionellen" und staatlichen Institutionen. Akteure in diesen Konflikten sind Chieftaincy-Institutionen, die Landkommission, das Administrative Office of Stool Lands, sowie die Stadt- und Landschaftsplanungsbehörde. In ihrem Zusammenspiel kreieren diese Institutionen Räume, in denen Ressourcenzugang und –kontrolle in Form historischer Zugänge, öffentlicher Diskurse und Technologien immer wieder neu geformt werden. Zum Beispiel instrumentalisieren Farmer historische Erzählungen oder eignen sich Entwicklungsdiskurse an, um Landzugang einzufordern. Chiefs hingegen schöpfen ihre Autorität aus öffentlichen Diskursen, die sie als gewohnheitsmäßige Landeigentümer legitimieren. Sie beziehen sich darüber hinaus auf die Verfassung aus dem Jahr 1992, die Chiefs mit Machtressourcen ausstattet, indem sie ihnen erlaubt, Landfragen direkt zu klären sowie enteignetes Land an die Besitzer zurückzugeben, sofern die Regierung es nicht mehr benötigt. Um ihre Ansprüche auf Land geltend zu machen, errichten Farmer hingegen Umzäunungen, entfernen territoriale Markierungspfosten und zapfen Wasserleitungen an. Nichtregierungsorganisationen unterstützen die Farmer, indem sie ihnen Zugang zu Technologien wie solarbetriebene Bewässerung, Treibhäuser und verbessertes Saatgut ermöglichen. Der Zugang von Frauen zu landwirtschaftlich nutzbarem Land in einer mehrheitlich männlichen dominierten Produktionsweise wird erschwert durch eine permanente Rekonstruktion von Tradition, die eine männliche Herrschaft in Landangelegenheiten reklamiert. Dennoch verfügen Frauen über eine Vielzahl flexibler Strategien, um sich trotz Knappheit Zugang zu Land zu verschaffen und ihrer Rolle in der Versorgung des Haushalts nachzukommen. An Bewässerungsstandorten, die von Regierungsbehörden kontrolliert und verwaltet werden, wurden Bewirtschaftungspraktiken zur Unterstützung von Frauen eingeführt, die es den Frauen ermöglichen, direkten Landzugang zu erhalten, anstatt wie gewohnheitsrechtlich Zugang zu Land ausschließlich über ihre Ehemänner zu erhalten. Hierdurch ergaben sich Veränderungen in den Besitzverhältnissen der Frauen gegenüber Land. Landbesitz von Frauen in der Umgebung von Bewässerungsstandorten stellt ein bislang ungeschildertes Phänomen in der Literatur über Gender und Ressourcenzugang in Ghana und in Afrika im Allgemeinen dar. Die theoretischen Implikationen der Studie beziehen sich auf die Erkenntnis, dass Farmer Akteure sind, die überlegte Entscheidungen zwischen unterschiedlichen ihnen zur Verfügung stehenden Governance-Systemen treffen, um ihre Interessen bestmöglich durchzusetzen. Indem sie beispielsweise innerhalb ihres Netzwerks aus diversen Unterstützern wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen, Chiefs und Regierungsbehören manövrieren, verhandeln sie effektiv den Zugang zu und die Kontrolle über Ressourcen. Auch nutzen Farmer diverse Foren wie zum Beispiel Versammlungen und Gerichtsverhandlungen, um ihre Ansprüche durchzusetzen und zu rechtfertigen und um bestehende Governance-Stukturen zu hinterfragen. Sie ignorieren administrative Vorgaben oder umgehen sie, um wiederum diejenigen Governance-Systeme zu stabilisieren, mit denen sie sich verbündet haben. Im Prozess des Entscheidens für ein bestimmtes Governance-System und damit gegen ein anderes, entsteht ein neues Governance-System. In einigen Fällen werden mehrere Governance-Systeme miteinander verknüpft, so dass neue, an die Interessen des jeweiligen Akteurs angepasste hybride Systeme entstehen. Zusammenfassend lässt sich feststellen, dass Interaktionen zwischen Akteuren nicht nur Szenarien von Kooperation und Konflikt darstellen, sondern darüber hinaus auch Prozesse der gegenseitigen Gestaltung und der Ko-Konstruktion von Governance-Systemen sind. Diese spielen eine entscheidende Rolle dafür, wie Gender, Landknappheit und Nahrungsmittelsicherheit mit dem Zugang zu und der Kontrolle von Ressourcen in urbanen und peri-urbanen Gebieten interagieren. Die auf Grundlage dieser Ergebnisse formulierte Empfehlung lautet, dass Stadtplanungspolitiken das Phänomen der urbanen Landwirtschaft integrieren müssen, wenn städtische Armut verringert und Nahrungsmittelsicherheit gewährleistet werden soll. Überflutungsgebiete oder Grünflächen sollten Farmern legal und transparent im Hinblick auf die Zuteilungsmechanismen zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Neue Formen von städtischer Landwirtschaft wie Gemüseanbau in Säcken oder andere innovative Methoden, die der sozialen Realität der Stadtbewohner angepasst sind, sollten eingeführt und die Kapazitäten der Farmer gestärkt werden, sich diese anzueignen. Schlagwörter: Gemüseproduktion, Technologie, Ressourcen, Beziehungen, Legitimität, Zugang, Governance ; Vegetable farming in Ghana`s urban areas is mostly a sustainable livelihood strategy. Alt-hough it is considered a means of survival for the poor, vegetable farming is practiced by urban dwellers across the income spectrum. As poverty and urban population increase, so is the need to supplement income with privately cultivated foodstuff. In Ghana's Northern Regional capital of Tamale, vegetable farming is constrained by a number of factors including land availability, land tenure security, and access to water. As a result, many vegetable farmers have resorted to cultivating lands along streams and canals, dugouts, wells, broken sewers, and reservoirs. The scarcity of land for vegetable farming in the urban and peri-urban areas of Ghana is as the result of competition. Farming competes with other land use forms such as industry and housing, both of which attract higher economic rents. The most serious threat to farmers posed by urbanization is the changing land use pattern. Changes in land use have resulted in less availability of prime agricultural land for farming which has lowered agricultural production, food security, and standard of living. Such is the situation in the Tamale metropolitan area and its surroundings in Ghana's Northern Region. This study analyzes the socio-political process by which resource flows are directed towards the production and selling of vegetables in Ghana`s urban areas. It examines how this process is managed by farmers through different governance systems in diverse socio-economic environments which prompt them to value the different technologies differently. I employed a mixed-method approach for this study after a general random sampled survey, and a participatory appraisal was conducted to characterize the urban and peri-urban agricultural system. I collected quantitative spatial data by measuring all open space cultivated areas with a Global Positioning Systems (GPS). Aerial maps were obtained with an Un-manned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) and mapped with ArcGIS software. Images from Google Earth maps triangulated farmers' recollection. Qualitative data were collected using focus group discussions, participatory photography, interviews and participant observation. This study was carried out between October 2013 and February 2015. Results reveal that the area of cultivated farmlands has decreased by 8.3% between 2008 and 2014, even as new vegetable sites emerged in the peri-urban fringes. Even though these farming areas are reducing, vegetable farming is not a temporary phenomenon. It has shown a remarkable resistance against various constraints and maintains a niche without external initiative or support as it takes advantage of market proximity, the high demand for perishable cash crops and the typical lack of refrigerated transport. Although farmers change their location over time, other open areas - usually those unsuited for construction - have been under continuous cropping for the past century. This study found that conflict between traditional and government institutions over land ownership and management has inadvertently led to innovative provisioning in vegetable production in the city, even though it has simultaneously threatened its contribution to food and nutritional security. Innovative strategies for continual vegetable production have emerged as a result of cordial relationships and networks that have developed between farmers and other actors. For example, farmers cultivate public green zones and floodplains which cannot legally be sold by chiefs nor used to construct government buildings. Farmers are also building alliances with Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) that see urban agriculture as a viable activity and survival strategy for urban and peri-urban dwellers to maintain agricultural activity. Furthermore, the lack of a legal framework for urban farming in the Tamale area has led to conflicts between traditional and state institutions with implications for land tenure management systems. The conflict is often between the various chieftaincy institutions, the Lands Commission, the Administrative Office of Stool Lands, and the Town and Country Planning Department. Claim to land and other resources is made through historical recollections, public discourses, and technology. For example, farmers use stories from past events to legitimise their claims over land or restructure development discourses while chiefs rely on public discussions and discourses which support their rights as customary landowners to lay claim to lands. Chiefs also make use of the statutory laws and the 1992 Constitution which empowers the chieftaincy institution and puts within its jurisdiction lands not claimed by the government. To circumvent boundaries created by chiefs and others, farmers employ technologies such as fencing and pipe-borne water connections systems. Their efforts are supplemented by non-governmental organizations who furnish them with equipment such as solar-powered irrigation facilities, greenhouses, and improved seeds in order to boost their production. Moreover, women's access to farmland has always been hampered by the reconstruction of traditions that support male dominance in land affairs. However, some recent policy developments have renegotiated the condition of access to farmlands in favour of women. For instance, the introduction of gender-sensitive agricultural practices on government irrigation sites has resulted in the allocation of plots of land directly to women as opposed to through their male relatives as it was previously done. This has revolutionised the traditional gender roles in agriculture and has empowered women through primary land ownership. Women's ownership of land on irrigation sites is a novel finding that contributes to the broader literature on gender and resource access in Ghana and Africa. The theoretical implication of this study is that farmers' choice of, or relationship to, various local, national, and international actors is not foreordained but is instead based, to a large extent, on pragmatism. For example, by shifting alliances between non-governmental organisations and the government or supreme chiefs, they facilitate cooperation and possible negotiation for access and control over resources in their interests. Farmers also use multiple forums like meetings and courts to be able to gain legitimacy and challenge existing governance systems. Actors sometimes ignore or employ distinct strands of governance or undermine them to achieve their aims. These challenges are often used to gain legitimacy for the governance systems they are allied with. In the process of choosing one governance system over another, a new governance system comes into being. In other cases, combinations of different governance systems are forced to construct new hybrid systems tailored to an actor's interest. To conclude, the interplay between the various actors (farmers, traditional chiefs, government and non-governmental agencies) is not always a simple case of cooperation or conflict. Instead, it is a malleable process of mutual reshaping and co-construction of the governance systems which reconfigure gender roles, improve access to scarce lands, and increase food security. It is my strong recommendation that urban planning policy makers integrate agriculture into the larger discourse about poverty reduction and the alleviation of food insecurity. Green zones and flood-prone government lands in the urban areas which are currently been wasted should be allocated to farmers for food cultivation. This, however, must come with clearly defined mandates and guidelines that err on the side of transparency in land allocation and ownership. Innovative methods such as the farming of vegetables in sacks and other locally suitable means of maximizing production should be introduced alongside the strengthening of farmers' capacity to adopt those means.

It is a well-established that the promotion of regional development always results in a higher degree of socioeconomic development, for every country or region, whether they are developed, developing or least-developed economies. African economies are no exception to this rule. This idea is even more valid and more relevant for the ongoing economic and social development (two faces of the same coin) of African economies, where there is greater room for accelerating the pace of growth and development.
The role of Africa in the global economy and its contribution has been growing year after year. According to calculations by the African Development Bank (ADB), the growth rate of the aggregate real GDP of African economies was predicted to reach 4.0 per cent in 2019 and 4.1 per cent in 2020. Although these growth rates are still lower than those witnessed by emerging economies, namely China and India, it is believed that African economies will nevertheless exceed the average growth rate in other developing countries and emerging economies.1
To reach their objectives of attaining quantitative development (higher GDP) and qualitative development (improvement in standard of living and quality of life), African states will have to take integrated and systematic measures aimed at solving the persistent and alarming problems of the continent, such as accelerating the pace of development of the economy, trade and the social sector. Major challenges are still faced by African nations, namely poverty, hunger, disease, lack of education, underdeveloped infrastructures (hard and soft), increasing dependence on resource exports, and the influence of foreign monopolies.
The emerging economies, especially the non-African BRICS countries (including Brazil, Russia, India, and China), in their turn, have been showing increasing interest in the African region in recent years. At the 2022 BRICS Summit, these nations emphasised the need for and significance of achieving progress through collaboration between developing countries, especially global South cooperation, in terms of trade and investment flow, which is the sine qua non for the acceleration of the pace of growth and development. Two emerging economies—China and India—must play the role of promoters, not rivals.
When working for economic and social development for the continent, developed and developing countries must establish backward and forward linkages with African countries. The developed countries of the global North must keep in mind the newly emerging trends of African development, which include the delegation of authority to supranational organisations (the African Union and other regional institutions), ecologically sustainable development of human capital and the infrastructure, formation of the ICT market, development of Big Data and AI, and other equally important processes.
Why a Special Issue?
The general rule on development highlighted above was recently interrupted by the Covid-19 crisis, a crisis that has had far-reaching and direct impact and implications for African economies, not least because it drastically affected the movement of goods and services, resulting in an unbearable consequences on African businesses and SMEs. To what extent has this affected Africa's role in the global economy?
Keeping in mind the persisting challenges arising out of Covid-19, there was an urgent need to discuss the different issues relating to this pandemic at length. This formed the justification for this issue of Africa Development in which we undertake to examine critical issues that are directly and indirectly related to the impact and implications of Covid-19 on African economies.
In all, eleven papers were received. Out of these, seven were selected for inclusion in this special issue. The papers were vigorously peer reviewed by two reviewers to ensure high scientific quality. These seven papers touch on different issues of Covid-19 and African development. But as it has become a tradition in CODESRIA, we also use the pages of this journal to publish the Thandika Mkandawire Annual Memorial Lecture which was prepared separately by Fiona Tregenna and delivered in 2022.
The Structure of the Papers
The first paper by Felix Fofana N'Zue and Adjoua Math Komenan aims to provide a better understanding of the possible link or interaction between the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic in West Africa, as proxied by the
rate of infection, and the state of governance in the ECOWAS countries. The article finds that governance did not significantly impact the Covid-19 infection rate in the ECOWAS region, but tourism and external debt did. The authors then urge development partners to pay close attention to the reliability of Covid-19 confirmed cases to ensure that the data collected is not manipulated for any reasons whatsoever.
The second paper, authored by Tope Akinyetun, examines the regional impact of the pandemic on the security and development in the Sahel. The author finds that Covid-19 exacerbated the threat of insecurity in the region due to pre-existing weak governance, poor state capacity, and climate change, which were already worsening and causing more risks and increasing the severity of violent conflicts. The result of this has been further fragility, loss of income, food insecurity, displacement, loss of livelihood, increased poverty, unemployment, hunger, humanitarian crises and contracting economies.
...

Tämä väitöskirja tarkastelee patriotismin merkitystä venäläisille ja georgialaisille TV-toimittajille. Lähtökohtana on, että patriotismin käsitteellä on merkitystä erityisesti yhteiskunnissa, joita uhkaa sisäinen tai ulkoinen konflikti. Niin Georgiassa kuin Venäjällä poliittiset johtajat ovat käyttäneet käsitettä ideologisena työkaluna. Venäjällä valtio rahoittaa patrioottisen kasvatuksen ohjelmia. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu venäläisten ja georgialaisten toimittajien teemahaastatteluista sekä katsauksesta televisiokanavien sosiaalisen median keskusteluihin patrioottisten tapahtumien aikana: Voiton päivänä eli toukokuun yhdeksäntenä Venäjällä sekä Georgian ja Venäjän välisen viiden päivän sodan 10-vuotispäivänä elokuussa 2018. Haastatellut toimittajat työskentelevät tai ovat työskennelleet tai muutoin tiiviissä yhteistyössä television kanssa. Televisio valittiin tutkimuskohteeksi, sillä huolimatta kansalaisten median käytön nopeista muutoksista ja television katsojamäärien laskusta, televisio on yhä suurin uutisten lähde venäläisten ja georgialaisten enemmistölle. Television omistussuhteista myös kiistellään monissa maissa, ja valtiolla on siihen intressi. Tutkimusaineiston analyysissa käytetään temaattista analyysia, ja tuloksena erotetaan temaattisia puhetapoja television ympärillä. Journalisteille patriotismi on sekä syvän henkilökohtainen, intiimi tunne, ja sotilaallinen käsite. Patrioottisia narratiiveja hyödynnetään myös niin kutsutussa informaatiosodassa Venäjän ja lännen välillä. Suurten TV-kanavien sosiaalisen median alustoilla käytävän keskustelun analyysi paljasti, että patrioottisina päivinä sosiaalisen median kupla on kiitollinen ja isänmaallinen. Sosiaalisen median käyttäjät muistavat sotasankareita, ilmaisevat kiitollisuutta heille ja erityisesti Georgiassa osallistuvat poliittisiin debatteihin. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen pohja on Benedict Andersonin perinteisessä nationalismiteoriassa sekä Charles Taylorin ajatuksissa "modernin sosiaalisesta kuvitelmasta" ("modern social imaginary"). Näiden käsitteiden kautta tutkimus pohtii nationalismin ja patriotismin eroja ja yhteneväisyyksiä. Tässä tutkimuksessa patriotismi ymmärretään toiminnaksi, joka voi olla kansalaislähtöistä, byrokraattista, tai kulttuuris-symbolista. Toinen tärkeä käsite tutkimuksessa on Vamik Volkanin suurryhmäidentiteetti. Volkan on osoittanut työssään, että yksilöllisten identiteettien lisäksi meillä on suurryhmäidentiteetti, joka erottaa meidät tietyn ryhmän jäseniksi. Kullakin ryhmällä on omat valitut traumat ja kunnian aiheet, joista tulee osa suurryhmäidentiteettiä. Georgiassa ja Venäjällä patrioottiseen ajatteluun kuuluvat ajatus uhrauksista, kärsimyksestä ja menneestä kunniasta. Tutkimus osoittaa, että patriotismi on eräs sateenvarjokäsite, joka vaikuttaa siihen, miten journalistit näkevät itsensä ammattilaisina ja kansalaisina. Median taloudellinen malli on myös merkittävä tekijä. Venäjällä valtio on television suuromistaja, ja Georgiassa omistajuudesta kiistelevät poliittisesti vaikutusvaltaiset liikemiehet. Journalistien ymmärrys patriotismista on aina myös henkilökohtaista ja kunkin ryhmän suurryhmäidentiteetti vaikuttaa siihen. Patrioottisen paineen alla työskentelevät toimittajat löytävät omat keinonsa toimia, ja ne vaihtelevat yksilöstä toiseen. ; This doctoral dissertation analyzes the meaning of patriotism for television journalists in Russia and Georgia. The starting point is that patriotism as a concept that carries a set of meanings in societies threatened by an external and internal conflict. In both Georgia and Russia, the concept has been used by political leaders as an ideological tool. In Russia, there are even state-funded programmes of patriotic education. The research data consists of thematic interviews with journalists in Georgia and Russia and of a review of social media discussions during patriotic events: Victory Day, May 9th in Russia and the 10th anniversary of the Five-Day War between Georgia and Russia in August 2018. The interviewed journalists either work, have worked, or are in close contact with television. Television was chosen television as the object of study because despite the very fast changes in citizens' media usage and the drop-in television viewership, television remains the biggest source of news for the majority of citizens in Russia and Georgia. The ownership of television is also contested in both countries, and the state has its own interests around it. The interview data is analyzed using a thematic analysis, and as a result, different thematic patterns around patriotism are being found. The journalists find patriotism both a deeply personal, intimate feeling, and as a militaristic concept. Patriotic narratives are also utilized in the so-called information warfare between Russia and the West. The analysis of the discussions in the social media platforms of major television channels during patriotic events revealed that the social media bubble is grateful and patriotic. Social media users of the television channels commemorate heroes of war, demonstrate gratitude and especially in the case of Georgia, engage in political debates. Theoretically, the research draws from Benedict Anderson's traditional nationalism theory; and Charles Taylor's ideas about modern social imaginaries, drawing in the reader further towards understanding the differences and similarities between nationalism and patriotism. In this research patriotism is understood as an activity that can be civic, bureaucratic, or cultural-symbolic. Other important concepts for this study are large group identities by Vamik Volkan. In his work, Volkan has demonstrated that, in addition to individual identities, we possess large group identities that separate us as members of certain groups. Those groups have their own chosen traumas and glories that have become a part of the large group identity. In both Georgia and Russia, patriotic thinking carries an idea of sacrifice, suffering, and past glory. This research shows that patriotism is one umbrella concept that affects the way journalists see their position as professionals and as citizens. The economic model around the media is another major affecting factor. In Russia, the state is a major stakeholder in television, and in Georgia competing politically influential business- men fight over the ownership. However, there is always a personal touch in how journalists see both patriotism and their own work, and this stems from large group identities. Journalists working under patriotic pressure find their ways to cope, and this varies from one individual to another.

The social orientation of professional preparation, features of development and psychophysical readiness formation of law enforcement agencies of Ukraine are caused, first of all, by complication of a social and political situation in the state and difficulties of the Ukrainian society development. Psychophysical features of law enforcement officers of Ukraine should determine the professional and applied physical training content. Increasing of the psychomotor qualities level, the functional state of the organism improves and its resistance to the influence of adverse factors in extreme conditions is ensured. The Purpose of the Research was to determine the importance degree and impact of professional and applied psychophysical preparation on the personnel effectiveness of the National Guard of Ukraine. The Research Stuff and Methods. The methods of theoretical analysis and generalization of data of special scientific, methodical literature, information Internet resources, sociological methods (questionnaire) and statistical data processing are used in the research. During the research, a survey of 168 specialists of the Kyiv National University of the National Guard of Ukraine on topical issues of servicemenen` professional and applied psychophysical training was conducted. Research Results and Key Conclusions. It was found that the establishing a peaceful settlement of the military conflict in the eastern part of Ukraine and finding effective means, methods and technologies to improve the officers` physical training is urgently needed. Promising area for improving the servicemen` professional training is the development of professionally important personnel qualities of the National Guard of Ukraine. 92,3 % of experts noted the urgency of finding ways to improve the psychophysical professionally important qualities of officers of the National Guard of Ukraine. 51,2 % of military professionals indicated the increasing psychophysical training in the personal aspect that will have a positive impact on the mental and physical health of officers. According to 44,6 % of experts, social improvement of psychophysical training will improve the state`s defense and 42,3 % pointed to improving the officers' image. ; Социальная направленность профессиональной подготовки, особенности развития и формирования психофизической готовности право- охранительных органов Украины в настоящее время обусловлены, прежде всего, осложнением социально- политической ситуации в государстве и трудностями развития украинского общества. Психофизические особенности сотрудников правоохранительных органов Украины должны определять содержание профессио- нально-прикладной физической подготовки. С повышением уровня развития психомоторных качеств улучшается функциональное состояние организма и обеспечивается его устойчивость к воздействию неблагоприятных факторов в экстремальных условиях. Цель работы – выяснение степени важности и влияния профессионально-прикладной психофизической подготовки на эффективность работы личного состава Национальной гвардии Украины. Материалы и методы. В работе использованы методы теоретического анализа и обобщения данных специальной научно-методической литературы и информационных ресурсов сети Интернет; социологический метод (анкетирование) и статистической обработки данных. В ходе исследования проведен опрос специалистов военно-учетных специальностей Киевского национального университета Национальной гвардии Украины по актуальным вопросам профессионально-прикладной психофизической подготовки военнослужащих. Результаты исследования и ключевые выводы. Выяснено, что прежде всего требует решения проблема установления мирного урегулирования военного конфликта на Востоке страны и поиска эффективных средств, методов и технологий для улучшения физической подготовленности офицеров. Перспективными направлениями совершенствования профессиональной подготовки военнослужащих является формирование психофизической подготовки и развитие профессионально важных качеств личного состава Национальной гвардии Украины. 92,3 % специалистов отметили актуальность вопроса поиска путей совершен- ствования психофизических профессионально-важных качеств офицеров Национальной гвардии Украины. 51,2 % специалистов военной сферы отметили, что повышение психофизической подготовленности в личност- ном аспекте окажет положительное влияние на психическое и соматическое здоровье офицеров. В социальном плане совершенствования психофизической подготовленности, по мнению 44,6 % специалистов, будет способствовать улучшению обороноспособности страны и 42,3 % указали на повышение имиджа офицеров. ; Актуальність. Соціальна спрямованість професійної підготовки, особливості розвитку й формування психофізичної готовності правоохоронних органів України в цей час зумовлені, передусім, ускладненням соціально-політичної ситуації в державі та труднощами розвитку українського суспільства. Психофізичні особливості працівників правоохоронних органів України повинні визначати зміст професійно-прикладної фізичної підготовки. Із підвищенням рівня розвитку психофізичних якостей покращується функціональний стан організму й забезпечується його стійкість до впливу несприятливих чинників в екстремальних умовах. Мета роботи – з'ясування ступеня важливості та впливу професійно-прикладної психофізичної підготовки на ефективність роботи військовослужбовців. Матеріали і методи. У роботі використано методи теоретичного аналізу й узагальнення даних спеціальної науково-методичної літератури та інформаційних ресурсів мережі Інтернет; соціологічний метод (анкетування) та методи статистичної обробки даних. У ході дослідження про- ведено опитування 168 фахівців військово-облікових спеціальностей Київського національного університету Національної гвардії України з актуальних питань професійно-прикладної психофізичної підготовки військово- службовців. Результати дослідження та ключові висновки. З'ясовано, що потребує розв'язання проблема встановлення мирного врегулювання воєнного конфлікту на Сході країни, пошуку ефективних засобів, методів і технологій для покращення фізичної підготовленості офіцерів та модернізація озброєння військових. Перспек- тивними напрямами вдосконалення фахової підготовки військовослужбовців є формування психофізичної підготовки та розвиток професійно важливих якостей особового складу Національної гвардії України. 92,3% фахівців відзначили актуальність питання пошуку шляхів удосконалення психофізичних професійно-важливих якостей офіцерів Національної гвардії України. 51,2 % фахівців військової сфери відзначили, що підвищення психофізичної підготовленості в особистісному аспекті матиме позитивний вплив на психічне й соматичне здоров'я офіцерів. У соціальному плані вдосконалення психофізичної підготовленості, на думку 44,6 % фахівців, сприятиме покращенню обороноздатності країни та 42,3 % указали на підвищення іміджу офіцерів.

The causes of different levels of political and economic inequalities and related public policies under autocratic regimes are diverse. Existing works are mainly concerned with questions such as how political institutions matter for policy outcomes under authoritarianism and how citizens under autocratic rule adopt political and economic preferences conditioned by the nature of the regime environment. However, the literature still lacks a framework that systematically theorizes and empirically compares the effects of different institutional designs of dictatorships on policies that affect economic and political inequalities, such as redistribution and women's political inclusion. In addition, the consequences of political and economic inequality under authoritarianism for ordinary citizens are particularly important but are still understudied. The present dissertation seeks to answer whether and how the institutional foundations of autocracies determine economic and political inequalities and whether and how these inequalities affect ordinary citizens in the short and long term. The main argument at the heart of this dissertation is that autocratic institutions, and especially the strength of an incumbent's party, matter for redistributive policies and inequalities and their consequences for ordinary citizens. The four research papers that form the core of this dissertation employ quantitative methods with cross-national data on redistribution and women's political inclusion and individual-level data across countries on political participation and redistributive preferences. A crucial goal of this doctoral thesis is to propose a theoretical framework explaining public policies that address political and economic inequalities and the attitudinal effects of those policies and inequalities on ordinary citizens. The focus of my first dissertation paper is on theorizing and empirically examining variation in income redistribution across autocracies. It argues that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects two mechanisms that shape the redistributive nature of autocratic regimes. The inclusion and exclusion from political power on the grounds of socioeconomic and social attributes and the institutionalization of political parties determine autocrats' incentive and capacity for redistributing income and economic benefits. First, the empirical analysis suggests that more inclusionary ruling coalitions correspond with higher levels of income redistribution compared to more exclusionary regimes. Second, regimes with higher levels of party institutionalization redistribute more than regimes in which authoritarian parties are less institutionalized. However, third, the effects are largely conditional on electoral uncertainty. The second paper of this dissertation examines the association between women's political inclusion and incumbent party strength in authoritarian regimes and thereby investigates policies that autocratic regimes implemented to reduce this form of horizontal inequality. This article argues that the degree of party institutionalization is the main determinant of women's political inclusion under authoritarian rule. Similar to the first paper, it argues that institutionalized party rule determines authoritarian parties' incentive and capacity for introducing more gender-equal political processes and political outputs. Although previous research stressed the link between authoritarian regime types and gender equality, this study finds regime types explain little of the variation in gender equality. In contrast, regimes with higher levels of party institutionalization provide more gender-equal politics and policies than regimes in which authoritarian parties are less institutionalized. The third paper focuses on individuals living in autocratic regimes and their political participation. Thus, similar to the fourth paper, it shifts the level of inquiry to the individual level. The third paper investigates the following questions. What effect does economic inequality in authoritarian regimes have on the political participation of their citizens? Do individual income and repression each have a greater effect than economic inequality? The paper benefits from three prominent theories, namely the Conflict, Relative Power, and Resource Theories that address the inequality-participation puzzle in democracies. However, theoretical arguments and empirical evidence regarding non-democratic regimes are scarce. Thus, the third paper argues that it is individual income and the level of repression rather than economic inequality that explain political participation in autocracies. The paper demonstrates that higher levels of economic inequality hardly suppress political participation among citizens in general. However, individual income has a more powerful effect on civil society participation, while the level of repression decreases the likelihood of voting more strongly than income. The fourth paper sheds light on how authoritarian regimes have a lasting imprint on their citizens' ideas and values in the long term and on which mechanisms determine the redistributive preferences of their former citizens. It is widely established that autocracies attempt to indoctrinate their citizens to have compliant subjects. However, the long-term consequences of socialization under authoritarian rule are weakly conceptualized, and empirical evidence is rare, especially regarding citizens' economic preferences. The fourth paper proposes a distinction between three different mechanisms: state repression, political indoctrination, and exposure to autocracies during citizens' lifetimes. It finds that socialization under a highly indoctrinating regime leaves a strong pro-redistributive legacy, while highly repressive regimes also leave a pro-redistributive legacy. This study contributes to our understanding of how state repression and indoctrination affect ordinary citizens in the long term. This dissertation underlines the finding that highly institutionalized dictatorships provide public policies that address political and economic inequalities, while ordinary citizens are also affected by economic and political inequalities under autocratic rule. This doctoral thesis complements existing research on the causes and consequences of inequality under autocracy, socialization under authoritarianism, and citizens' preference formation in autocratic environments.

Rubus L. (brambles, blackberries, raspberries, or dewberries) are a globally recognised genus due to the edible fruit and negative impacts they can have as invasive species. There are at least 23 species of Rubus subgenus Rubus in South Africa. These include native, alien, naturalised alien, and invasive alien species. The invasive Rubus species are becoming an increasing problem in South Africa with experts in invasion biology urging caution regarding the genus (Henderson, 2011). The taxonomy of indigenous, alien and alien invasive species of Rubus are poorly understood and therefore efforts to understand the genus, the impacts and solutions to those impacts have been very limited (Stirton, 1981; Henderson, 2011; Sochor et al., 2018a). There has also been little research conducted on the economic or ecological impacts on the species or genus of species in South Africa (du Plessis et al., 1984; Botha, 2005), and yet species in the genus have been earmarked for prioritization by invasive species legislation. The potential value of certain species as well as the cost associated with their impacts could potentially create a complex conflict of interest scenario which has not been investigated. This study is an effort to inform future policy decisions regarding this suite of species by investigating the economic impacts of the invasive Rubus species. A method was developed unique to the study that incorporated research tools from environmental economics and geography to identify the nature of interactions between economic agents, experts, and alien and invasive Rubus species in South Africa. Two questionnaires were developed to generate economic data and ground proofing was used to develop geographic data. One questionnaire was directed specifically at researchers and academics that attended the 46th National Symposium on Biological Invasions that took place between 15–17 May 2019, at Waterval Country Lodge, Tulbagh and the other an economic agent questionnaire for economic agents that met strict and selective criteria relating to the impact of the six invasive Rubus species on their economic activity. Both questionnaires were designed with a mixed methods approach in mind. The ground proofing was aimed at understanding the composition and distribution of Rubus species at the selected sites: Cathcart and Hogsback (The Eastern Cape Province), Clarens (Free State Province), and Underberg (KwaZulu-Natal Province). The study established that all economic impacts of invasive Rubus species at selected sites are externalities. Invasive Rubus species in South Africa can be attributed as (i) harbouring vermin, (ii) impeding human and animal livestock, (iii) reducing crop yields, (iv) encroaching on grazing land, (v) presenting fire hazards, and (vi) negatively impacting fire regimes. These species also (i) provide berries that are retailed on a commercial level, or have been, (ii) that are utilized for personal consumption, (iii) provide an ingredient for alcohol brewing processes, and (iv) could potentially facilitate forest regeneration. The invasive species are infrequently browsed by certain livestock and far as we could ascertain do not provide ingredients for anti-inflammatory drugs or modern cosmetics in South Africa, as they do in other regions of the globe. The costs associated with the invasive species can be presented dichotomously; the estimated private cost-benefit ratio, for costs and benefits incurred or enjoyed by 18 private economic agents, stands at 0.33:1. A private-public benefit-cost ratio, that incorporates both private and public costs and benefits, stands at 13,5:1. The private-public benefit-cost includes public expenditure, or government control measures, directed at invasive Rubus and shifts the benefit-cost ratio so that costs now markedly dominate the estimated benefits. The benefits per hectare uncovered in this study stand at R13.14/ha. The private costs stand at R4.32/ha and a holistic cost, including both private and public expenditure, stands at R177,43/ha. The monetary values, when expressed per hectare, are misleading. This is due to a large standard deviation in the spread of benefits received. The benefits are enjoyed by a small number of the already small sample of respondents. The costs and benefits are not uniformly distributed across regions assessed. All benefits in this study accrue to economic agents in the Free State Province, whilst most of the costs accrued to economic agents in KwaZulu-Natal Province. The benefits appear to be primarily derived from an alien species, Rubus sect. Arguti. Management of the 6 species of invasive Rubus could be optimised by the prioritisation of those regions that incur the highest cost and derive the lowest benefit, in this case KwaZulu-Natal Province. Likewise, those regions with the highest benefits and lowest costs, the Free State Province, could provide sites for increased use and beneficiation of berries from invasive species. Management of individual species may prove difficult, given the similar morphologies, and thus, (i) either specialised training for those engaged in control must be instituted, (ii) all species of alien Rubus should be earmarked for management, or (iii) highly specific biocontrol agents for the most problematic species must be found. ; Thesis (MEcon) -- Faculty of Commerce, Economics and Economic History, 2021

The decision-making process is an integral part of modern society. Research shows that over the last decades, the use of groups within organizations has increased dramatically­, and each organization operates based on decisions made by groups of individuals within the organization. Almost every aspect of social, political, legislative, and economic life functions through the decision making of groups of individuals. Systems theory views group decision making as interdependent forces capable of being analyzed from the perspective of other forces. The behavior of individuals in groups is due to many reasons, and the systematic method emphasizes multiple cause and effect relationships and the complex interplay of forces. Effective decision-making is seen as a natural consequence of the ability of decision-makers to analyze and understand the group decision-making process, but no one can acquire this ability without actively participating in the group decision-making process. A group decision, in general, is the choice of group members from among the alternatives available to them. Very rarely does a group of individuals make the decision in isolation from the rest of the group. There are currently no simple tools and systems available to make the best decisions, which raises the need for research in this field. Group decision support systems are interactive computerized systems that help a group of decision-makers uses data and models to identify and solve tasks. In this article, the use of Bayesian network analytics is proposed as an approach to implement a distributed group decision support system and resolving conflict situations in the decision-making process. For this purpose, the information technology of the distributed group decision support system was developed, the information model and dynamic data structures were proposed, and the software implementation of the group decision support system was developed. ; Процесс принятия решений является неотъемлемой частью современного общества. Исследования показывают, что за последние десятилетия использование групп в организациях резко возросло и каждая организация функционируют на основе решений, принятых группами лиц внутри организации. Почти каждый аспект общественной, политической, законодательной и экономической жизни функционирует за счет принятия решений группами лиц. Теория систем рассматривает принятие групповых решений как взаимосвязанные силы, которые могут быть проанализированы с точки зрения других сил. Поведение индивидов в группах обусловлено многими причинами, а системный метод подчеркивает причинно-следственные связи и сложную взаимосвязь сил. Эффективное принятие решений рассматривается как естественное следствие способности лиц принимающих решения анализировать и понимать процесс принятия групповых решений, но никто не может приобрести эту способность без активного участия в процессе принятия групповых решений. Групповое решение, в общем случае является выбором членов группы из числа доступных им альтернатив. Очень редко группа индивидов принимает решение изолировано от остальной группы. На сегодняшний день не существует простых средств и систем обеспечивающих принятие лучших решений, что порождает необходимость исследований в данной области. Системы поддержки принятия групповых решений – это интерактивные компьютеризированные системы, которые помогают группе пользователей, принимающих решения, использовать данные и модели для идентификации и решения задач. В данной статье как подход к реализации распределенной системы принятия групповых решений и разрешения конфликтных ситуаций, порождаемых в процессе принятия решений, предлагается использование аналитического аппарата Байесовских сетей. Для этого разработана информационная технология распределенной системы поддержки принятия групповых решений, предложена информационная модель и динамические структуры данных и разработана программная реализация распределенной системы поддержки принятия групповых решений. Экспериментальные исследования разработанной системы показали, что за счет использования Байесовских сетей можно избежать конфликтные ситуации, обусловленные использованием принципа большинства и его различных модификаций. ; Процес прийняття рішень є невід'ємною частиною сучасного суспільства. Дослідження показують що за останні десятиріччя використання груп в організаціях різко зросла і кожна організація функціонує на основі рішень прийнятих групами осіб всередині організації. Майже кожен аспект суспільного, політичного, законодавчого та економічного життя функціонує за рахунок прийняття рішень групами осіб. Теорія систем розглядає прийняття групових рішень як взаємозалежні сили здатні бути проаналізованими з точки зору інших сил. Поведінка індивідів у групах зумовлена багатьма причинами а системний методі підкреслює множинні причинно-наслідкові зв'язки та складний взаємозв'язок сил. Ефективне прийняття рішень розглядається як природний наслідок здатності осіб що приймають рішення аналізувати та розуміти процес прийняття групових рішень, але ніхто не може набути такої здатності без активної участі у процесі прийняття групових рішень. Групове рішення, у загальному випадку являється вибором членів групи з числа доступних їм альтернатив. Дуже рідко група осіб приймає рішення ізольовано від решти групи. На сьогоднішній день не існує простих засобів та систем, що забезпечать прийняття найкращих рішень, що породжує необхідність досліджень у даній галузі. Системи підтримки прийняття групових рішень – це інтерактивні комп'ютеризовані системи, які допомагають групі користувачів, що приймають рішення, використовувати дані та моделі для ідентифікації та розв'язання задач. У даній статті як підхід до реалізації розподіленої системи підтримки прийняття групових рішень та розв'язання конфліктних ситуацій, що породжуються у процесі прийняття рішень пропонується використання аналітичного апарату Баєсових мереж. Для цього було розроблено інформаційну технологію розподіленої системи підтримки прийняття групових рішень, запропоновано інформаційну модель та динамічні структури даних та розроблено програмну реалізацію розподіленої системи підтримки прийняття групових рішень. Експериментальні дослідження розробленої системи показали, що за рахунок використання Баєсових мереж можна уникнути конфліктних ситуацій обумовлених використанням принципу більшості та його різноманітних модифікацій.

Метою дослідження є розкриття впливу церкви та церковних інституцій на процес формування громадянського суспільства в Україні. Задля досягнення поставленої мети автор ставить перед собою такі основні завдання: окреслити рівень участі релігійних організацій у подіях до, під час та після революції 2013-2014 років; визначити їх вплив на формування нового типу відносин між церквою, суспільством та державою, що проходить становлення в сучасній Україні; визначити місце й роль релігійного фактора в цілому у формуванні громадянського суспільства в Україні. Автор використовує філософську методологію. Аналізуючи вплив церковних інституцій та віруючого населення на демократичні впровадження, можна виокремити конкретні риси релігії, що сприяють, перешкоджають або є нейтральними щодо демократії, й таким чином, подолати малорезультативність класифікацій різних релігійних течій на такі, що або сприяють демократії, або ні. Спроби таких спрощених класифікацій і протиставлень (протестантизм vs католицизм, християнство vs мусульманство тощо), як правило, недооцінюють розмаїття можливих інтерпретацій та динамічність релігійних напрямів і не дають достатньо детальної інформації для того, щоб допомогти в оцінці перспектив демократизації тих чи інших суспільств та у визначенні бажаних напрямів розвитку їхніх релігійних систем. Очевидно, що ефективна реалізація позитивного потенціалу релігії та церкви на процес формування та становлення громадянського суспільства в Україні можлива при гармонізації її зусиль із зусиллями самого суспільства та держави. Відзначено, що у сучасних умовах демократизація політичного процесу передбачає інституціоналізацію органів влади та розширення ролі неполітичних громадських акторів, до яких належать релігійно-церковні об'єднання. Перспектива подальших досліджень у даному напрямі, з одного боку, це питання ролі церкви, як дійового партнера демократичного суспільства. З іншого – це ретельніше дослідження світоглядних та організаційних рис, які мають бути властиві релігії для того, щоб уможливити її конгруенцію з демократією, тобто щонайменше – їхню сумісність, а як максимум – взаємопідсилення. ; Целью исследования является раскрытие влияния церкви и церковных институтов на процесс формирования гражданского общества в Украине. Для достижения поставленной цели автор ставит перед собой следующие основные задачи: определить уровень участия религиозных организаций в событиях до, во время и после революции 2013-2014 годов; определить их влияние на формирование нового типа отношений между Церковью, обществом и государством, проходит становление в современной Украине; определить место и роль религиозного фактора в целом в формировании гражданского общества в Украине. Автор использует философскую методологию. Анализируя влияние церковных институтов и верующего населения на демократические внедрения, можно выделить конкретные черты религии, которые способствуют, препятствуют или являются нейтральными в отношении демократии, и таким образом, преодолеть мало результативность классификаций различных религиозных течений на такие, которые либо способствуют демократии или нет. Попытки таких упрощенных классификаций и противопоставлений (протестантизм vs католицизм, христианство vs мусульманство и т.д.), как правило, недооценивают разнообразия возможных интерпретаций и динамичность религиозных направлений и не дают достаточно детальной информации для того, чтобы помочь в оценке перспектив демократизации тех или иных обществ и в определении желаемых направлений развития их религиозных систем. Очевидно, что эффективная реализация позитивного потенциала религии и церкви на процесс формирования и становления гражданского общества в Украине возможна при гармонизации ее усилий с усилиями самого общества и государства. Отмечено, что в современных условиях демократизации политического процесса предполагает институционализацию органов власти и расширение роли не-политических общественных актеров, к которым относятся религиозно-церковные объединения. Перспектива дальнейшего исследования в данном направлении, с одной стороны, это вопрос о роли церкви, как действенного партнера демократического общества. С другой – это тщательное исследование мировоззренческих и организационных качеств, должны быть присущи религии для того, чтобы сделать возможным ее конгруэнцию с демократией, то есть как минимум – их совместимость, а как максимум – взаимоусиления. ; The term church refers to a group of people governed by similar rules and beliefs, who congregate in recognition of a higher Being. In most cases the term church and religion are used synonymously. While religions is domesticated by morals that are illuminated by faith, most states are guided by politics whose orientation is generally practical empirical. In most cases the church. Church institutions have long been not only present in public life but directly influence the activity of the Ukrainian authorities. Therefore, the Church has long been performing a mediation mission in settlement of the socio-political conflict in Ukraine, with different intensity going on since the declaration of its independence. That mission lies in the formation of philosophic and moral perceptions of children and adults, inoculation of tolerance / intolerance, etc. The features of the democratization of the political process in Ukraine and the religious factors influence the formation of a consolidated democracy. It is noted that in today's political democratization process involves the institutionalization of power and expanding the role of non-political non-governmental actors, which include the religious association. This paper therefore intends to evaluate the relationship between church and civil society in Ukraine. This paper falls under cross cutting themes like religion, values and civil society. However, the start of the transitional period in Ukraine was rather marked with a religious revival. Suppressed by the previous regime, religion in the transition to democracy finally found a way to make itself visible and redefine its position in the new emerging social context. But, what role did religion play in the period of post-communist transition? The authors will employ philosophical methodology. This method involves analyzing issues and rationalizing. The data that will be used includes mainly secondary data. This includes information that is obtained from libraries like books with relevant information, periodicals like journals and newspapers and even the internet sources.

Pós-graduação em Ciências da Motricidade - IBRC ; With the regulation of Physical Education as profession, and the creation of Federal Council of Physical Education and the Regional Councils by law 9696/98, some discussions exalted the academic and legal field as regards the liability of the professional intervention in the Fights and Martial Arts (F/MA). Judicially, some Brazilian States have failed, through the Council, to force the coach to have a training in Physical Education. Contradictorily, there are disciplines related to Fights and Martial Arts in their bachelor's degree programs, which, in the other hand, shows a discrepancy between the space of intervention and space of training. This present Thesis has as a main objective to highlight the process of formation and the structural interrelationships which constitute a professional social space of the technician function of Fights and Martial Arts in Brazil and has the specific objectives to show how is institutionalized the profession of technician in F/MA in Brazil, trying to elucidate how is the training process of these technicians in Brazil, highlighting the strategies of F/MA technicians for their maintenance in a professional field. This thesis is a sociological study where we used literature data by conceptual review, documentary survey regarding the inclusion of Fights and Martial Arts in the Physical Education training in Brazil and semistructured interviews with technicians. Data were triangulated and analyzed using the theoretical framework of Pierre Bourdieu. It was concluded that a) there is a field of institutionalized occupation of the post of technician F/MA in Brazil; (b) the technician of F/MA is formed by the vocation where training in Physical Education is harnessed to F/MA, due to reproduction of the training model of military schools; c) being recognized as a professional technician is a social category of perception, for that, technicians use exclusion techniques, discrediting of debt capital, and strategies of valuation; d) the conflicts by the monopoly between sports field, the field of F/MA and academic field of Physical Education create a pseudo field that allowed to be formed by an apparent state of inertia towards the sports and also the F/MA and the Physical Education, associated with interests of agents and their struggle for power. Therefore, to appropriate the discourse of Physical Education, technicians of F/MA, ended up creating a problem for themselves, because they attempt to assert an expertise that do not have, trying to allow an autonomy that do not have and at the same time they judge not to be their credentialism, a responsibility of the competence organ that accredits Physical Education. ; Com a regulamentação da profissão Educação Física e a criação do Conselho Federal de Educação Física e dos Conselhos Regionais mediante a lei 9696/98, acaloraram-se as discussões no campo acadêmico e jurídico no que se refere à responsabilidade da intervenção profissional nas Lutas e Artes Marciais (L/AM). Judicialmente, alguns Estados brasileiros não conseguiram, através do Conselho, obrigar o técnico a possuir uma formação em Educação Física. Incongruentemente observa-se em seus cursos de bacharelado, disciplinas relacionadas às L/AM, o que, por sua vez comprova uma divergência entre o espaço da intervenção e o espaço da formação. A presente Tese tem como objetivo geral evidenciar o processo de formação e as inter-relações estruturais que constituem um espaço social profissional do cargo de técnico de L/AM no Brasil e como objetivos específicos, demonstrar como se institucionaliza a profissão de técnico L/AM no Brasil, elucidar como se constitui o processo de formação profissional dos técnicos de L/AM no Brasil e esclarecer quais as estratégias dos técnicos de L/AM para a sua manutenção em um campo profissional. A presente Tese é um estudo sociológico onde foram utilizados dados de levantamento bibliográfico, mediante revisão conceitual, levantamento documental referente à inserção das L/AM na formação em Educação Física no Brasil e entrevista semiestruturada com os técnicos. Os dados foram triangulados e analisados mediante referencial teórico de Pierre Bourdieu. Concluiu-se que: (a) não há um campo da profissão institucionalizado do cargo de técnico de L/AM no Brasil; (b) o técnico de L/AM é formado pelo treinamento vocacional e a formação profissional em Educação Física se atrela às L/AM, devido à reprodução do modelo de formação das escolas militares; (c) ser reconhecido como um técnico profissional é uma categoria social de percepção, para tal, utilizam-se de técnicas de exclusão, descrédito do capital alheio e estratégias de valoração; (d) os embates pelo monopólio entre campo esportivo, campo das L/AM e campo acadêmico da Educação Física criam um pseudocampo que se deixou formar pela aparente inércia do Estado para com os esportes, com as L/AM e a Educação Física, associado aos interesses dos agentes e em suas lutas por poder. Portanto, no sentido de apropriarem-se do discurso da Educação Física, os técnicos de L/AM, acabaram criando um problema para si, pois, tentam afirmar uma expertise que não possuem, tentando autorizar uma autonomia que não têm e, ao mesmo tempo julgam não ser de competência do órgão que credencia a Educação Física, seu credencialismo.