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International and constitutional law arguably collide in the legal arrangement between the United States and Puerto Rico. As a matter of international law, it is unclear that this arrangement conforms to customary international and treaty obligations. As a matter of national law, it is unclear that the Constitution permits an arrangement between Puerto Rico and the United States—short of separation (independence as a State) or integration (admission to the Union as a state)—that could conform to these international obligations. In particular, the Appointments Clause and the Constitution's voting provisions may well be in tension with contemporary international law relative to Puerto Rico. In this Article, we seek, partly through an internal dialogue, to clarify several unacknowledged or underappreciated legal tensions in the U.S.-Puerto Rico relationship and to explore ways to resolve them. One of us adopts a plain-meaning, originalist view of the Constitution, which underscores the arguable constitutional defects in the current U.S.-Puerto Rico relationship. The other does not embrace originalism and therefore would not exclude resolution of the tensions between international and constitutional law by means of constitutional interpretation. We agree, however, that those tensions can no longer be neglected in a State committed to the rule of law and that several of the most troubling can be resolved— with a modest amount of political will and creativity— in a manner that effectively elides the oft-intractable debates in modern constitutional theory: substantive, even if not formal, international legal compliance can be uncontroversially established. Above all, we seek to reframe and facilitate a long-overdue discussion about how to reconcile U.S. international obligations toward Puerto Rico with the Constitution. I always thought that, when we should acquire Canada and Louisiana it would be proper to govern them as provinces, and allow them no voice in our councils. In wording the third section of the fourth article [of the Constitution], I went as far as circumstances would permit to establish the exclusion. —Gouverneur Morris

This paper discusses two pertinent policy issues dealing with the global liquidity crisis - global prudential regulation reform, and reassessment of using international reserves in the crisis. We point out the paradox of prudential regulations – while the identity of economic actors that benefited directly from crises avoidance is unknown, the cost and the cumbrance of regulations are transparent. Hence, crises that had been avoided are imperceptible and are underrepresented in the political discourse, and the demand for prudential regulations declines during prolonged good times, thereby increasing the ultimate cost of eventual crises. While the seeds of the present crisis were mostly home grown, international flows of capital magnified its costs. Global financial integration produces the by-product of "regulatory arbitrage" – capital tends to flow to underregulated countries, frequently resulting in excessive risk taking, in anticipation of future bailout. Dealing with "regulatory arbitrage" requires coordinated prudential regulations that should apply as equally as possible to domestic and foreign players. A coordinated globalized prudential regulation, by increasing the cost of prudential deregulation, would mitigate the temptation to under-regulate during prolonged good-times, thus adding a side benefit. We also analyze the different approaches to the use of reserves during the crisis and what this means for the global financial system. The deleveraging triggered by the crisis implies that countries that hoarded reserves have been reaping the benefits. The crisis illustrates the importance of the self insurance provided by reserves, as well as the usefulness of policies that channel a share of the windfall gains associated with improvements in the terms-of-trade to reserves and sovereign wealth funds. The reluctance of many developing countries to draw down on their reserve holdings raises the possibility that they may now suffer less from the "fear of floating" than from a "fear of losing international reserves", which may signal deterioration in the credit worthiness of a country. While the selective swap lines offered by the FED to several EMs help, it falls short of dealing with the fear of losing reserves. Mitigating this concern should be the prime responsibility of the international financial institutions.

This study analyzes the integration of the Japanese into the politics of race and nation in Peru during the period from 1899 to 1942. The first generation of Japanese immigrants arrived in Peru at the apex of debates on national racial identity and popular challenges to the white oligarchy's exclusive hold on national political and economic power. This dissertation examines how not only elites, but also working- and middle-class movements advocated the exclusion of the Japanese as a way of staking their claims on the nation. In this study, I argue that Peru's marginalization of the Japanese sprang from racist structures developed in the colonial and liberal republican eras as well as from global eugenic ideologies and discourses of yellow peril that had penetrated Peru. The Japanese were seen through Orientalist eyes, conceptualized and homogenized as a race that acted as a single organism and that would bring only detriment to the Peruvian racial whitening project. Eugenics conflated women with their reproduction, leading racial science advocates to portray Japanese women in Peru as the nation's ultimate danger and accuse them of attempting to conquer Peru "through their wombs." The Japanese men and women who settled in Peru, however, were also actors in their Peruvian communities. Many Japanese laborers, largely Okinawan, were participants in rural labor movements in Peru. Policymakers, hacienda owners, and local power holders, however, undermined class-based challenges to their authority by demonizing the Japanese as a cultural, racial, and political threat to the Peruvian nation. In stepping out of their rung on the racial hierarchy, the Japanese shop keepers also provoked resentment both among their fellow Peruvian business owners and elements within the urban labor movement. The deeper the Japanese Peruvians sank their roots into Peru, the more shrill became the accusations that they were "inassimilable." Finally, opportunistic politicians played upon the Peruvian elites' deepest fears by accusing the Japanese immigrants of joining with Peru's indigenous people to launch a race war.

En 1976, lors de son 37e congrès, la CFDT s'engage à réunir les conditions nécessaires pour une insertion réelle des travailleuses dans toutes ses instances de décision. S'élabore alors, non sans résistances, une politique de promotion de parité qui n'est pas sans lien avec la politique de recentrage en cours dans la CFDT. En effet, la question de la mixité s'inscrit au cœur de la réflexion engagée depuis 1977 sur l'adaptation du syndicalisme cédétiste. Celle-ci aboutit en 1982 au congrès de Metz où la CFDT, constatant l'échec des mesures d'incitation, vote une résolution imposant la mixité des structures de l'organisation. Avec ce congrès, la CFDT devient alors la première organisation syndicale à opter pour des mesures volontaristes par l'instauration de quotas. Toutefois, si l'élaboration de la mixité des structures de la CFDT participe d'une stratégie syndicale pour les femmes, le débat qu'elle a suscité est révélateur de la difficulté que connaît la CFDT, et plus généralement le syndicalisme, à dépasser un fonctionnement qui emprunte à un modèle largement masculin. ; During its 37th congress in 1976, the CFDT made the commitment to fulfill the necessary conditions for a real integration of women workers in all its sites of decision-making. A policy promoting parity begins then, with some reluctance, and is linked to the re-centering policy of the CFDT. The question of gender 'mixity' is indeed at the heart of the reflection about CFDT syndicalism adaptation started in 1977. This reflection leads in 1982 to the Metz Congress where the CFDT, facing the failure of incentive measures, votes a resolution which lays down gender 'mixity' in the organization structures. The CFDT becomes the first trade union to choose pro-active measures through the establishment of quotas. However, even if the development of gender 'mixity' belongs to a union strategy for women, the debate it started reveals the difficulty for the CFDT, and more generally for syndicalism, to overstep a functioning which has a very masculine pattern.

The unfortunate events following the late 1980s and the early 1990s directedSerbia (first the FRY and then S&M) towards rather bleak development prospects. During this long period, the country was isolated from the mainstream trends of European integration and convergence. Its comparative advantages and competitiveness have worsened in two key aspects, that is, in terms of its structural qualities (1) and in terms of its territorial capital (2), whereby the country's "endogenous capital" and "territorial capital" lost a large part of their value and potential. The "soft territorial capital" has especially worsened, in parallel with a disappearing capacity for strategic research, thinking and governance. In particular, Serbia grossly missed the wave of "economic and ecological modernization" that took place in the EU, and which left the country lagging even further behind contemporary mainstream trends. Thus, Serbia has been "moored" even deeper in the periphery of Europe; that is, it became a part of the new "inner peripheries" of Europe. The economic recovery from 2000 onwards, while fairly dynamic, has still been insufficient, and has more or less assumed the form of "growth without development". Serbia still shelters one of the most dissipating and nonsustainable economies and social services in Europe, paralleled by inadequate spatial development patterns. Now, the country has found itself in the position of an economic, ecological and financial (debtor) semi-colony of few powerful international political, economic and financial actors, also reflecting the ideological model of the post-socialist transition reforms chosen. Recently a new Spatial development strategy of Serbia until 2021 has been completed, which deals with two scenarios for future development, viz.: "further growth recession, under crisis management"; and "sustainable spatial development". However, much more research of future development prospects is needed, vis-à-vis the current dire development fixities and givens. Namely, the Serbian "post-socialist Argonautics" has faced a number of difficulties, also exacerbated by a lack of adequate institutional and organizational adjustments for strategic development governance, and an almost total collapse of strategic thinking, research and governance. ; Editors: Miodrag Vujošević, Jasna Petrić

Duration: April 2007 - May 2009 Sigma Research was funded by Terrence Higgins Trust to co-ordinate the development of a framework to address the health, social care, support and information needs of people with diagnosed HIV in England. It has now been published as the Framework for better living with HIV in England. The over-arching goal of the framework is that all people with diagnosed HIV in England "are enabled to have the maximum level of health, well-being, quality of life and social integration". In its explanation of how this should occur the document presents a road map for social care, support and information provision to people with diagnosed HIV in England. By establishing and communicating aims and objectives, the framework should build consensus and provide a means to establish how interventions could be prioritised and coordinated. The key drivers for the framework were clearly articulated ethical principles, agreed by all those who sign up to it, and an inclusive social development / health promotion approach. Sigma Research worked on the framework with a range of other organisations who sent representatives to a Framework Development Group (see below for membership). The framework is evidence-based and seeks to: Promote and protect the rights and well-being of all people with HIV in England. Maximise the capacity of individuals and groups of people with HIV to care for, advocate and represent themselves effectively. Improve and protect access to appropriate information, social support, social care and clinical services. Minimise social, economic, governmental and judicial change detrimental to the health and well being of people with HIV. Alongside the development of the framework, Sigma Research undertook a national needs assessment among people with diagnosed HIV across the UK called What do you need?. These two projects informed and supported each other. Framework Development Group included: African HV Policy Network Black Health Agency George House Trust NAM NAT (National AIDS Trust) Positively Women Terrence Higgins Trust

Vehicles with internal combustion (IC) engines fueled by hydrocarbon compounds have been used for more than 100 years for ground transportation. During the years and in particular in the last decade, the environmental aspects of IC engines have become a major political and research topic. Following this interest, the emissions of pollutants such as NOx, CO2 and unburned hydrocarbons (UHC) from IC engines have been reduced considerably. Yet, there is still a clear need and possibility to improve engine efficiency while further reducing emissions of pollutants. The maximum efficiency of IC engines used in passenger cars is no more than $40\%$ and considerably less than that under part load conditions. One way to improve engine efficiency is to utilize the energy of the exhaust gases to turbocharge the engine. While turbocharging is by no means a new concept, its design and integration into the gas exchange system has been of low priority in the power train design process. One expects that the rapidly increasing interest in efficient passenger car engines would mean that the use of turbo technology will become more widespread. The flow in the IC-engine intake manifold determines the flow in the cylinder prior and during the combustion. Similarly, the flow in the exhaust manifold determines the flow into the turbine, and thereby the efficiency of the turbocharging system. In order to reduce NOx emissions, exhaust gas recirculation (EGR) is used. As this process transport exhaust gases into the cylinder, its efficiency is dependent on the gas exchange system in general. The losses in the gas exchange system are also an issue related to engine efficiency. These aspects have been addressed up to now rather superficially. One has been interested in global aspects (e.g. pressure drop, turbine efficiency) under steady state conditions.In this thesis, we focus on the flow in the exhaust port and close to the valve. Since the flow in the port can be transonic, we study first the numerical modeling of such a flow in a more ...

Colloque Dinabio mai 2008 à Montpellier. 3. Dynamiques de développement de l'AB ; International audience ; In Martinique, the environmental and food crisis, linked in particular to pollution by chlordecone, has led to a local demand for agro-ecological products. The aim of this study was to analyse: (i) institutional and organisational frameworks that determine the emergence and development conditions of these agricultural systems, and (ii) the technical and economical disincentives found on farms, in order to reveal the limiting factors and main levers. First and foremost, results showed that the "organic" sector is divided into two distinct groups of producers in terms of their certification process and of their integration into institutional systems. However, in both cases, an important disincentive is the absence of the control of indicators concerning the economic and financial assessment conditions of organic products. In addition, the technico–economic and agronomic analysis of farms revealed three major disincentives: (i) the absence of local references and technical support; (ii) weakness and dispersion in terms of supply and of access to specific inputs, and; (iii) low labour productivity. A coordinated effort involving local government agencies, producer organisations and technical and research institutions is necessary. ; Les résultats montrent tout d'abord que la filière de produits dits « biologiques » se structure en deux organisations de producteurs qui se différencient, tant par le mode de certification choisie que par leur niveaux d'insertion dans les dispositifs institutionnels conventionnels. Dans les deux cas néanmoins, un frein important est l'absence de maîtrise d'indicateurs sur les conditions d'évaluation économique et financière des produits biologiques. Par ailleurs, trois freins majeurs sont mis en évidence par l'analyse technico-économique et agronomique des exploitations (i) l'absence de référentiels et d'appui technique adaptés aux conditions locales, (ii) la faiblesse et la dispersion concernant l'approvisionnement et l'accès aux intrants adaptés et enfin (iii) la faible productivité du travail. Une action collective de coordination impliquant les collectivités locales, les organisations de producteurs, les organismes techniques et la recherche est nécessaire.

Günümüz dünyasında uluslararası ilişkilerin yaygın karakteri, sanıldığının aksine çatışma değil işbirliğidir. Devletlerin işbirliği yapmasında maliyetleri düşürmek, verimliliği arttırmak ya da ortak tehditlerle mücadele etmek gibi bir takım unsurlar etkili olabilmektedir. Ancak kabul etmek gerekir ki, devletlerin işbirliği yapma istekleri hemen her konuda aynı derecede olamayan bilmektedir. Özellikle güvenlikle ilgili alanlarda devletlerin işbirliğine daha çekinceli yaklaştıkları görülmektedir. Bu, uluslararası alanda polisiye işbirliğinin henüz istenilen düzeye ulaşmamış olmasının da temel gerekçesidir. Uluslararası anlamda polisiye işbirliğinin en yoğun görüldüğü alan ise Avrupa'dır. Uzun ve ağır işleyen bir süreç neticesinde Avrupalı uluslar, kendi aralarında polisiye işbirliğini mümkün kılan ve kolaylaştıran bir takım girişimlerde bulunmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki, bunda Avrupa entegrasyon sürecinin yaratmış olduğu karşılıklı güven ortamının da önemli bir katkısı bulunmaktadır. Özellikle Avrupa Birliği'nin kurulmasının ardından yaşanan gelişmeler, nihai biçimini Europol ile bulmuş olan Avrupa'daki polisiye işbirliği açısından önemlidir. Çalışmada, bu sürece katkı sağlayan hukuksal ve kurumsal gelişmeler tarihsel bir perspektiften ele alınmaktadır. ; In contemporary world, international relations' prevalent character, contrary to the expectations, is not conflict but cooperation. For states' cooperation, a set of subjects like to decrease costs, to increase efficiency or to struggle against common threats can be effective. However, it must be accepted that states' willingness to make cooperation may not be at the same level in almost all issues. It is seen that states are less willing to make cooperation especially in security issues. This is the fundamental reason of the fact that international police cooperation has not reached to the desired levels yet. The region where international police cooperation exists most intensively is Europe. As a result of a long and slow-moving process, European nations have taken a set of initiatives that enable and facilitate police cooperation among their selves. Doubtlessly, the sphere of mutual trust that the European integration process had created has also made a significant contribution for this. The developments that occurred after the establishment of European Union are especially important for police cooperation in Europe that had reached its eventual form in the framework of Europol. In this study the legal and institutional developments that contribute to this process are analysed.

Nowadays, the Mixtec language is advancing towards linguistic normalization, by means of education institutions (SEP) and the Academy founded in 1997. The dialectal area in which I have researched (Rancho Nuevo de la Democracia and Metlatonoc) is the most impoverished among Mixteca regions. It has suffered relegation for centuries, causing its alienation in the policy of normalization. For several reasons, it would be advantageous for the other Mixtecs that the region be taking into account. From the human point of view is an ethical and political must. From the technical, such area is the crossroad of the three major Mixtec dialects. In order to contribute to its cultural and social integration, I have prepared an integral survey of their culture and their language, that soon will be available for researchers. Hear I offer a summary of the main characteristics for each linguistical level, so that they may be easily compared with other dialectical areas. But I have chosen a stimulating perspective, or I think so: the poeticity of an oral language. ; La lengua mixteca en la actualidad está en proceso de normalización lingüística, a través de instituciones educativas (Secretaría de Educación Pública: SEP) y de una Academia fundada en 1997. El área dialectal que he investigado (Rancho Nuevo de la Democracia y Metlatónoc) corresponde a la zona más empobrecida de la Mixteca y la que ha sufrido marginación durante siglos, por lo que no ha sido tenida en cuenta durante ese proceso. Por distintos motivos, sería beneficioso para los demás mixtecos que fuera mejor integrada. Humanamente, es una exigencia ética y política. Técnicamente, se encuentra en el cruce entre los tres grandes dialectos del mixteco, los cuales se remontan al s. XVI. Con el fin de facilitar su integración, he preparado une estudio integral de su lengua y su cultura, que estará pronto disponible para los investigadores. En este texto ofrezco un resumen de los rasgos más relevantes en cada uno de los niveles lingüísticos, con la intención específica de ...

Defense Date: 04/05/2009 ; Examining Board: Olivier Borraz (Centre de Sociologie des Organisations, CNRS, Paris), Magnus Ekengren (Swedish National Defence College), Alexander Trechsel (EUI), Pascal Vennesson (RSCAS/EUI) (Supervisor) ; Disasters can strike at any time and can be of various types: natural like the Tsunami of 2004 that left over 300,000 people dead or man-made like the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah fighters. In face of the recurrence of major emergencies both inside and outside the EU borders, EU governments agreed in 2001 to set up a system which would allow them to pool their resources. The Council Decision of 2001 created the Community Civil Protection Mechanism (CCPM) relying on the so-called Monitoring and Information Centre (MIC), as the crisis centre for civil protection located in Brussels at the European Commission. In 2005, another major step was made regarding EU emergency management, with the creation of the Emergency and Crisis Coordination Arrangements (CCA). These arrangements, which are legally dealt with by the Council, were developed to share information, ensure coordination and collective decision-making at EU level in an emergency. It is dealt with by the Joint Situation Centre (SitCen). These two new organizational structures of EU emergency management, the MIC and the SitCen, and the two new organizational architectures of EU emergency management (commission- and council- based) are the object of my research. I address the question of their creation, adoption and implementation, developing a sociological neo-institutionalist approach based on the concept of divergent isomorphism. Incorporating an agency aspect, I demonstrate thanks to the use of the process-tracing method that new EU organizational structures emerged in an institutional context of fight for legitimacy: On the one hand, EU officials relying on input-legitimacy based on the isomorphically copied model; On the other hand, national officials relying on output-legitimacy drawn from their actions during crises. Thus, I contribute to the development of both EU integration theory in the field of security and organizational theory in the field of emergency management.

El contexto de globalización económica y de integraciones regionales impulsó una renovación de los instrumentos lingüísticos académicos. Esta renovación vino de la mano de un aparente cambio en el interés político y teórico de la Real Academia Española capaz de representar el estatuto de lengua internacional del español. En el presente artículo examinamos los discursos que la Academia elaboró en los últimos años con el fin de convalidar sus instrumentos normativos. Para ello, analizamos la Nueva política lingüística panhispánica,documento que expresa las principales líneas de esta nueva política sobre el español, el Diccionario panhispánico de dudas y la Prepublicación de la Nueva Gramática de la Lengua Española en tanto manifestaciones concretas de dicha política. Concluimos que la nueva política lingüística panhispánicaresulta ser más una operación discursiva que otra cosa. En efecto, lejos de fomentar una distribución equitativa y multilateral de las funciones en la estructura organizativa, continúan reproduciéndose las antiguas jerarquíasen la toma de decisiones, sosteniendo una clara centralización en los procesos de estandarización en el mundo hispánico. -- The context of the economical globalization and the regional integration has promoted a renovation of the linguistic devices used by the Royal Academy of the Spanish Language. This renovation came along with an apparent turn in the political and theoretical interests of the Academy —institution that iscapable of representing the statute of Spanish as an international language. In this article, we examine the discourses that the Academy devised in the last few years in order to validate their normative devices. In that sense,we analyze the Nueva política lingüística panhispánica —document that depicts the principal outlines of this new policy regarding Spanish—, and the Diccionario panhispánico de dudas and the Prepublicación de la Nueva Gramática de la Lengua Española as concrete manifestations of that policy.We conclude that the new Panhispanic language policy turns out to be more a discursive operation rather than anything else. Indeed, instead of endorsing an equitable and multilateral distribution of the functions of the organizational structure, they continue to reproduce ancient hierarchies in the decision making, supporting that way a clear centralization of thestandardization in the Hispanic world.

En esta investigación se analizan las transformaciones que ocurren en la comunidad rural de San José Navajas, El Marques., Querétaro, bajo la influencia de un proyecto de desarrollo regional: el Aeropuerto Intercontinental de Querétaro, cuyo impacto se aprecia en la región de los valles centrales del estado, los que comparten un proceso de cambio estructural, como parte del las políticas nacionales de integración al sistema económico global. Se pretende mostrar que la aplicación de programas de desarrollo pueden ser inadecuados y llegan a desestructurar este tipo de comunidades al tratar de integrarlas a modelos ajenos a sus características sociales, culturales y económicas, en lugar de incentivar el desarrollo local a través de opciones viables. De manera local, comunidades como la estudiada establecen estrategias de carácter económico, político y simbólico que les permiten conservar elementos culturales de identidad, cohesión social y de adaptación a las nuevas condiciones que se han venido generando en el entorno local y regional. ; This research focuses on the transformations that occur in the rural community of San José Navajas, El Marqués, Querétaro under the influence of the Querétaro Intercontinental Airport Project which is a regional development project. The impact of this project affects principally those communities located in the region of the central valleys of the state because there are part of this process of structural social change as a result of national policies of development and integration to economic global system. I want to show how the application of this kind of development projects can be socially inadequate and disrupt this type of rural communities when trying to integrate them to a different economical, social and cultural scheme instead to stimulate local development through more viable options. On the local context communities like this create strategies of economic, political and symbolic character that allow them to preserve cultural elements of identity, social cohesion and ways of adaptation to a new conditions on local and regional setting.

Objective. The agenda‐setting literature has demonstrated the media's ability to set the issue agenda for the public. One byproduct of this work is that researchers have produced some evidence suggesting that the audience will, on occasion, set the issue agenda for the media. Given disparate sets of findings, researchers do not have a framework to better understand on which issues the media will set the agenda for the public and on which issues the public will set the agenda for the media. It is the goal of this article to provide empirical support for a framework suggesting that the events comprising issue areas predetermine the direction of influence between the media's and the public's issue agendas.Methods. I construct a historical data set comprised of 35,000 stories from the nightly network news and responses to Gallup's Most Important Problem question. I look for evidence of causal influence between news issue content and public issue concerns using Granger analysis and vector autoregression.Results. Issue areas comprised of spectacular events, such as defense, will be reported by the media and subsequently affect the salience the audience assigns to those issues. In issues not normally comprised of spectacular and singular events, such as energy and environment, public issue concerns appear to drive issue coverage in the news. Issues such as transportation and education, which comprise few spectacular events and little public concern, will receive sparse coverage in the media.Conclusion. The findings provide support for a framework based on events; the types of events that typically comprise issue areas will affect the likelihood of those issues coming on the news agenda. This then affects the direction of influence between the public and the media. The framework supported here allows for the integration of the media effects and media content literatures. This has implications for understanding how the news agenda is constructed and how the commercial media meets democratic ideals.

Russia's policy in Central Asia has arrived at a new stage in its development. This is confirmed both by the transformation of the situation in the region and by the changes in Russia's international position. At the previous stage in its Central Asian policy, Moscow was busy trying to implement the so-called Putin Doctrine. This basically consisted of attempts to integrate the post-Soviet expanse (encompassing as much territory as possible) by primarily economic means. However, political means were also implied along with the economic levers. This policy was manifested in the various integration formations that sprang up in the CIS, such as the EurAsEC-Customs Union, the SES, the CSTO, and the Belarus-Russia Union State, as well as the multitude of bilateral and multilateral agreements with Russia's participation in economic trade cooperation, the energy industry, and transportation and communications. This approach was most intensively implemented between 2003 and 2006, when Moscow was able to greatly fortify its position in Central Asia, enter long-term contracts in the production and transportation of energy resources, take partial or complete control over the strategic branches of several regional countries, and achieve advantageous conditions for building pipelines. In addition, the economic penetration of Russian companies into the region was accompanied by intensification of military-technical and military-strategic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the regional states, the setting up of Russian military bases, and the ousting of rivals (with the exception of China). However, after 2006 Russia's international position began to change, which could not help but have an effect on its Central Asian policy. Another spiral of the confrontation with the West began, pulling Moscow along with it and turning the region into an area where their interests clash. There can be no doubt that the Color Revolutions in the post-Soviet expanse were one of the main reasons for the crisis in Russian-Western relations. And Central Asia was no exception-Russia (along with Kazakhstan) did not permit escalation of this kind of revolution in Kyrgyzstan and also supported Uzbekistan in its determination not to allow a full-fledged civil war in the country as a result of the rebellion in Andijan, which was inspired from the outside.