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Materiality has recently claimed centre stage in architectural discourse and practice, yet its critical meaning is ever receding. Tropes like material honesty, digital materiality, material responsiveness and dematerialisation mark out an interdisciplinary field where scientific fact and artistic experimentation interact, and where what in fact constitutes materiality and immateriality is constantly re-imagined. Interstices14 invites contributions that address the thematic strands: Immateriality; Atmosphere+Experience; Interactivity; Material Politics; Material Technology+Aesthetics; Material Referents. Immateriality: As a reaction to developments in science, materiality came under scrutiny with the emergence of nineteenth century German aesthetics (Vischer, Schmarsow) and the early avant-garde projects (Lissitzky, van Doesburg). Initiating an epistemic shift in art and architecture, these works pointed point to the connection between the concrete material properties of objects and their interaction with the inhabitant through psycho-physiological effects. From one of these early projects, this publication borrows its title – Immaterial Materialities – a term invented by El Lissitzky to describe the dynamics of our spatial conception, which could be explored through the design of imaginary spaces – possibilities pioneered by film and modern mass media. The inclusion of ephemeral elements such as light, line, colour, and media, reconceptualised materiality as an entirely dynamic category, a kind of 'materialised energy' (Vesnin). These ideas re-emerged transformed in the work of the Neo-avant-garde of the 1960s and 70s, and surfaced again in contemporary architectural debates. Atmosphere + Experience: Gernot Böhme thematizes the idea of 'materialized energy' under the heading of 'atmospheres,' which he sees as the fundamental concept of a new aesthetics in architecture. Questioning the primacy of vision, Böhme asks "is seeing really the truest means of perceiving architecture? Do we not feel it even more? And what does architecture actually shape – matter or should we say space?" Böhme points to the architecture of Herzog & de Meuron and Peter Zumthor whose works build upon material experimentation and foreground sensory qualities. "Atmospheres", notes Böhme "are something that defines the human-in-the-world as a whole, i.e. his relationship to the environment, to other people, to things and works of art". Interactivity: Considerations on our relationship with atmosphere and weather have informed recent projects, which deploy materials as mediators or activating agents that probe the relationship between audience/user and the physical environment: Spatial investigations with phenomena-producing materials such as water, light, colour and temperature experiment with the viewer's experience (Eliasson); responsive high-tech materials interact with audiences (Spuybroek); 'weather architectures' (Hill), or 'atmo architectures' (Sloterdijk) technologically re-create nature as spatial experience and spectacle (Diller and Scofidio). Material Politics: Traditional materials such as timber and concrete have been re-imagined through the rediscovery of forgotten methods and connect us to the material traditions of historic regional architecture. Through the use of low-cost materials such as corrugated metal, Australian architects connect the beach house, the wool-shed, and industrial estates educing trans-historical, cross-cultural, and climatic associations by fusing the Australian vernacular with international modernism. In East Germany, architect Ulrich Müther's material experimentation with cast concrete generated an aura of cosmopolitanism that stood in stark contrast to the visual monotony of the iconic 'Plattenbauten' (pre-cast concrete towers) promoted by the government; whereas in 1950s Bosnia, Juraj Neidhardt argued that a systematic re-arrangement of architectural elements could facilitate an interactive relationship between the heritage built fabric and the new Communist society. Material Technology + Aesthetics: Architectural experiments in material-oriented computational design explore the design potential of conventional construction materials. Waste material and natural materials are fused chemically, or mechanically-fixed, providing imaginative design solutions for technological problems. New composites with changed material and aesthetic properties are suitable for an extended variety of applications. The traditional visual language of tectonics gives rise to a plastic aesthetic that rejects discrete structural elements in favour of homogeneity and gradient – a language that is just beginning to be explored. Material Referents: In contemporary art, Liam Gillick uses materials and architectural elements that reference the universal modernism favoured in corporate architecture; plexiglas, steel, and colour aluminium connect "the project of emancipation of the avant-gardes and the protocol of our alienation in a modern economy"; these material fragments prompt the viewer to reflect on a range of, at times conflicting, environments, which can be read "as partial images that call to mind a range of other moments and environments" (Verhagen). It is precisely this "calling to mind of other moments and environments" that Philip Ursprung detects in Hans Danuser's photographic representations of Peter Zumthor's architecture. Danuser's images evoke seemingly incompatible associations by revealing unexpected links between Zumthor's atmospheric concrete spaces and the problematic, post-industrial spaces of Alpine power plants and cooling towers. Photography, as Barthes argues, entails a frictional encounter with the reality of an image; an invisible disturbance of the photographic surface. All these approaches probe boundaries – between material and immaterial, art and science, practice and theory, representation and experience, tradition and innovation, and producer/object/user, giving rise to the following concerns: – What is the validity of different approaches to materiality in relation to the vital problems of our time? – Where do materials allow us to cross disciplinary, cultural, or other boundaries? – Can materials be deployed to create environments which predict user behaviour and control social relations and experiences? – Which trans-historical correspondences can be detected in contemporary approaches to materiality, and how do these challenge, imitate and expand on previous thinking? Submissions: Interstices: Journal of Architecture and Related Arts 14, "Immaterial Materialities: Materiality and interactivity in art and architecture", invites critical investigations of theoretical and historical content from academics, as well as practice-oriented contributions from content providers such as architects, artists and curators, that redress imbalances and missing links in the portrayal and debate of matters concerning materiality and interactivity in art and architecture from the 1920s onward. For the refereed part, we welcome submission of 5000 word papers and visual submissions with an accompanying text of approximately 500 words. For the non-refereed part, we welcome papers up to 2500 words and project reports and reviews of up to 1000 words related to the issue theme. Please check out the Notes for Contributors for details about the reviewing process, copyright issues and formatting for written and visual submissions. Please send your submission to Sandra Karina Löschke (sandra.loschke@uts.edu.au) by 3 March 2013. Authors accepted for the reviewing process will receive confirmation and a schedule of production in mid-March and the journal will go to publication in October/November 2013.

The climate is changing. As the global mean temperature continues to rise, the immense urgency of addressing the climate change crisis is evident. Since climate change entered the international political agenda in the 1980s, efforts to construct an effective global response have been organized under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Recently, this UN-led interstate diplomacy has been criticized for its inability to grapple with the polycentric, multiactor landscape of today. In this context, the 2015 Paris Agreement altered the formal context of global climate politics by institutionalizing a 'hybrid,' 'catalytic' regime where states are to outline, submit, and periodically enhance their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to the global response. While the continuous submission of NDCs is legally binding, their content and design are largely determined by states' ideas about the appropriate means and ends of climate action. The Paris regime also entails an unprecedented position for nonstate actors who were welcomed as an integral part of climate mitigation and adaptation and invited to pledge their contributions to the global effort through various UNFCCC-led initiatives. Through this supposedly cata-lytic design, the Paris regime pins its hopes on continuous increases in ambition levels and implementation rates of states' and nonstate actors' pledges to stave off the urgent crisis that is climate change. Global climate governance research has delved into the characteristics of this new architecture to examine how the disperse climate action pledges can be understood, aggregated, and enhanced, and how this hybrid design can ensure legitimate orchestration of a plurality of actors. While providing valuable suggestions for enhanced effectiveness of and participation in the Paris regime, this thesis suggests that post-Paris climate governance research to a large extent center around issues of improving the functions of the Paris model and that there is a lack of critical accounts of how the hybrid, catalytic, and largely voluntary Paris design rests upon and projects particular ways of ordering world politics. To fill this gap, this thesis draws upon Foucauldian governmentality studies to critically examine how climate change is governed through voluntarism under the Paris regime and its political implications in terms of shaping the idea of what constitutes appropriate climate conduct. It asks how climate change is constructed as a problem for government by exploring the rationalities that inform climate governance under the Paris regime and the technologies through which governing is conducted. By illuminating the ideas and practices that underpin governing through voluntarism, the thesis contributes to a critical discussion on the means and ends of this mode of governing which, in turn, carves space for articulation of alternative problem descriptions and solutions. The thesis builds on four studies that, in turn, examine how climate change is problematized in states' NDCs in terms of climate policy discourses employed (Paper I) and suggested roles for the state in climate action (Paper II), and how climate action is mobilized through the NDC (Paper III) and UNFCCC-led initiatives to engage nonstate actors (Paper IV). The thesis demonstrates that governing climate change through voluntarism under the Paris regime is characterized by efforts of coordination that emphasize a need for quantifiable, comparable, and aggregable climate actions. Rather than merely a technical necessity for organizing disperse climate pledges, it argues that coordination is a governing strategy that posits climate action as a non-conflictual project of problem-management and shapes the idea of appropriate climate conduct by constructing states and nonstate actors as responsible actors charged with keeping their conduct in check. At the same time, the thesis also finds that the Paris regime leaves some room for resistance where alternative ideas on the appropriate means and ends of government can be advanced and debated. It argues, however, that the overwhelming emphasis on coordination shapes the field of possibilities for resistance by treating resisters as 'those not yet convinced,' rather than as ex-pressors of fundamental political differences. In essence, by illuminating how current modes of government shape the idea of appropriate climate conduct, the thesis stresses that the urgency of the climate change challenge must not foreclose critical discussions on how governing climate change under the Paris regime is accomplished. ; Klimatet förändras. I ljuset av den fortsatta ökningen av den globala medeltemperaturen är det akuta behovet att möta klimatkrisen uppenbart. Sedan klimatförändringar tog plats på den internationella politiska agendan under 1980-talet har försök att konstruera effektiva globala åtgärder organiserats under Förenta nationernas ramkonvention om klimatförändringar (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, UNFCCC). På senare tid har denna FN-ledda, mellanstatliga diplomati blivit kritiserad för dess oförmåga att handskas med dagens polycentriska politiska landskap där många olika typer av aktörer florerar. Parisavtalet, som antogs år 2015, ändrade den formella kontexten för global klimatpolitik genom att institutionalisera en "hybrid," "katalytisk" regim inom vilken stater förväntas formulera, skicka in och periodvis revidera sina nationella klimatplaner, så kallade Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC:er). Medan det kontinuerliga inlämnandet av NDC:er är juridiskt bindande bestäms deras innehåll och design till stor del av staters idéer om vad som är lämpliga metoder och mål för klimatåtgärder. Parisregimen innebär också en förändrad position för icke-statliga aktörer som nu välkomnas som en integral del av arbetet med mitigering av och anpassning till klimatförändringar. Icke-statliga aktörer upp-muntras att skicka in sina bidrag till det globala arbetet mot klimatförändringar genom olika UNFCCC-ledda initiativ. Genom denna katalytiska design sätter Parisregimen hoppet till en kontinuerlig ökning av staters och icke-statliga aktörers ambitionsnivåer och implementeringstakter för att avvärja klimatkrisen. Forskning inom global klimatpolitisk styrning har undersökt egenskaperna hos denna nya styrningsarkitektur och hur de varierade klimatbidragen kan förstås, aggregeras och ökas samt hur den hybrida designen kan säkerställa en legitim orkestrering av en stor mix av aktörer. Sådan forskning har bidragit med värdefulla förslag på hur effektiviteten och deltagandet kan ökas i Parisregimen. Denna avhandling menar dock att forskning om klimatpolitisk styrning post-Paris till stor del behandlar frågor om hur den nuvarande Parismodellen kan förbättras och att det finns en brist på kritiska studier av hur den hybrida, katalytiska och, till stor del, frivilliga Parisdesignen vilar på och projicerar specifika sätt att ordna världspolitiken. För att fylla denna forskningslucka tar denna avhandling inspiration från Foucaults idéer om politisk styrning (på engelska, governmentality) för att kritiskt undersöka hur kli-matförändringar styrs genom frivillighet under Parisregimen och dess politiska implikationer i termer av att forma idén om vad som konstituerar lämpligt klimatbeteende. Den undersöker hur klimatförändringar konstrueras som ett problem för styrning genom att utforska de rationaliteter som informerar klimatpolitisk styrning under Parisregimen och de teknologier genom vilka styrning genomförs. Genom att belysa de idéer och praktiker som ligger till grund för styrning genom frivillighet bidrar avhandlingen till en kritisk diskussion om styrningens metoder och mål vilket ger utrymme för artikulation av alternativa problembeskrivningar och lösningsförslag. Avhandlingen bygger på fyra studier som i tur och ordning undersöker hur klimatförändringar problematiseras i staters NDC:er vad gäller de klimatpolitiska diskurser som används (Artikel I) och de roller som föreslås för staten (Artikel II) samt hur klimatåtgärder mobiliseras genom NDC:n (Artikel III) och UNFCCC-ledda initiativ för att engagera icke-statliga aktörer (Artikel IV). Avhandlingen visar att klimatpolitisk styrning genom frivillighet karaktäriseras av tekniker för koordinering som framhåller behovet av klimatåtgärder som går att kvantifiera, jämföra och aggregera. Snarare än en teknisk nödvändighet för att organisera vitt skilda klimatbidrag, är koordinering en styrningsstrategi som presenterar klimatåtgärder som ett problemhanteringsprojekt i vilket stater och icke-statliga aktörer konstrueras som aktörer som är ansvariga för att hålla sitt eget beteende i schack. Samtidigt visar avhandlingen att det finns utrymmen för motstånd i Parisregimen där alternativa idéer om metoder och mål för styrning kan föras fram och diskuteras. Den överväldigande emfasen på koordinering formar dock möjlighetsutrymmet för motstånd genom att behandla motståndare som "ännu inte övertygade" snarare än som uttryck för fundamentala politiska skillnader. Ge-nom att peka på hur nuvarande sätt att styra formar idén om lämpliga klimatåtgärder understryker avhandlingen att brådskan i klimatutmaningen inte får hindra kritiska diskussioner om hur klimatpolitisk styrning under Parisregimen genomförs. ; Funding agencies: Swedish Research Council Formas through the project 'A Global Potluck: Cross-National Patterns of State Engagement and Performance in the New Landscape of International Climate Cooperation' (Grant No. 2011-779) and the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Environmental Research – Mistra through the 'Mistra Geopolitics'research program (Grant No. 2016/11 #5).

This paper examines humanitarianism in the Global South through engaging with resilience projects in the
Sahel and Lake Chad Basin (LCB). It addresses how recent humanitarianism has moved away from top-down interventions which seek to either intervene to save those that have been rendered "bare life" (Agamben, 1998, p. 4) by their own governments or improve the state's —especially fragile and failing ones— capacity to govern, towards society-based projects which seek to produce resilient subjects through addressing the broader social milieu. While previous accounts of security and development emphasized why fragile states and authoritarian regimes could constitute a threat to the international system, society or community which thus serves as justification for interventions, sometimes militarily, which such regimes flouted specific international norms and conventions. However, humanitarianism has become less targeted at regime change as was evident with the reluctance that followed the unproductive cases in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya where assumptions that regime change, or democracy promotion could promote the ends of liberal governance. Moving away from these statist focus, post-intervention has moved towards strengthening the capacities of communities to withstand shocks, but this is merely a pre-requisite for the objectives of the resilience project.
My contention is that the move towards resilience is not only an acknowledgement of the cognitive imperfections of the liberal subject but more importantly (Chandler, 2013b), it raises questions —about liberal subjecthood. These imperfections have historically been reserved for non-whites and non-Europeans since the Enlightenment, for example, issues related to (ir-)rationality and (un-)reason; the homo economicus is a myth after all (Thaler and Sunstein, 2009; Chandler, 2013a). By moving away from humanitarian activities that require intervention to post-intervention, which involves claims about the subject's internal capacity to "self-govern" (Chandler, 2012; Chandler, 2013a), migration, development and security have become closely intertwined with some suggesting a migration-development-security nexus where humanitarian aid serves the purpose of accomplishing global governance of complexity (Stern and Öjendal, 2010; Truong and Gasper, 2011; Deridder et al., 2020). While useful, this paper problematizes this understanding of resilience which concerns itself with the biopolitics of enhancing life's capacity to self-govern by unpacking the various ways in which "resilience processes are marked by inequities and by the consequences of a history of the coloniality of power, oppression, and privilege" (Atallah et al., 2021, p. 9), which manifest when these projects are implemented within contexts or on bodies from the Global South. In particular, the move towards resilience has entailed further incursions into people's lives such that various rationalities and techniques of governmentality are directed at the population which may raise further questions when these populations are those of other countries or within regions that have a history of colonisation and subjugation.
By reconceptualising biopolitics as a racial biopolitics and by decentring the state and instead looking at assemblages, that is, a multiplicity of actors and rationalities and technologies, and practices which function as totalities and produce passive or active agents with or without capacity for resistance, Deleuze and Guattari's concept of agencement which is translated to English as "Assemblages", is useful to capture the rationalities and techniques of resilience projects in the Sahel and LCB. I reconceptualise this powerful concept as "racialised assemblages", made up of a set of "racial components" that produce "racialised ensembles", that is, a multiplicity of actors and rationalities and technologies, this paper shows how resilience projects by Western state and non-state actors such as the United Kingdom, France and the EU and other humanitarian actors such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in the Sahel and the LCB are both exclusionary and raced and how these attempts seek to exploit the historical infantilization of the non-white subject or subjectivity within the Sahel and the LCB. Engaging with some humanitarian activities in the Sahel and LCB, the paper argues that through a racialised and exclusionary racial biopolitics that function through racialised assemblages, European humanitarian aid and assistance through upstreaming border control management through biometrics, exploit and sustain colonialities that seek achieve European outcomes. While projects such as migration and border control in the Niger-Nigeria border through biometric management and development projects that seek to address the root causes of insecurity, underdevelopment and forced displacement are promoted as humanitarian issues and facilitated through development aid, such racialised discourses are a continuation of racist historical depictions associated with whiteness and non-whiteness which made assumptions about humans, the environment, and the relationship between the two.
For those who emerged in European discourse as lacking the capacity to transform their environment, Access to full personhood was either denied or delayed which remerges in claims that attempt to interpellate persons and communities in the Sahel as vulnerable, poor, fragile, failing to highlight their deficient resilience and how this could impact on others who have achieved better resilience. For example, the attempts to build resilience through border control and management in the Sahel and LCB through the regularization of some types of desirable movements and criminalisation of irregular movement within the Sahel and LCB, especially where these are viewed as potentially constituting a risk to European security interests. For example, border policing and management posts in Konni-Illela and Eroufa in the Tahoua region of Niger which both seek to manage and control movement across the Niger-Nigeria border are promoted as enhancing Niger's own border management policy while it was set up through collaborative humanitarian efforts of various actors and was funded by the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) of the U.S. Department of State (IOM, 2023). In addition to the other actors, these all constitute racialised biopolitical assemblages which attempt to govern complexity within the African context which is a continuation of various historical colonialities. Finally, in addition to the various infantilizing tendencies of racialised versions of resilience where the subject is viewed as incapable of full self-governance, and self-transformation, these projects when enforced on non-Western contexts such as the Global South perpetuate colonialities and within the Sahel, may stifle other possibilities of non-Western resilience such as those associated with human relationality. It becomes necessary to problematize the various resilience projects, including those that have apparently explicit humanitarian dimensions such as assistance and aid by asking critical questions about what they do which could also expose the ways in which those that are exposed to these rationalities and technologies resist these attempts. Further research should investigate the various ways in which individuals and communities in the
Sahel interact with these resilience projects and also how various so-called African partners —state and non- state— who play integral roles in facilitating and implementing them are positioned and how they position themselves. Such research could adopt focus groups, in-depth interviews, or ethnographic methods to capture ways in which these attempts may be reproduced, modified or even resisted by these people that emerge as targets of European post-interventionist biopolitics.

Everyday ethics – can you simply be good? is a work arising from reflection on the condition of contemporary ethical debate, as well as on the practice of morality and the policy of morality, which we observe and experience in everyday life at the beginning of the 21st century. The presented research is based on the belief that the ethical dimension of the reality in which we live and which we create remains deeply intertwined with the everyday form and practice of our life. At the same time, this position does not have to, should not and does not mean giving up the ideals born in the bosom of various cultures and minds that co-shape this everyday life. In this sense, it is also a record of the search for a path between consumerist nihilism and fundamentalist universalism, two ideologies of the modern world that dominate it and lead it in opposite directions. The work defends the thesis that every morality is a projection of a form of life, including language that creates this form and practices that embody this life. In this context, the basic research goal is the construction of a narrative that allows to ground moral beliefs in their actual place of origin – i.e. everyday life – in a way that at the same time eliminates the typical complexes of subjectivity and locality. This perspective, in turn, allows for establishing a dialogue between the authentic values present in the life of an individual with the tyranny of ethical systems claiming profundity and universality. It is therefore also an attempt to escape from the symbolic violence of the dominant 369 Roland Zarzycki ideological discourses and to restore morality to its ordinary use in accordance with Wittgenstein's postulate to return to everyday life. Among the research questions that organize the whole reflection, the most important ones concern the strict practice of life, i.e. the relationship between the local form of life and the local morality. How do life forms dictate the rules of morality games? What connection is there between the present-day form of consumerist society and its globalized reality, and the morality games that function today? How does the mystical dimension of ethics emerge in the current of everyday practice, in the mechanism of social training? How does consciousness evolve that exceeds not only the value of individual life, but also itself in the selfdestructive act of questioning the criterion of the mechanism of natural selection, of creating a value higher than the survival of the species? Are arbitrariness, egoism and the subjectivity of beliefs appropriate analytical categories for considering morality? How do fantasy and ideology penetrate the sphere of moral reflection, and in particular, is it possible to have a coherent view of morality that is free from the notions of freedom, dignity and purposefulness? Is taking into account the suffering of the Other an indispensable part of all possible morality? If so, who would the Other be? The book is also devoted to the analysis of the feedback emerging in the course of this reflection and an attempt to understand today's forms of life from the perspective of moral problems plaguing the present day. The culmination of this journey is reflection on the condition of modern man. In the background of these investigations there is a sense of a deep dissonance between the abstract sphere of declared morality and everyday practices, between the intention or appearance of intention and its everyday translation, also between moral fantasy, moral ideology and moral reality. 370 Summary The structure of the work is based on three chapters, the first of which is devoted to the reconstruction of Ludwig Wittgenstein's philosophy of morality, the second to highlighting selected aspects of the sociology of morality, including in particular Pierre Bourdieu's concept of sociology, and the third to the synthesis of the preceding considerations, the designation of new tools of description and narration as well as the analysis of practical aspects of the functioning of moral belief systems in today's world. The first chapter contains a kind of philosophical preliminaries aimed at briefly delineating and explaining those aspects of Wittgenstein's thought that will play a key role in considering ethics. In particular, therefore, it introduces the categories of language games, vision as and forms of life, central to the whole work, which at the same time constitute a peculiar conceptualization of Wittgenstein's considerations on anthropology, sociology and the history of culture. The grammatical connection of consciousness with all possible ethics is signaled in the context of the discussion on the possible understanding of the arbitrariness of morality and ethical invariants. Explaining the consubstantiality of language and human views and moral beliefs allows us to show the complementary role of everyday life and awareness for the developed ethical concept. The second chapter describes the ethics of everyday life from a sociological perspective, formulating a wide range of approaches to it, both affirmative and critical. Thanks to the coupling of these many views, a perspective is developed that allows to problematize the issues under consideration in terms of the categories of purpose, dignity and freedom. The last of these categories also opens up a wide field of reflection on the role, determinism and freedom of the cognitive models themselves. Ultimately, the key stage of this part of the discussion is the application of Pierre Bourdieu's reflective sociology and his concept of 371 Roland Zarzycki social games to formulate the concept of moral capital and further research into the ethics of everyday life. In particular, it helps to explain how, in the socio-political context, morality functions as the title commodity, weapon and distinction. An important theme is also the approach to Jeffrey Goldfarb's policy of small matters as a discourse appropriate to the ethics of everyday life. The last part contains both a summary, conclusions from previous investigations, as well as autonomous considerations aimed at a more complete conceptualization of everyday ethics and determining the place of the concept of a form of life in the practice of contemporary social sciences. The practical and theoretical conditions of the possibilities of everyday ethics as well as the mechanisms by which its authentically and immanently social and everyday character are manifested are consecutively considered. These results are a stimulus for further research into the theory of relativity of morality. Then, selected aspects of the interference of ethics and politics are outlined, crucial for understanding the phenomenon of morality, including the influence of the veils of fantasy and ideology on the very political functioning of morality. In the area of reflection on the economy of morality, moral distance, loyalty distance and the calculation of recognition are indicated as three components that define the vector of moral action. The final part of the text attempts to identify the pivotal features of contemporary life forms, which shape not only the shape of contemporary morality, but also the world: the tyranny of individualism, interpassivity, and then the resulting atrophy of trust, which in turn drives the mechanisms specific to the commodification of morality and the development of forms of hypermorality.

Purpose. The purpose of the study lies in critical reconstruction of Thomas Hobbes's social contract theory as an important principle not only of modern political anthropology, but also of modern and postmodern social projects. As well as, in the unfolding of the fundamentally important both for the newest social-philosophical and philosophical-anthropological discourses of the thesis that each individual is the origin of both personal and institutional freedom and justice, making the contract first of all with himself, with his desires and sorrows and then with other people and the state. Theoretical basis. The principle of social contract offered by Hobbes became a new social, methodologically significant and relevant principle of regulation of activity, which indicates essential for the modern political philosophy and the philosophy of law transition from teleological (ancient and medieval) to legal (modern) ideas of justice. For an in-depth study of the philosophical and anthropological aspects of Hobbes's contractualism, we used the historical-comparative and contextualization method, as well as the works of leading native and foreign researchers of Hobbes, who uphold the provisions on the organic affiliation of fundamental socio-philosophical and philosophical-anthropological questions about the nature of man, the relation of coercion, freedom and justice with the discourse of social contract. Originality. On the basis of a consistent analysis of the anthropological component of Hobbes's theory of social contract, an in-depth understanding of modern contractualism and contemporary discussions in the field of its existential and anthropological component is offered, as well as the thesis that political anthropology is the core of the philosophical anthropology because it makes possible the methodologically important understanding of the basic problems of human existence – the interaction of justice and freedom, self-interest and public good, as well as it quite clearly outlines the ways to overcome the dilemmas of liberalism and communitarianism, individualism and holism. Conclusions. Political anthropology of T. Hobbes constructed in the context of a modern social project, justified the issue of interaction between freedom and justice, which is fundamentally important to nowadays, through the search for such a way of social relations, in which an individual, being in the realm of social existence, would seek to limit his own selfishness and freedom for the sake of the common will of the majority. Thanks to Hobbes, the idea of external humility in disobedience to the inner, of freedom of conscience as a "human and citizen", of an understanding of individual independence, which is not just a permissible but accepted by state power, has been acquired with exceptional theoretical and practical meaning. Thanks to Hobbes's works, the essence (and the falsity of simplified interpretations of the latter's heritage) was revealed by the relationship between the cooperative and the conflicted vision of man. ; Цель. Цель исследования заключается в критической реконструкции теории общественного договора Томаса Гоббса как важной основы не только современной политической антропологии, но и современного и постмодернистского социальных проектов. А также – в развертывании принципиально важного и для новейших социально-философских и философско-антропологических дискурсов тезиса о том, что каждый отдельный человек является источником, как персональной, так и институциональной свободы и справедливости, заключая, прежде всего, договор с собой, со своими стремлениями и совестью, а уже потом с другими людьми и государством. Теоретический базис. Принципиально важным, методологически значимым и актуальным для современной политической антропологии стал разработанный Гоббсом принцип общественного договора в качестве нового общественного принципа регуляции деятельности, который засвидетельствовал значимый для современной политической философии и философии права переход от телеологических (античных и средневековых) к правовым (современным) представлениям о справедливости. Для углубленного исследования философско-антропологических аспектов контрактуализма Гоббса использованы историко-сравнительный метод и метод контекстуализации, а также работы ведущих отечественных и зарубежных исследователей Гоббса, которые разрабатывают идеи об органической принадлежности фундаментальных социально-философских и философско-антропологических вопросов о природе человека, соотношения принуждения, свободы и справедливости к дискурсу общественного договора. Научная новизна. На основе последовательного анализа антропологической составляющей теории общественного договора Гоббса предложено углубленное понимание современного контрактуализма и современных дискуссий в области его экзистенциально-антропологической составляющей, а также обоснован тезис о том, что именно политическая антропология является сердцевиной антропологии философской, так как делает возможным методологически значимое понимание основных для человеческого бытия проблем – взаимодействия справедливости и свободы, собственного интереса и общественного блага, а также достаточно четко определяет пути преодоления дилеммы либерализма и коммунитаризма, индивидуализма и холизма. Выводы. Разработанная в контексте современного социального проекта политическая антропология Т. Гоббса обосновала принципиально важное и сегодня представление о взаимодействии свободы и справедливости через поиск такого способа социальных отношений, при которых отдельный человек, находясь в области социального бытия, стремился бы к ограничению собственного эгоизма и свободы ради коллективной воли большинства. Благодаря Гоббсу приобрели непреходящий теоретический и практический смысл идеи о внешнем подчинении при неповиновении внутреннем, о свободе совести как "права человека и гражданина", о понимании индивидуальной независимости, которая выступает не просто разрешенной, а признанной государственной властью. Благодаря произведениям Гоббса выявлена сущность (и ошибочность упрощенных толкований наследия последнего) взаимосвязи кооперативного и конфликтного образа человека. ; Мета. Мета дослідження полягає у критичній реконструкції теорії суспільної угоди Томаса Гоббса як важливої засади не лише модерної політичної антропології, а і модерного та постмодерного соціальних проєктів. А також – у розгортанні принципово важливої і для новітніх соціально-філософських та філософсько-антропологічних дискурсів тези про те, що кожна окрема людина є витоком, як персональної так і інституційної свободи та справедливості, укладаючи передусім угоду з собою, зі своїми прагненнями та сумлінням, а вже потім з іншими людьми та державою. Теоретичний базис. Принципово важливим, методологічно-значущим та актуальним для сучасної політичної антропології став запроваджений Гоббсом принцип суспільної угоди як новий суспільний принцип регуляції діяльності, що засвідчує про істотний для сучасної політичної філософії та філософії права перехід від телеологічних (античних та середньовічних) до правових (сучасних) уявлень про справедливість. Для поглибленого дослідження філософсько-антропологічних аспектів контрактуалізму Гоббса в якості необхідного постало використання історико-порівняльного методу та методу контекстуалізацї, а також праць провідних вітчизняних та зарубіжних гоббсознавців, які обстоюють положення про органічну приналежність фундаментальних соціально-філософських та філософсько-антропологічних питань про природу людини, співвідношення примусу, свободи і справедливості до дискурсу суспільної угоди. Наукова новизна. На підставі послідовного аналізу антропологічної складової Гоббсової теорії суспільної угоди запропоновано поглиблене розуміння модерного контрактуалізму та сучасних дискусій в царині його екзистенційно-анторопологічної складової, а також доведено тезу про те, що саме політична антропологія є осердям антропології філософської, бо уможливлює методологічно-значуще розуміння засадничих для людського буття проблем – взаємодії справедливості та свободи, власного інтересу та суспільного блага, а також досить чітко окреслює шляхи подолання дилеми лібералізму і комунітаризму, індивідуалізму і голізму. Висновки. Розбудована в контексті модерного соціального проєкту політична антропологія Т. Гоббса обґрунтувала принципово важливе й до сьогодні уявлення про взаємодію свободи і справедливості через пошук такого способу соціальних взаємин, за яких окрема людина, перебуваючи в царині соціального буття прагнула б обмеження власного егоїзму та свободи заради колективної волі більшості. Завдяки Гоббсу набули непересічного теоретичного та практичного сенсу ідеї про зовнішню покору при непокорі внутрішній, про свободу совісті як "права людини і громадянина", про розуміння індивідуальної незалежності, яка є не просто дозволеною, а визнаною державною владою. Завдяки творам Гоббса виявилась сутність (та хибність спрощених тлумачень спадщини останнього) взаємозв'язку кооперативного та конфліктного образу людини.

Purpose. The purpose of the study lies in critical reconstruction of Thomas Hobbes's social contract theory as an important principle not only of modern political anthropology, but also of modern and postmodern social projects. As well as, in the unfolding of the fundamentally important both for the newest social-philosophical and philosophical-anthropological discourses of the thesis that each individual is the origin of both personal and institutional freedom and justice, making the contract first of all with himself, with his desires and sorrows and then with other people and the state. Theoretical basis. The principle of social contract offered by Hobbes became a new social, methodologically significant and relevant principle of regulation of activity, which indicates essential for the modern political philosophy and the philosophy of law transition from teleological (ancient and medieval) to legal (modern) ideas of justice. For an in-depth study of the philosophical and anthropological aspects of Hobbes's contractualism, we used the historical-comparative and contextualization method, as well as the works of leading native and foreign researchers of Hobbes, who uphold the provisions on the organic affiliation of fundamental socio-philosophical and philosophical-anthropological questions about the nature of man, the relation of coercion, freedom and justice with the discourse of social contract. Originality. On the basis of a consistent analysis of the anthropological component of Hobbes's theory of social contract, an in-depth understanding of modern contractualism and contemporary discussions in the field of its existential and anthropological component is offered, as well as the thesis that political anthropology is the core of the philosophical anthropology because it makes possible the methodologically important understanding of the basic problems of human existence – the interaction of justice and freedom, self-interest and public good, as well as it quite clearly outlines the ways to overcome the dilemmas of liberalism and communitarianism, individualism and holism. Conclusions. Political anthropology of T. Hobbes constructed in the context of a modern social project, justified the issue of interaction between freedom and justice, which is fundamentally important to nowadays, through the search for such a way of social relations, in which an individual, being in the realm of social existence, would seek to limit his own selfishness and freedom for the sake of the common will of the majority. Thanks to Hobbes, the idea of external humility in disobedience to the inner, of freedom of conscience as a "human and citizen", of an understanding of individual independence, which is not just a permissible but accepted by state power, has been acquired with exceptional theoretical and practical meaning. Thanks to Hobbes's works, the essence (and the falsity of simplified interpretations of the latter's heritage) was revealed by the relationship between the cooperative and the conflicted vision of man. ; Цель. Цель исследования заключается в критической реконструкции теории общественного договора Томаса Гоббса как важной основы не только современной политической антропологии, но и современного и постмодернистского социальных проектов. А также – в развертывании принципиально важного и для новейших социально-философских и философско-антропологических дискурсов тезиса о том, что каждый отдельный человек является источником, как персональной, так и институциональной свободы и справедливости, заключая, прежде всего, договор с собой, со своими стремлениями и совестью, а уже потом с другими людьми и государством. Теоретический базис. Принципиально важным, методологически значимым и актуальным для современной политической антропологии стал разработанный Гоббсом принцип общественного договора в качестве нового общественного принципа регуляции деятельности, который засвидетельствовал значимый для современной политической философии и философии права переход от телеологических (античных и средневековых) к правовым (современным) представлениям о справедливости. Для углубленного исследования философско-антропологических аспектов контрактуализма Гоббса использованы историко-сравнительный метод и метод контекстуализации, а также работы ведущих отечественных и зарубежных исследователей Гоббса, которые разрабатывают идеи об органической принадлежности фундаментальных социально-философских и философско-антропологических вопросов о природе человека, соотношения принуждения, свободы и справедливости к дискурсу общественного договора. Научная новизна. На основе последовательного анализа антропологической составляющей теории общественного договора Гоббса предложено углубленное понимание современного контрактуализма и современных дискуссий в области его экзистенциально-антропологической составляющей, а также обоснован тезис о том, что именно политическая антропология является сердцевиной антропологии философской, так как делает возможным методологически значимое понимание основных для человеческого бытия проблем – взаимодействия справедливости и свободы, собственного интереса и общественного блага, а также достаточно четко определяет пути преодоления дилеммы либерализма и коммунитаризма, индивидуализма и холизма. Выводы. Разработанная в контексте современного социального проекта политическая антропология Т. Гоббса обосновала принципиально важное и сегодня представление о взаимодействии свободы и справедливости через поиск такого способа социальных отношений, при которых отдельный человек, находясь в области социального бытия, стремился бы к ограничению собственного эгоизма и свободы ради коллективной воли большинства. Благодаря Гоббсу приобрели непреходящий теоретический и практический смысл идеи о внешнем подчинении при неповиновении внутреннем, о свободе совести как "права человека и гражданина", о понимании индивидуальной независимости, которая выступает не просто разрешенной, а признанной государственной властью. Благодаря произведениям Гоббса выявлена сущность (и ошибочность упрощенных толкований наследия последнего) взаимосвязи кооперативного и конфликтного образа человека. ; Мета. Мета дослідження полягає у критичній реконструкції теорії суспільної угоди Томаса Гоббса як важливої засади не лише модерної політичної антропології, а і модерного та постмодерного соціальних проєктів. А також – у розгортанні принципово важливої і для новітніх соціально-філософських та філософсько-антропологічних дискурсів тези про те, що кожна окрема людина є витоком, як персональної так і інституційної свободи та справедливості, укладаючи передусім угоду з собою, зі своїми прагненнями та сумлінням, а вже потім з іншими людьми та державою. Теоретичний базис. Принципово важливим, методологічно-значущим та актуальним для сучасної політичної антропології став запроваджений Гоббсом принцип суспільної угоди як новий суспільний принцип регуляції діяльності, що засвідчує про істотний для сучасної політичної філософії та філософії права перехід від телеологічних (античних та середньовічних) до правових (сучасних) уявлень про справедливість. Для поглибленого дослідження філософсько-антропологічних аспектів контрактуалізму Гоббса в якості необхідного постало використання історико-порівняльного методу та методу контекстуалізацї, а також праць провідних вітчизняних та зарубіжних гоббсознавців, які обстоюють положення про органічну приналежність фундаментальних соціально-філософських та філософсько-антропологічних питань про природу людини, співвідношення примусу, свободи і справедливості до дискурсу суспільної угоди. Наукова новизна. На підставі послідовного аналізу антропологічної складової Гоббсової теорії суспільної угоди запропоновано поглиблене розуміння модерного контрактуалізму та сучасних дискусій в царині його екзистенційно-анторопологічної складової, а також доведено тезу про те, що саме політична антропологія є осердям антропології філософської, бо уможливлює методологічно-значуще розуміння засадничих для людського буття проблем – взаємодії справедливості та свободи, власного інтересу та суспільного блага, а також досить чітко окреслює шляхи подолання дилеми лібералізму і комунітаризму, індивідуалізму і голізму. Висновки. Розбудована в контексті модерного соціального проєкту політична антропологія Т. Гоббса обґрунтувала принципово важливе й до сьогодні уявлення про взаємодію свободи і справедливості через пошук такого способу соціальних взаємин, за яких окрема людина, перебуваючи в царині соціального буття прагнула б обмеження власного егоїзму та свободи заради колективної волі більшості. Завдяки Гоббсу набули непересічного теоретичного та практичного сенсу ідеї про зовнішню покору при непокорі внутрішній, про свободу совісті як "права людини і громадянина", про розуміння індивідуальної незалежності, яка є не просто дозволеною, а визнаною державною владою. Завдяки творам Гоббса виявилась сутність (та хибність спрощених тлумачень спадщини останнього) взаємозв'язку кооперативного та конфліктного образу людини.

"Architectural heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character: ideology, memory and identity" studies the ability of architecture to represent political and cultural endeavors and developments in the period from 1945 until 1990 in territories which formed the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. The thesis is divided into two parts: the first part analyzes how architecture, as a discourse per se and an ideological apparatus, was used for representation of Yugoslav socialist identity. The second part studies how the deconstruction of given identity, and its consequent dismissal in the process of re-construction of national identities has influenced the level of preservation of heritage of representative character found in territories which previously formed the SFRY. The hypothesis upon which the research is built, stating that the architectural significance of heritage of representative nature built in the socialist period and found in Yugoslav successor countries is dependent on (the assessment of) its cultural, social and historical character, has emerged from the perception of the second part of the problem. However, the larger part of the thesis is devoted to the study of how circumstances in SFRY influenced the character of following three categories of buildings and spaces: I) Governmental buildings and buildings of the League of Communist of Yugoslavia II) Institutions of educational-ideological character and memorial centers III) Memorials and memorial sites. With an objective to analyze how political and social occurrences in the SFRY in the period 1945-1990 influenced the processes of construction of above-listed representative buildings and spaces, the study approaches several important moments in development of architectural discourse in socialist Yugoslavia, such as: the appearance of modernist architecture in the Interwar period; the discussion on the socialist realist style; the influence of the political conflict between Tito and Stalin on architectural developments; architectural developments during the "Informbiro Period"; initiation of grandiose projects of representative character in the period 1956-1965; an impulse in erection of buildings and spaces of educational-ideological and cultural-memorial character in between 1966 and 1974; the appearance of the postmodernism; and finally the course of architectural developments after Josip Broz Tito's death in 1981 till the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1990. The second part of the thesis researches how and why architectural works of representative character built in between 1945 and 1990 are neglected in the present. The objective of a critical and hermeneutical study is to perceive how the process of re-construction of national, cultural identities in the states reconstructed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia has influenced on the negative perception of the given architecture. The architectural works presented in the first chapter now are perceived as architectural heritage and analyzed as a cultural legacy of the uncomfortable nature. The discomfort towards the heritage built in the socialist period is approached through the study of the process of (re)interpretation of cultural memory. The analysis is conducted with the objective to perceive how the transformation in "collective frameworks of memory" has influenced "collective memory" of those societies and consequently the condition of architectural heritage of representative character found in the given territories. The research comes to an end with an insight into the level of preservation and state of condition of the representative heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character and concludes with recommendations for the improvement of protection mechanisms and suggestions on the modalities for its architectural and cultural revitalization. ; "El patrimonio arquitectónico del carácter yugoslavo-socialista: la ideología, la memoria y la identidad" estudia la capacidad de la arquitectura para representar los esfuerzos políticos y culturales y los acontecimientos en el período desde 1945 hasta 1990 en los territorios que formaron la República Socialista Federativa de Yugoslavia. La tesis es dividida en dos partes: la primera parte analiza cómo la arquitectura, como un discurso per se y un aparato ideológico, se utilizó para la representación de la identidad socialista yugoslava. En la segunda parte se estudia cómo la deconstrucción de esa identidad y su consiguiente despido en el proceso de la reconstrucción de las identidades nacionales, ha influido en el nivel de la preservación del patrimonio del carácter representativo que se encuentra en los territorios que anteriormente formaban la RSFY. La hipótesis sobre la que se construye la investigación, afirman que el significado del patrimonio arquitectónico de carácter representativo construido en el período socialista que se encuentra en los países sucesores yugoslavos es dependiente (de la evaluación) de su carácter cultural, social e histórico, ha surgido de la percepción de la segunda parte del problema. Sin embargo, la mayor parte de la tesis se dedica al estudio de cómo las circunstancias en la RSFY influyeron en el carácter de las siguientes tres categorías de los edificios y espacios: I) Los edificios gubernamentales y los edificios de la Liga de Comunistas de Yugoslavia II) Las instituciones del carácter educativo-ideológico y los centros conmemorativos III) Los monumentos y los sitios conmemorativos. Con el objetivo de analizar cómo los acontecimientos políticos y sociales en la RSFY en el período 1945-1990 influyeron en los procesos de la construcción de los edificios y espacios del carácter representativo arriba mencionados, el estudio aborda varios momentos importantes en el desarrollo del discurso arquitectónico en la Yugoslavia socialista: la aparición de la arquitectura modernista en el período de entreguerras; la discusión sobre el estilo socialista realista; la influencia del conflicto político entre Tito y Stalin en los desarrollos arquitectónicos; los desarrollos arquitectónicos durante el Período Informbiro; la iniciación de los proyectos grandiosos del carácter representativo en el período 1956-1965; el impulso por la construcción de los edificios y espacios de carácter educativo-ideológico y cultural-memorial entre 1966 y 1974; la aparición del posmodernismo; y finalmente el curso de los desarrollos arquitectónicos después de la muerte de Josip Broz Tito en 1981 hasta la disolución de Yugoslavia en 1990. La segunda parte de la tesis investiga cómo y por qué las obras arquitectónicas del carácter representativo construidas entre 1945 y 1990 se descuidan en el presente. El objetivo de un estudio crítico y hermenéutico es percibir cómo el proceso de la reconstrucción de las identidades nacionales y culturales en los estados reconstruidos después de la disolución de Yugoslavia ha influido en la percepción negativa de la arquitectura dada. Las obras arquitectónicas presentadas en el primer capítulo ahora son percibidas como el patrimonio arquitectónico y analizadas como un legado cultural y social de la naturaleza incómoda. El malestar hacia ese patrimonio se aborda a través del estudio del proceso de la (re)interpretación de la memoria cultural. El análisis se lleva a cabo con el objetivo de percibir cómo la transformación en los "marcos colectivos de la memoria" ha influido en la "memoria colectiva" de esas sociedades y por consiguiente en la condición del patrimonio arquitectónico del carácter representativo que se encuentra en los territorios determinados. La investigación llega a su fin con una información sobre del nivel de la conservación y el estado de la condición del patrimonio dado y concluye con las recomendaciones para su revitalización. ; Postprint (published version)

Brazil-China agricultural trade mushroomed since 2000 to become one of the world's largest flows of agroindustrial commodities and capital, reigniting and transforming agrarian questions in a new, multipolar world order. After the conjunction of food price and financial crises in 2007-2009, this burgeoning trade gave rise to a very palpable boom of Chinese investments in Brazilian agribusiness. My dissertation is the most in-depth and extensive study to date about this phenomenon, and its background in historical relations between Brazil and China. As this growth of Chinese investments abroad took place, a broader rush of investments in farmland and agroindustrial production, processing, trade, and infrastructure unfolded worldwide (often called the global land grab) – and China was identified as a major new investor, while Brazil was recognized as one of the foremost targets for transnational agroindustrial investments. State and corporate actors across both China and Brazil promoted this leveraging of investments as a new form of South-South cooperation, claiming it strengthens domestic agribusinesses and governments in these countries in relation to the hegemonic agribusiness and state interests from the Global North. On the other hand, some critics feared this new wave of investments establishes a neocolonial relation that deindustrializes Brazil, dragging it back to an extractivist and export-oriented agriculture that curtails employment and the standard of living of Brazilians, and locks the country economically into dependent international relations. In this dissertation, I set out to investigate where and how Chinese investments are taking place in Brazilian agribusiness (both direct and indirect, targeting everything from seeds, agrochemicals, and other inputs, farmland and agricultural production, agroindustrial processing, and the related logistics infrastructure such as warehouses and ports). My findings indicate that Chinese investments in Brazilian agribusiness did expand rapidly in recent years, but they are still far dwarfed by capital from the Global North – particularly in farmland and agricultural production. The prominent discourse that "China is a (or the) major land grabber" is debunked, and I argue it has actually been constructed through a complex conjuncture of social interests that range across rural social movements, commercial farmers, landed elites, and industrialists in Brazil, alongside agribusinesses and financiers from the Global North. This indicates also a form of sinophobia, which I argue must be understood in its 200-year history of shifting and sedimented Orientalist discourses about the Chinese in Brazilian (and other "Western") imaginaries. Tracing a genealogy of this sinophobia, I also reconstruct the emergence of a transnational class of boosters, brokers, bureaucrats, and (agri)businessmen (mostly men), who I call collectively "agribusiness professionals." I argue these agribusiness professionals have not only been at the forefront of constructing Brazil-China relations for over 200 years, but also it is examining their work of assembling Chinese capital with Brazilian land, labor, and expertise that we can comprehend the nature and denouement of Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships. Thus, I combine political economic and historical methods with a critical global ethnography of the transnational agribusiness professionals assembling Chinese capital with Brazilian agribusiness – rooted in in-depth interviews, life histories, and some participant observation undertaken from the fall of 2010 through the spring of 2017. This period included fieldwork in China during the summers of 2011 and 2013, and the spring of 2015. In Brazil, fieldwork was undertaken during the summer of 2012, and between January 2014 and August 2015. In total, I spent over 20 non-consecutive months undertaking fieldwork in Brazil and 7 non-consecutive months in China, working in about 14 Brazilian states and 8 Chinese provinces (and provincial-level cities). This research reveals that Chinese agroindustrial capital is not homogeneous, centralized, or directed "from Beijing", and rather than treating it as a "global force" that has "local impacts" in Brazil, I reveal how Chinese and Brazilian agribusiness professionals co-produce the emerging Brazil-China agroindustrial assemblage in the pursuit of their own affluence and influence. On one end of the spectrum, there are companies and projects that I term "Paper Tigers." These are companies that invested (or attempted to invest) primarily in farmland and agricultural production, and so were feared to be menacing land grabbers, but nevertheless turned out to be quite ineffective. Through a combination of insufficient financial and political resources, inadequate operational capacity among agribusiness professionals, and social resistance across various scales, these Paper Tigers either failed to operate profitably or even establish themselves in the first place. On the other end of the spectrum are companies I call (adapting a term from the Chinese government's recent policies) "Dragon Heads." These are companies that play leading roles in their sectors domestically, and launched foreign investments primarily through global-level mergers and acquisitions (M&As) of existing transnational or local (i.e. Brazilian) companies, focusing primarily on agroindustrial trade. While these indirect investments through M&As actually amount to the largest influx of Chinese agroindustrial capital into Brazil, and show clear signs and potential for converging with the agribusiness corporations from the Global North that had hegemony over much of Brazilian and transnational agroindustrial assemblages, this is still an underexplored phenomenon. A central contribution of my dissertation is discerning Chinese agribusiness investments in Brazil as Dragon Heads or Paper Tigers, showing this to be a much more useful lens for analysis than simple categorization across ownership structure as private companies or state-owned enterprises. My main argument is that, whether Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships collapse as Paper Tigers or advance as Dragon Heads, these projects ultimately benefit the transnational agribusiness professionals who assemble them above all others. While transnational agribusiness professionals cultivate their own wealth and power through these projects, they also aggravate the exploitation of natural resources and workers, and the marginalization of peasants and agroecological alternatives. Therefore, what I call the "South-South question" – how Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships constitute new linkages of agroindustrial capitalism within and between these previously-peripheral spaces that emerge now as new hubs of capital, and with what implications for the society and environment, particularly struggles for democracy and social justice – brings into the spotlight this group of agribusiness professionals as the key intellectuals (in the sense that Gramsci used in his examination of the "southern question") who construct capitalist hegemony through transnational agribusiness development. In turn, the struggle for democracy, land redistribution, agroecology, agrarian reform, food sovereignty, and social justice must contest this intellectual and political terrain of transnational agribusiness professionals. Agroecological alternatives for Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships exist, and are illustrated in the conclusion of this dissertation, but their pursuit is fundamentally a project of internationalist class struggle – uniting peasants, workers, and their allies in both China and Brazil against an increasingly transnational capitalist class.

"Architectural heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character: ideology, memory and identity" studies the ability of architecture to represent political and cultural endeavors and developments in the period from 1945 until 1990 in territories which formed the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia. The thesis is divided into two parts: the first part analyzes how architecture, as a discourse per se and an ideological apparatus, was used for representation of Yugoslav socialist identity. The second part studies how the deconstruction of given identity, and its consequent dismissal in the process of re-construction of national identities has influenced the level of preservation of heritage of representative character found in territories which previously formed the SFRY. The hypothesis upon which the research is built, stating that the architectural significance of heritage of representative nature built in the socialist period and found in Yugoslav successor countries is dependent on (the assessment of) its cultural, social and historical character, has emerged from the perception of the second part of the problem. However, the larger part of the thesis is devoted to the study of how circumstances in SFRY influenced the character of following three categories of buildings and spaces: I) Governmental buildings and buildings of the League of Communist of Yugoslavia II) Institutions of educational-ideological character and memorial centers III) Memorials and memorial sites. With an objective to analyze how political and social occurrences in the SFRY in the period 1945-1990 influenced the processes of construction of above-listed representative buildings and spaces, the study approaches several important moments in development of architectural discourse in socialist Yugoslavia, such as: the appearance of modernist architecture in the Interwar period; the discussion on the socialist realist style; the influence of the political conflict between Tito and Stalin on architectural developments; architectural developments during the "Informbiro Period"; initiation of grandiose projects of representative character in the period 1956-1965; an impulse in erection of buildings and spaces of educational-ideological and cultural-memorial character in between 1966 and 1974; the appearance of the postmodernism; and finally the course of architectural developments after Josip Broz Tito's death in 1981 till the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1990. The second part of the thesis researches how and why architectural works of representative character built in between 1945 and 1990 are neglected in the present. The objective of a critical and hermeneutical study is to perceive how the process of re-construction of national, cultural identities in the states reconstructed after the dissolution of Yugoslavia has influenced on the negative perception of the given architecture. The architectural works presented in the first chapter now are perceived as architectural heritage and analyzed as a cultural legacy of the uncomfortable nature. The discomfort towards the heritage built in the socialist period is approached through the study of the process of (re)interpretation of cultural memory. The analysis is conducted with the objective to perceive how the transformation in "collective frameworks of memory" has influenced "collective memory" of those societies and consequently the condition of architectural heritage of representative character found in the given territories. The research comes to an end with an insight into the level of preservation and state of condition of the representative heritage of Yugoslav-socialist character and concludes with recommendations for the improvement of protection mechanisms and suggestions on the modalities for its architectural and cultural revitalization. ; "El patrimonio arquitectónico del carácter yugoslavo-socialista: la ideología, la memoria y la identidad" estudia la capacidad de la arquitectura para representar los esfuerzos políticos y culturales y los acontecimientos en el período desde 1945 hasta 1990 en los territorios que formaron la República Socialista Federativa de Yugoslavia. La tesis es dividida en dos partes: la primera parte analiza cómo la arquitectura, como un discurso per se y un aparato ideológico, se utilizó para la representación de la identidad socialista yugoslava. En la segunda parte se estudia cómo la deconstrucción de esa identidad y su consiguiente despido en el proceso de la reconstrucción de las identidades nacionales, ha influido en el nivel de la preservación del patrimonio del carácter representativo que se encuentra en los territorios que anteriormente formaban la RSFY. La hipótesis sobre la que se construye la investigación, afirman que el significado del patrimonio arquitectónico de carácter representativo construido en el período socialista que se encuentra en los países sucesores yugoslavos es dependiente (de la evaluación) de su carácter cultural, social e histórico, ha surgido de la percepción de la segunda parte del problema. Sin embargo, la mayor parte de la tesis se dedica al estudio de cómo las circunstancias en la RSFY influyeron en el carácter de las siguientes tres categorías de los edificios y espacios: I) Los edificios gubernamentales y los edificios de la Liga de Comunistas de Yugoslavia II) Las instituciones del carácter educativo-ideológico y los centros conmemorativos III) Los monumentos y los sitios conmemorativos. Con el objetivo de analizar cómo los acontecimientos políticos y sociales en la RSFY en el período 1945-1990 influyeron en los procesos de la construcción de los edificios y espacios del carácter representativo arriba mencionados, el estudio aborda varios momentos importantes en el desarrollo del discurso arquitectónico en la Yugoslavia socialista: la aparición de la arquitectura modernista en el período de entreguerras; la discusión sobre el estilo socialista realista; la influencia del conflicto político entre Tito y Stalin en los desarrollos arquitectónicos; los desarrollos arquitectónicos durante el Período Informbiro; la iniciación de los proyectos grandiosos del carácter representativo en el período 1956-1965; el impulso por la construcción de los edificios y espacios de carácter educativo-ideológico y cultural-memorial entre 1966 y 1974; la aparición del posmodernismo; y finalmente el curso de los desarrollos arquitectónicos después de la muerte de Josip Broz Tito en 1981 hasta la disolución de Yugoslavia en 1990. La segunda parte de la tesis investiga cómo y por qué las obras arquitectónicas del carácter representativo construidas entre 1945 y 1990 se descuidan en el presente. El objetivo de un estudio crítico y hermenéutico es percibir cómo el proceso de la reconstrucción de las identidades nacionales y culturales en los estados reconstruidos después de la disolución de Yugoslavia ha influido en la percepción negativa de la arquitectura dada. Las obras arquitectónicas presentadas en el primer capítulo ahora son percibidas como el patrimonio arquitectónico y analizadas como un legado cultural y social de la naturaleza incómoda. El malestar hacia ese patrimonio se aborda a través del estudio del proceso de la (re)interpretación de la memoria cultural. El análisis se lleva a cabo con el objetivo de percibir cómo la transformación en los "marcos colectivos de la memoria" ha influido en la "memoria colectiva" de esas sociedades y por consiguiente en la condición del patrimonio arquitectónico del carácter representativo que se encuentra en los territorios determinados. La investigación llega a su fin con una información sobre del nivel de la conservación y el estado de la condición del patrimonio dado y concluye con las recomendaciones para su revitalización. ; Postprint (published version)

This thesis explores the complexity of the notion of heritage from a Caribbean context, both specific and intimately linked to world movements since the sixteenth century. It examines the in-between that characterizes heritage, between the inherited dimension-perceived as an inalienable given, and the dimension constructed in the present for a becoming, manifested by what one wishes to transmit to the future generations. The heritage unfolds in the singular-collective relationship of which it invokes the imaginary world, the connections between spaces and different temporalities. It can be perceived as a barometer of the capacity of societies to fit into a communication order envisaged as an act of sharing. The proposed multidirectional perspective confronts historicized mobilizations of a patrimony that is a tool of the powers taken up in political, economic and technical convergences, in which the order of knowledge is also forged, to the social functions of heritage which refer to a quest for meaning, social bonding, resources and is part of complex territorialities. The Caribbean, a polythetic territory, presents an unprecedented point of view to question this heritage / territory couple and the problematic paradigms that its institutionalization naturalized during the period of formation of European national identities, a period correlated with the emergence of Modernity. The Transatlantic Slave Trade, the slave system based on race and then colonization, is a history associated with suffering, a complex transnational past, the sharing of which is still problematic, a legacy that no one wishes to accept, but which still impact social relations. The capacity to perform, to cope with the contribution of each one, to transmit know-how has been deployed in the Caribbean societies with and against the systems of oppression, as a form of resistance and survival, an essential vital resource from a practical and symbolic point of view. Long ago rejected from the normative space of the heritage, these legagy incorporate perceptions that are incompatible with the definitions and the fixed treatment methods of the institutional heritage articulated around the material productions. The Caribbean poetic and intellectual discourse from the years 1960-1970 was forged in a double dynamic, associating the critical deconstruction of the instituted order initiated by the first generation with an imaginary of the common space inspired by the will to revalorize the heritages, their creativity and the ability of Men to reinvent the imaginations of the world based on the Relation. This Caribbean project is here read as the proposal of a creative heritage break linked to the maling of a territory in breach with the superposition-fusion of the political, physical and cultural space imposed by the prism of the national imagination. This thesis takes as its starting point the traces of these relational dimensions in which historical constructions, multiple trajectories and territorialities intervene, and then tries to bring to light the naturalized paradigms, the inheritances and the contemporary constraints which participate in this heritage impediment which is not unrelated to conflicts arising from the treatment of the past in public space. The last movement puts this research in perspective of the observation of effective projects: the digital libraries of the Caribbean. The author analyzes the methods of construction, questions the individual and collective contexts and the multiple territorialities that intervene in these ultimate heterotopies of the Caribbean, manifestations of the Caribbean utopia. This observation makes it possible to measure the obstacles of all kinds facing actors engaged in projects that aim to shape or reveal relations between territories that are both distinct and connected and to treat the heritage both as traces of the past and as a living, dynamic phenomenon, constantly enriched by contemporary experiences. ; Cette thèse explore la complexité de la notion de patrimoine depuis un contexte caribéen, à la fois spécifique et intimement lié aux mouvements du monde depuis le XVIe siècle. Elle s'intéresse à l'entre-deux qui caractérise le patrimoine, entre la dimension héritée -perçue comme un donné inaliénable, malgré soi-, et la dimension construite au présent pour un devenir, manifestée par ce que l'on souhaite transmettre aux générations futures. Le patrimoine se déploie dans la relation singulier-collectif dont il convoque les imaginaires du monde, les connexions entre des espaces et des temporalités diverses. Il peut être perçu comme un baromètre de la capacité des sociétés à s'inscrire dans un ordre communicationnel envisagé comme un acte de partage. La perspective multidirectionnelle proposée confronte des mobilisations historicisées d'un patrimoine outil des pouvoirs, pris dans des convergences politiques, économiques et techniques dans lequel se forge également l'ordre de la connaissance, aux fonctions sociales du patrimoine qui renvoient à une quête de sens, de lien social, de ressources et s'inscrit dans des territorialités complexes. La Caraïbe, territoire polythétique, présente un point de vue inédit pour remettre en question ce couple patrimoine/territoire et les paradigmes problématiques que son institutionnalisation a naturalisé pendant la période de formation des identités nationales européennes, période corrélée à l'émergence de la Modernité. La Traite négrière transatlantique, le système esclavagiste fondé sur la race puis la colonisation constituent une histoire associée à la souffrance, un passé transnational complexe dont la mise en partage est encore problématique, un héritage que personne ne souhaite accepter et qui marque pourtant encore à divers égards les rapports sociaux contemporains. La capacité à performer, à composer avec l'apport de chacun, à transmettre des savoirs-faire s'est déployée dans les sociétés caribéennes avec et contre les systèmes d'oppression, comme une forme de résistance et de survie, une ressource vitale essentielle du point de vue pratique et symbolique. Longtemps rejetés de l'espace normatif du patrimoine, ces héritages incorporent des perceptions peu compatibles avec les définitions et les modalités de traitement figées du patrimoine institutionnel articulées autour des productions matérielles. Le discours poétique et intellectuel caribéen à partir des années 1960-1970 s'est forgé dans une double dynamique, associant la déconstruction critique de l'ordre institué initiée par la première génération, à un imaginaire de l'espace commun inspiré de la volonté de revaloriser les héritages, leur créativité et la capacité d'action des Hommes à réinventer des imaginaires du monde fondés sur la Relation. Ce projet caribéen est ici lu comme la proposition d'une rupture patrimoniale créatrice liée à un territoire en rupture avec la superposition-fusion de l'espace politique, physique et culturel imposé par le prisme de l'imaginaire national. Cette thèse part sur les traces de ces dimensions relationnelles dans lesquelles interviennent des constructions historiques, des trajectoires et territorialités multiples, puis tente de mettre au jour les paradigmes naturalisés, les héritages et les contraintes contemporaines qui participent de cet empêchement patrimonial qui n'est pas sans relation avec des conflits que suscite le traitement du passé dans l'espace public. Le dernier mouvement met ces recherches en perspective de l'observation de dispositifs effectifs : les bibliothèques numériques de la Caraïbe. Il en analyse les modalités de construction, interroge les contextes individuels et collectifs qui les animent et les territorialités multiples qui interviennent dans ces hétérotopies ultimes de la Caraïbe, manifestations effectives de l'utopie caribéenne.

It is widely acknowledged that scientific research and science, technology and innovation (STI) policies within the US and the EU have gone through deep changes for about 30 years. Many scholars from science and technology studies and innovation studies have investigated these policy changes, and the publication of "The New Production of Knowledge" (Gibbons et al., 1994) paved the way for vigorous debates on regimes of knowledge production (Hessels & Van Lente, 2008). While different general models were proposed to describe a transition (see, e.g. "mode 2 production of knowledge", "post normal science", "strategic science", "academic capitalism"), these models often posit a dichotomous history, stating that a new regime simply succeeded the previous one (Rip, 2000). In a nutshell, the old regime characterized by strong public intervention and a linear conception of innovation is replaced by a new regime where research and innovation are conceived in systemic terms, regarding their strategic interest for the economy and their societal relevance. This dichotomous conception of STI policy change has been criticized regarding its historical accuracy, e.g. with Pestre (2003), showing that the autonomy of research that characterizes the old regime, or "mode 1" is While the diagnosis of these various science and technology policy studies is not to be dispraised concerning the different effects they emphasize, These macro-perspectives are of little use when it comes to study a local situation they lack acuteness to properly describe and compare empirical observation of such policy changes. This issue is even more salient for empirical work to be conducted in states where multi-level policies are crafted on different, sometimes overlapping national and regional polities. In Belgium, the case in point in my PhD researches, the above-mentioned studies are of little use to characterize the actual state and interplay of Walloon and Flemish STI systems. Hence, there is a need to develop theoretical approaches paying greater attention to local specificities and nuances. My proposal builds on an analysis of STI policies based on coexisting, and sometimes competing "narratives". In the vein of Stone (1989) and Radaelli (2000), this paper aims at comparing the different policy narratives that circulates as rationale for STI policies in Wallonia, to identify their variants and to study their interplay. Policy narratives give meaning to complex realities, they help making sense of things, but they also contain a plot; they are articulating elements in a logical sequence (with, e.g., causalities, cf. Stone, 1989). As such, they are resources for action: they are descriptive and prescriptive. The broad literature of innovation studies, and its diffusion through the EU or the OECD already provides the Walloon STI stakeholders with different master-narratives (Sum & Jessop, 2013). So far, I could distinguish four different master-narratives in the literature as well as in Walloon stakeholders 'discourses: • "The Knowledge-based economy" (KBE). KBE seems to be the "dominant" master-narrative today. In a nutshell, this narrative runs as follow (see OECD, 1996): knowledge is the source of economic growth. Since innovation and market success are better encountered through network management and the intertwinement of industry and university, STI institutions must be organized accordingly, in order to achieve a sustained growth and a "better competitiveness" o Variants of this narrative are, e.g. the triple-helix model (Etzkowitz & Leydesdorff, 2000), or National innovation system (Freeman, 1987, Lundvall, 1988). • Grand societal challenges: This recent master-narrative is being promoted by the OECD and the EU (see, e.g., Lund Declaration, 2009). It states that scientific research should benefit of high (public) funding in certain areas, or regarding certain issues. High means for strategic research should help to solve major problems such as climate change, ageing population, energy supply and consumption, cancer, etc. This narrative calls for mission oriented STI policy, so the concern here is not (solely/primarily) economic (Kallerud et al 2013). • "Science, the endless frontier" - continued: famously reported by V. Bush (1945), this master-narrative is still of common use among STI stakeholders. With this narrative, science is considered a public good, the state has to fund it because the linear conception of innovation and serendipity assure technological and economic progress in the end – the rationale is based on economic aspects (the state must fund research because it is a special kind of good and the market efficiency will not work, and basic research is the source of marketable innovation). • "Science for the sake of science": in this narrative, science is considered as common good regardless of the potential economic impacts (and usefulness to address other societal issues) – we can make a parallel with the idea that artistic creation is worth it: for the beauty, for the critique, science here is considered as a superior activity that brings rationality and knowledge to the society as long as it is independent from "external influences" (Bonneuil & Joly, 2013) – cf. "mertonian Ethos" of Communalism, Universalism, Disinterestedness, Originality and Skepticism. Other examples / variants of this narrative include the idea that science contributes to the greatness of Nation, that science fights obscurantism, and so on and so forth. (examples : peer review, excellence, Copernican revolution are compatible storylines with science for the sake of science : a self-supporting system) While these master-narratives are present in international, academic literature, this paper focuses on their local manifestations. This study compares three critical moments: in different situations, various STI stakeholders (government, researchers, administrative staff, journalists, academic authorities, etc.) publicly expressed their views on the organization and funding of scientific research and innovation activities, and the role of STI within the region. I analyzed the discourses in press articles, policy documents, public statements, allocutions and opinion paper, blogs, etc. I intentionally sampled for heterogeneity since I'm looking for variations and multiple use of narratives. The analysis of the Walloon case permits to overcome the double dichotomy of dominant vs. counter narrative and old vs. new regime. The different narratives, in context, are concurrent but they are not mutually exclusive: while the narratives purport different ideologies, different visions of the role of science and of the state intervention, one is not being erased by the advent of another. Rather, I could find out that narratives "overlap", and one narrative does not constitute the only resource of a (group of) actors. In situation, the actors use one or multiple narratives, regarding the context, the public, the goal of a policy, etc., in a dynamic of conflict or compromise. This description of the transition is more accurate than the one provided with a sequence of two regimes, since the flexible use of multiple narratives accounts for the continuity of certain institutions (justified by, e.g., a version of "science for the sake of science") as well as for certain reforms in STI policy (that are inspired by the KBE narrative, for example). ; Peer reviewed

Our purpose in this research is twofold. On one hand, it is to examine the relations that the concept of universality maintains with the Latin American proposal of « local », « inculturated » philosophy, and therefore to examine the contributions of critical Latin American philosophies to the debate on universalism and culturalism. In a context where universalism is for all intents ans purposes the effect of an ethnocentric and homogenizing globalization (monological universalism), and faced with the demands of differences as identities that are predetermined and closed to fundamentalism risks, a new and genuine universalism as intercultural dialogue presents itself as an interesting alternative to the dilemma between universalism and particularity. On the other hand, our purpose is to present crtical thinking in Latin America today, in this sense, our work is organized around a single figure, namely Enrique Dussel, in order to deepen ties between Latin American philosophy of liberation and certain currents of European (Emmanuel Levinas's metaphysics of alterity and Karl-Otto Apel's discourse ethics in particular) and Latin American philosophy (Leopoldo Zea and Augusto Salazar Bondy on one hand, and the current names « Modernity/Coloniality group », « post-Occidentalism » or « decolonial theories » on the other). To see these research perspectives through, the following plan will be adopted. To understand the intention of the paradigm shift claimed by Dussel's philosophy of liberation, this work takes as its starting point the presentation of different contexts (philosophical, historical, political, economic, cultural,etc) and the origins of philosophy of liberation. In the second part, we study a specific way, using a diachronic approach of Dussel's ethics of liberation, which was developed through dialogue with various authors. We specifically and critically study Levinas's influence on philosophy of liberation, and of its extensive dialogue with Apel's discourse ethics. Finally, the last part of our research raises the question of timeliness, or rather the current problems of philosophy of liberation, through internal and external criticism that has been directed at the school of thought over the last four decades. Using these issues, our research aims to contribue to the task, from our point of view both urgent and necessary, of thinking philosophically from within a global mindset. ; Nuestro propósito en esta investigación es doble. Por un lado, se trata de examinar las relaciones que mantiene el concepto de universalidad con la propuesta latinoamericana de una filosofía situada, « inculturada », y, por lo tanto, de examinar los aportes de las filosofías críticas latinoamericanas a los debates sobre universalismo y particularismo cultural. En un contexto en el que el universalismo fáctico es resultado de una globalización homogeneizadora y etnocéntrica (universalismo monológico), y frente a las reivindicaciones de la diferencia como identidad prefijada y cerrada con riesgos fundamentalistas, un nuevo y verdadero universalismo como diálogo intercultural se presenta hoy como una alternativa a la oposición entre universalismo y particularidad. Por otro lado, nuestro propósito es presentar el pensamiento crítico latinoamericano actual. Ahora bien, este trabajo queda nucleado en torno a la sola figura de Enrique Dussel, con el fin de poder profundizar en la relación entre la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y determinadas corrientes de filosofía europeas (en concreto, la metafísica de la alteridad de Emmanuel Levinas y la ética del discurso de Karl-Otto Apel) y latinoamericanas (Leopoldo Zea y Augusto Salazar Bondy de un lado, y la corriente llamada « grupo Modernidad/Colonialidad », « posoccidentalismo » o también « teorías decoloniales » de otro. Para conseguir los objetivos propuestos, el trabajo quedará estructurado de la manera siguiente. Con la finalidad de facilitar la comprensión del cambio de paradigma que pretende la filosofía de la liberación en América latina, tomaremos como punto de partida la exposición de los diferentes contextos (filosófico, histórico, político, económico, cultural, etc.) y de los orígenes de la filosofía de la liberación. En la segunda parte estudiamos de manera específica, siguiendo un enfoque diacrónico, la ética de la liberación que Dussel ha desarrollado en diálogo con diferentes autores. Estudiamos especialmente, y de manera crítica, la influencia de Levinas en la filosofía de la liberación así como el largo diálogo entre la ética de la liberación (Dussel) y la ética del discurso de Apel. Cierra el trabajo una tercera parte donde se plantea la cuestión de la actualidad, o más bien de la problematicidad actual de la filosofía de la liberación a través de las críticas, internas y externas, que esta corriente de pensamiento ha recibido a lo largo de las últimas cuatro décadas. A partir de la problemática planteada, esta investigación quiere contribuir a la tarea, desde nuestro punto de vista urgente y necesaria, de pensar filosóficamente desde un horizonte mundial. ; Notre propos dans cette recherche est double. D'une part, il s'agit d'examiner les rapports qu'entretient le concept d'universalité avec la proposition latino-américaine d'une philosophie située, « inculturée », et donc d'examiner les rapports des philosophies critiques latino-américaines aux débats sur l'universalisme et le culturalisme. Dans un contexte où l'universalisme est de fait l'effet d'une globalisation homogénéisante et ethnocentrique (universalisme monologique), et face aux revendications de la différence comme identités préfixées et closes aux risques fondamentalistes, un nouveau et véritable universalisme comme dialogue interculturel se présente à nous comme une alternative intéressante au dilemme entre universalisme et particularité. D'une part, notre propos est de présenter la pensée critique latino-américaine actuelle. En ce sens, ce travail s'organise autour d'une seule figure, à savoir Enrique Dussel, afin de pouvoir approfondir les liens entre la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et certains courants de philosophie européens (la métaphysique de l'altérité) d'Emmanuel Levinas et l'éthique de la discussion de Karl-Otto appel en particulier) et latino-américains (Leopoldo Zea et Augusto Salazar Bondy d'une part, et le courant nommé « groupe Modernité/Colonialité », « postoccidentalisme » ou encore « théories décoloniales » d'autre part). Afin de mener à bien ces perspectives de recherche, sera adopté le plan suivant. Pour comprendre l'intention du changement de paradigme que prétend la philosophie de la libération de Dussel, ce travail prend comme point de départ l'exposé des différents contextes (philosophique, historique, politique, économique, culturel, etc) et des origines de la philosophie de la libération. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions de manière spécifique, et suivant une approche diachronique, l'éthique de la libération de Dussel, développée en dialogue avec différents auteurs. Nous étudions de manière particulière et critique l'influence de Levinas dans la philosophie de la libération, et le long dialogue de celle-ci avec l'éthique de la discussion d'Apel. Finalement, la dernière partie de cette recherche pose la question de l'actualité ou plutôt de la problématique actuelle de la philosophie de la libération à travers les critiques, internes et externes, qu'au courant de ces dernières quatre décennies ont été adressés à ce courant de pensée. A partir de cette problématique, notre recherche entend contribuer à la tâche de notre point de vue urgente et nécessaire de penser philosophiquement depuis un horizon mondial.

Since the Industrial Revolution, European societies have evolved through a frantic urban development. This disruption of both spatial and societal European territory has brought about the questioning of the relationship between societies (which have become mainly urban) to space in general, and even more precisely, to the environment. The inter-penetration of the city and the country on large portions of the territory, enhanced by the rapid development of individual mobility, has problematized the relationship between the two spaces, rendering secular divisions obsolete. The useful productivity of the forest disappears as other urban functions of the forest are privileged. These new uses of the forest, which have come about on periurban areas, are inspired by the valorization of nature within society. In this context, periurban forested spaces, symbols of "nature" which have long been considered as empty, are now new sources of interest. The choice to work in this European context stems from an accumulation of global characteristics (which justify a comparative study) and regional specificities (which lead to pertinent conclusions based on the approach used here). However, confronted with the impossibility of conducting an exhaustive study, we have narrowed the focus to a French-English comparison, which within its regional diversity reveals socially dynamic communes. In fact, the focus of the thesis on medium-sized cities stems from a double argument: on one hand, there is little preexisting critical work in this area as most publications treat large metropolises. On the other hand, the spatial and demographic characteristics of these territories imply opportunities and obligations to respond to the renewed socio-environmental stakes. Firstly, we have attempted to understand the reasons for the redefinition of the place of the forest within periurban spaces. Across this analysis of the city-forest relationship, from antiquity to the emergence of recent expectations, we have emphasized the importance of the hygienist current. This current has developed in reaction to the rapid development of a modernity which has been progressively considered as noxious. The consequence of such a turning point is the apparition of new appropriation methods and new approaches to the forest as an object within the perimeter of the city's influence. Following this historical and scientific contextualisation of the subject, our second objective is to analyze in specific geographic contexts how the spatial relationship between the city and the forest can have an effect on the surface evolution of the forests and on the redefinition of the functions attributed to it. In order to do this, we have conducted a diachronic study on different selected sites according to a spatial gradient of integration into the urban. The study was carried out with the help of GIS based on a series of successive aerial photos. This analysis enables us to differentiate the risks and the potentials of the different periurban zones, from the densely urban to the loosely periurban. Finally, the last part of the thesis deals with the results of investigations and interviews which were conducted in order to better understand the ways in which people interpret the role of the periurban forest. The interpretation seems to be effected not only by global constants but also, paradoxically, is strongly conditioned by the local context. The analysis of the uses of the forest and the related discourse show a wide variation in the perception of the space. The testimonies demonstrate clear-cut divisions along sectorial approaches: environmental, social, or economic. This information enables us to define the parameters of the current politics surrounding the periurban forest and the need to put into place, in a truly multifunctional and participative global fashion, new forms of forestry management. ; L'histoire des sociétés européennes depuis la révolution industrielle est celle d'un développement urbain effréné. Ce bouleversement du territoire européen, autant spatial que sociétal, entraîne une remise en cause du rapport de sociétés, devenues majoritairement urbaines, à l'espace en général et plus particulièrement à leur environnement. L'interpénétration entre ville et campagne sur de larges portions du territoire, favorisée par l'essor des mobilités individuelles, entraîne une complexification du rapport entre les deux espaces, rendant les clivages séculaires obsolètes. L'utilité productrice de la forêt s'estompe au profit d'autres fonctions d'inspiration urbaine. Ces nouvelles attentes qui se font jour sur les étendues périurbaines sont inspirées par le placement de la nature comme valeur sociétale forte. Dans ce contexte, les espaces forestiers périurbains, symbole de " nature ", longtemps considérés comme vides, sont de nouveau source d'intérêts. Le choix de travailler dans le contexte spatial européen est la conséquence de la conjugaison de caractéristiques globales proches, autorisant la conduite d'une étude comparative, et de spécificités régionales marquées, permettant de dégager des conclusions pertinentes à partir de la démarche employée. Cependant, devant l'impossibilité de mener une étude exhaustive nous avons plus particulièrement porté notre attention sur un binôme franco-anglais, révélateur de cette diversité régionale face à des dynamiques sociétales communes. Enfin, le centrage de la thèse sur les villes moyennes relève d'un double constat. D'une part, il existe peu de travaux sur la question pour ces objets géographiques, l'essentiel des publications traitant des grandes métropoles. Par ailleurs, les caractéristiques spatiales et démographiques de ces territoires entraînent des opportunités, mais aussi des obligations de répondre à des enjeux socio-environnementaux en pleine recrudescence. Dans un premier temps, nous avons cherché à comprendre les raisons de la redéfinition de la place des forêts dans l'espace périurbain. A travers une analyse de la relation ville/forêt de l'antiquité à l'émergence actuelle de nouvelles attentes, nous soulignons l'importance du courant hygiéniste qui se développe en réaction à l'essor d'une modernité, progressivement considérée comme nocive. La conséquence de ce tournant est l'apparition de nouvelles logiques d'appropriations et de nouvelles approches de l'objet forêt dans le périmètre d'influence de la ville. A la suite de cette contextualisation historique et scientifique du sujet, notre second objectif fut d'analyser dans des contextes géographiques précis comment le rapport spatial entre ville et forêt pouvait influer sur l'évolution surfacique des forêts et sur la redéfinition des fonctions attribuées à celles-ci. Pour ce faire, nous avons mené une démarche diachronique sur différents sites sélectionnés selon un gradient spatial d'intégration dans l'urbain. Celle-ci a été effectuée à l'aide d'un SIG basé sur l'emploi de séries successives de photographies aériennes. Cette analyse nous a permis de différencier les enjeux et les potentialités des différentes zones périurbaines, de l'urbain dense au périurbain lâche. Enfin, la dernière partie de la thèse s'appuie sur les résultats d'enquêtes et d'entretiens des différents acteurs concernés pour expliciter les jeux d'acteurs. Ceux-ci apparaissent à la fois déterminés par des constantes globales mais aussi paradoxalement fortement conditionnés par le contexte local. L'analyse des usages et des discours sur la forêt montre une grande variation de perceptions du milieu. Les logiques qui en résultent témoignent de clivages nets entre des acteurs guidés par des approches sectorielles : environnementales, sociales ou économiques. Ce constat nous permet de pointer les limites des politiques actuelles et la nécessité de mettre en oeuvre de nouvelles formes de gestions des espaces forestiers dans une démarche réellement globale, multifonctionnelle, et participative.

Since the Industrial Revolution, European societies have evolved through a frantic urban development. This disruption of both spatial and societal European territory has brought about the questioning of the relationship between societies (which have become mainly urban) to space in general, and even more precisely, to the environment. The inter-penetration of the city and the country on large portions of the territory, enhanced by the rapid development of individual mobility, has problematized the relationship between the two spaces, rendering secular divisions obsolete. The useful productivity of the forest disappears as other urban functions of the forest are privileged. These new uses of the forest, which have come about on periurban areas, are inspired by the valorization of nature within society. In this context, periurban forested spaces, symbols of "nature" which have long been considered as empty, are now new sources of interest. The choice to work in this European context stems from an accumulation of global characteristics (which justify a comparative study) and regional specificities (which lead to pertinent conclusions based on the approach used here). However, confronted with the impossibility of conducting an exhaustive study, we have narrowed the focus to a French-English comparison, which within its regional diversity reveals socially dynamic communes. In fact, the focus of the thesis on medium-sized cities stems from a double argument: on one hand, there is little preexisting critical work in this area as most publications treat large metropolises. On the other hand, the spatial and demographic characteristics of these territories imply opportunities and obligations to respond to the renewed socio-environmental stakes. Firstly, we have attempted to understand the reasons for the redefinition of the place of the forest within periurban spaces. Across this analysis of the city-forest relationship, from antiquity to the emergence of recent expectations, we have emphasized the importance of the hygienist current. This current has developed in reaction to the rapid development of a modernity which has been progressively considered as noxious. The consequence of such a turning point is the apparition of new appropriation methods and new approaches to the forest as an object within the perimeter of the city's influence. Following this historical and scientific contextualisation of the subject, our second objective is to analyze in specific geographic contexts how the spatial relationship between the city and the forest can have an effect on the surface evolution of the forests and on the redefinition of the functions attributed to it. In order to do this, we have conducted a diachronic study on different selected sites according to a spatial gradient of integration into the urban. The study was carried out with the help of GIS based on a series of successive aerial photos. This analysis enables us to differentiate the risks and the potentials of the different periurban zones, from the densely urban to the loosely periurban. Finally, the last part of the thesis deals with the results of investigations and interviews which were conducted in order to better understand the ways in which people interpret the role of the periurban forest. The interpretation seems to be effected not only by global constants but also, paradoxically, is strongly conditioned by the local context. The analysis of the uses of the forest and the related discourse show a wide variation in the perception of the space. The testimonies demonstrate clear-cut divisions along sectorial approaches: environmental, social, or economic. This information enables us to define the parameters of the current politics surrounding the periurban forest and the need to put into place, in a truly multifunctional and participative global fashion, new forms of forestry management. ; L'histoire des sociétés européennes depuis la révolution industrielle est celle d'un développement urbain effréné. Ce bouleversement du territoire européen, autant spatial que sociétal, entraîne une remise en cause du rapport de sociétés, devenues majoritairement urbaines, à l'espace en général et plus particulièrement à leur environnement. L'interpénétration entre ville et campagne sur de larges portions du territoire, favorisée par l'essor des mobilités individuelles, entraîne une complexification du rapport entre les deux espaces, rendant les clivages séculaires obsolètes. L'utilité productrice de la forêt s'estompe au profit d'autres fonctions d'inspiration urbaine. Ces nouvelles attentes qui se font jour sur les étendues périurbaines sont inspirées par le placement de la nature comme valeur sociétale forte. Dans ce contexte, les espaces forestiers périurbains, symbole de " nature ", longtemps considérés comme vides, sont de nouveau source d'intérêts. Le choix de travailler dans le contexte spatial européen est la conséquence de la conjugaison de caractéristiques globales proches, autorisant la conduite d'une étude comparative, et de spécificités régionales marquées, permettant de dégager des conclusions pertinentes à partir de la démarche employée. Cependant, devant l'impossibilité de mener une étude exhaustive nous avons plus particulièrement porté notre attention sur un binôme franco-anglais, révélateur de cette diversité régionale face à des dynamiques sociétales communes. Enfin, le centrage de la thèse sur les villes moyennes relève d'un double constat. D'une part, il existe peu de travaux sur la question pour ces objets géographiques, l'essentiel des publications traitant des grandes métropoles. Par ailleurs, les caractéristiques spatiales et démographiques de ces territoires entraînent des opportunités, mais aussi des obligations de répondre à des enjeux socio-environnementaux en pleine recrudescence. Dans un premier temps, nous avons cherché à comprendre les raisons de la redéfinition de la place des forêts dans l'espace périurbain. A travers une analyse de la relation ville/forêt de l'antiquité à l'émergence actuelle de nouvelles attentes, nous soulignons l'importance du courant hygiéniste qui se développe en réaction à l'essor d'une modernité, progressivement considérée comme nocive. La conséquence de ce tournant est l'apparition de nouvelles logiques d'appropriations et de nouvelles approches de l'objet forêt dans le périmètre d'influence de la ville. A la suite de cette contextualisation historique et scientifique du sujet, notre second objectif fut d'analyser dans des contextes géographiques précis comment le rapport spatial entre ville et forêt pouvait influer sur l'évolution surfacique des forêts et sur la redéfinition des fonctions attribuées à celles-ci. Pour ce faire, nous avons mené une démarche diachronique sur différents sites sélectionnés selon un gradient spatial d'intégration dans l'urbain. Celle-ci a été effectuée à l'aide d'un SIG basé sur l'emploi de séries successives de photographies aériennes. Cette analyse nous a permis de différencier les enjeux et les potentialités des différentes zones périurbaines, de l'urbain dense au périurbain lâche. Enfin, la dernière partie de la thèse s'appuie sur les résultats d'enquêtes et d'entretiens des différents acteurs concernés pour expliciter les jeux d'acteurs. Ceux-ci apparaissent à la fois déterminés par des constantes globales mais aussi paradoxalement fortement conditionnés par le contexte local. L'analyse des usages et des discours sur la forêt montre une grande variation de perceptions du milieu. Les logiques qui en résultent témoignent de clivages nets entre des acteurs guidés par des approches sectorielles : environnementales, sociales ou économiques. Ce constat nous permet de pointer les limites des politiques actuelles et la nécessité de mettre en oeuvre de nouvelles formes de gestions des espaces forestiers dans une démarche réellement globale, multifonctionnelle, et participative.

The aim of the article is to delineate contours of certain social strategies, images and discourses as well as cultural practices related to the Lithuanianness, as culture and heritage imagined, constructed and contested in and among different waves and generations of the Lithuanian Americans. The period, the wave of immigration, the way it happened and in particular the rooted-ness in the American soil are basic markers for a distinct pattern of Lithuanianness to be recognized. Any one of these patterns falls into the ascription of a certain social strategy, ideology and politics of identity and is motivated and re-enforced by 'symbolic capital' taken from 'repository' (Castells 1997) of national or ethnic heritage. Consequently, the Lithuanian heritage gains its meaning as well as any item of the national 'repository' becomes imagined, (re) constructed and circulated differently among at least four generations of the Lithuanian descendants, who started to settle in the United States in 1860's as economic immigrants, continued in the late 1940s as political DPs (who have moved from displaced person's camps in Germany) and do continue up to the recent wave of post-Soviet Lithuanian immigration. Lithuanianness as ethnicity can operate as shelter and aid. This is a strategy of particular importance for the each category of the Lithuanian immigrants. It is a sort of model for ethnic subsistence, based on neighborhood ties, as well as on shared language skills and also on an appreciation of common cultural heritage in terms of ethnic foods and customs. Ethnic emancipation is a strategy especially evident during the establishment of the ethnic Lithuanian Catholic Church with service in Lithuanian although all believers in the diaspora never supported such a strategy. Nationalist mission is a strategy of cherishing, perpetuating and retaining ethnicity/nation-ness in terms of culture, language, traditions and heritage. The Lithuanian Charter of 1949 is the best example of the nationalist imperative and mission, applicable to any Lithuanian in exile "to pass on the culture to future generations to insure the eternal nature of his nationality' The parish of the Lithuanian Catholic Church is the most visible social network in the case of ethnicity. The role of the parish to shelter and embrace ethnic life, is most visible through the whole history of the Lithuanian diaspora in the US, in particular in its early stages. Only one other ethnic organization – the Lithuanian Community, (Lietuviu bendruomene) founded and maintained almost entirely by DPs, primarily for nationalist activities, could be compared in scale and popularity with the parish. For many that immigrated after World War II, the Lithuanian Community was at least of equal importance as was the parish to old-timers. The social networks of the post-communist immigrants are based on common social and economic experience of the Communist regimes, visible in the job market, such as the economy of favors, nepotism and clientalism. Participation in such social networks 'of their own' or 'groups of friends' is a source of higher salaries, more secure jobs, benefits, and finally, means of successful adaptation, helping immigrants to achieve higher social and economic mobility in American society. Earlier generations of immigrants also transplanted their social experiences from the home country, but unlike new immigrants, they were met by, and exposed to, the same or, at least, very similar social bonds in the new country, where the parish stands as the best example. The most critical issue along all waves of immigration is a normative image of home country. Old-timer's wave of immigration is overwhelmingly guided by rural and heroic romanticism of the old underdeveloped country. Their image of the people of this country is that of a 'strong' people who founded a medieval empire, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and regained independence from Russia twice during the last century, in 1918 and in 1990. It is also the main source of being 'proud of being Lithuanian'. The DPs image of the home country was constructed from the typical political refuge experience. The occupied and suffering country, left behind at the end of the World War II, encouraged them to take on a mission of regaining nation and retaining its culture. For the post-Communist newcomers, the image of the home country is full of postcolonial transitional uncertainty, with a clear understanding that Lithuania belongs to the Eastern European region with Russian as lingua franca. They are very self-conscious, and their image of the home country and Lithuanian people is in many ways focussed on the 'unique-communist regime – experience' as possessed by the immigrants themselves and their compatriots in Lithuania. The question of sociocultural production of meaning of ethnicity implies praxis of everyday life in diasporas, where manipulation of the Lithuanianness takes place. At least two Lithuanian cultural and heritage practices could be defined. The first involves the essentialisation and codification of culture and heritage. Discourses on the issue of 'birthright to glorious Lithuanian heritage' already appeared in the Lithuanian newspapers published in the US at the end of the nineteenth century. The issue of the Lithuanian culture was altered significantly by DPs. The perpetuation of the notion of occupied, and thus repressed and deprived, Lithuanian nation and its culture gained political acceptance within the US government. It gave political motivation for Lithuanian culture in the US to become more than one of many ethnicity cultures within the 'American dream', and to acquire a 'public' and 'prestigious' image. So, despite the predominant 'Melting Pot' cultural politics of the US during the post World War II period, the Lithuanian label held moral and cultural prestige. A second visible Lithuanian cultural and heritage practice in America invokes a cultural bricolage of retained and adopted elements. Cultural bricolage is conducted by creating new meanings for national/ethnic cultural forms of kinship, language, artifacts, visual-virtual materials, narratives and stereotypes. Ethnic identifications phrased as "Proud to be Lithuanian" or 'I am American first and Lithuanian always' along with a few catchwords or phrases in Lithuanian are starting point in practicing cultural bricoleur. An interest in family genealogies, which is usually strongly related to an interest in finding ethnic roots and eventually ends up in ethnic pilgrimages to Lithuania as a homeland (or the land of ancestors), also belongs to that practice. Material objects, which are supposed to belong to the ethnic/national repository, are used for decoration of private homes and public halls, usually enshrined by ethnic shrines. ; Manipuliavimas bet kuriuo ir bet kurio paveldo – ypač tautinio – aspektu vyksta ne tik ir ne tiek tautinės valstybės viduje, bet nė kiek nemažiau ir už jos ribų. Emigrantus, pabėgėlius, deportuotuosius ir kitus persikėlusius ar perkeltuosius sieja ne tik socialinė atmintis apie "namų šalį", bet ir transplantuoti, reprodukuojami bei sumeistraujami tautiniai paveldai. Šio rašinio tikslas – nubrėžti kai kurių socialinių strategijų, socialinių tinklų, įvaizdžių ir diskursų kontūrus, bendrais bruožais aptarti su konkrečiu etniškumu/nacionalumu sukibusio tapatumo kultūrines praktikas, kitaip sakant lietuviškumą – kaip savitą lietuviškos kultūros ir paveldo formą; t. y. kaip "lietuviškumą" įsivaizdavo ir įsivaizduoja, konstravo ir tebekonstruoja bei/ar siekia užginčyti skirtingos Amerikos lietuvių bangos ir kartos. Remiuosi 2000–2002 m. JAV Vidurio Vakarų valstijose atliktų antropologinių lauko tyrimų duomenimis. Didžiausias dėmesys skirtas Rytų ir Pietų Ilinojaus (įskaitant Westville, Collinsville, West-Frankfort ir Herrin) bei Misurio (St. Louis miesto rytinės dalies) valstijų buvusių angliakasių bendruomenių likučiams bei lietuvių gyvenamiesiems rajonams Èikagoje (įskaitant Brighten Park ir Marquette Park).