Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена специфике положения женщины в среде правящей элиты Германской империи в первую половину XVI в. Рассматривается положение немецкой княгини в официальной (публичной) сфере; в рамках аристократической семьи и института династии; политические аспекты матримониальной практики и свадебной церемонии. ; The purpose of the publication is the analysis of the place and role of the woman-ruler in the sociopolitical space of the German Empire in the first half of the 14th century. In the consideration of the formulated problem the author relies on the data presented by eminent experts in gender history of the Early New Time in a number of collective scientific monographs of the early 21st century. In this article three main questions are discussed. The first question concerns the participation of women in the public sphere. As it was found out a German ruler could become an organizer of her own court or, at least, of a retinue; her environment gave the tone in the court life to a certain extent. The Princess played an important role by her ruling spouse, together symbolizing dynasty and domination. The political role of the woman-ruler was of great importance during the widowhood. In case of the early age of the successor his mother could become a regent and even had opportunities of implementation of independent policy. However, in case the son came to power, the widowed Princess performed many symbolical and representative functions. Her clothes devoid of colour and the whole way of life reflected the religious senses of piety and devotion. Playing the role of the Mother of the Native Land, the widow embodied the ideas of the continuity of the authority of the ruling house. The funeral books devoted to princesses served the purposes of the formation of the dynastic memory. The second question considered in the article is connected with the place of the woman in the aristocratic house and institute of dynasty. At the turn of the Early New Time the official and private life of aristocracy were appreciably incorporated. The dynasty embodied the leading form of existence of the ruling elite that was expressed in the material and personal forms. Position of the person in the court society appreciably depended on the family and class origin. The role women played in this environment was defined proceeding from the dynastic structure of the eminent nobility. Preservation of the nobility of the name and the honour of the family entitling to social privileges depended on the woman. Successful marriage in the dynastic plan brought the man and his family posterity, including males who could preserve and continue the clan. The third question is the political aspects of marriage and, in particular, wedding ceremony. During the epoch of the early modernist style the procedure of search for marriage partners and the celebration of marriage were of great importance for the Prince in Germany. They included gathering information about the origin and honour of the family of the spouse-to-be, engagement and the actual registration of relationship of the parties. The wedding feast in the court environment alongside with the transitional rituals accompanying birth and death had political value, representing the authority and fertility of the dynasty. Wedding feasts were mass events with a whole set of obligatory elements. Besides action, texts were created that described Princes weddings, both poetic and prosaic, serving as the dynastic, and, broader, state memory, the political consolidation of the country. All in all, it is necessary to note that, despite the lack of opportunity of direct inheritance of power, the woman from the environment of the ruling elite of Germany had political prerogatives, which were important enough.

Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; The revolutionary process initiated in 1910 allowed during the decades of the twenties and thirties of the century a series of regional leaders who over time came to hold power in their respective areas of influence. Due to the political instability that prevailed in the country, this was sharpened in a power struggle, both central and regional. After the armed movement that initiated Francisco I. Madero and after his death, the revolts by nonconformities against the government were common. A fundamental aspect that affected political and social stability was the conflict between the State and the Church, which began when the government placed restrictions on the performance of cults and respectively limited the number of priests, based on the Political Constitution of 1917. These actions were based on article 130, which specified the interference of the State in religious matters. In 1929 an agreement was reached between the two parties (State-Church) to end the violence; But in some regions of the country the promotion of anticlericalism continued very radically until the 1930s; Although the so-called Cristero War from 1926 until 1929 was already over. As a result of these conflicts some political and military leaders consolidated their regional power in an extraordinary way, masked under the discourse of freedom, the struggle for the peasants and the working class, as well as the social welfare of their entity. All this through the social reforms that were implemented in each of the regions, as well as at the federal level. The support to the peasants with the distribution of the lands to be cultivated and that could subsist of the agriculture was emphasized, since previously the landowners had in his power more than half of the land of the country. ; El proceso revolucionario iniciado en 1910 permitió que durante las décadas de los años veinte y treinta del siglo surgieran una serie de líderes regionales, que con el transcurrir del tiempo llegaron a ostentar el poder en sus respectivas zonas de influencia. Debido a la inestabilidad política que imperaba en el país, esto se agudizó en una lucha de poder, tanto central como regional. Después del movimiento armado que inició Francisco I. Madero y posterior a su muerte, las revueltas por inconformidades contra el gobierno fueron comunes. Un aspecto fundamental que afectó la estabilidad política y social, fue el conflicto entre el Estado y la Iglesia, que inició cuando el gobierno puso restricciones a la realización de cultos y respectivamente limitó el número de sacerdotes, tomando como base la Constitución Política de 1917. Estas acciones se sustentaron en el artículo 130, en el que se especificaba la injerencia del Estado en materia religiosa. En 1929 se llegó a un acuerdo entre las dos partes (Estado-Iglesia) para terminar con la violencia; pero en algunas regiones del país la promoción del anticlericalismo seguía adelante de forma muy radical hasta los años treinta; aunque la llamada Guerra Cristera de 1926 hasta 1929 ya había terminado. A raíz de estos conflictos algunos líderes políticos y militares, consolidaron su poder regional de una manera extraordinaria, enmascarado bajo el discurso de la libertad, la lucha por los campesinos y la clase obrera, así como el bienestar social de su entidad. Todo esto través de las reformas sociales que ponían en marcha en cada una de las regiones, así como a nivel federal. Se recalcaba el apoyo a los campesinos con el reparto de las tierras para ser cultivadas y que pudieran subsistir de la agricultura, ya que con anterioridad los terratenientes tuvieron en su poder más de la mitad de la tierra del país.

Between the first Russo-Chechen war of independence (1994-96) and the resumption of the conflict in 1999, the range of actions employed by the Chechens evolved, as did the intensity of Russian army operations. While ambushes against the latter have remained the Chechen combatants' principal mode of action, recent developments in the conflict have been marked by the emergence of suicide attacks. The first war ended with the signing of the Khassaviurt accord in August 1996 , following the serious setbacks experienced by the Russian army. A treaty was signed in 1997 prohibiting the use of force in relations between the two countries. However, the situation in an independent Chechnya turned out to be difficult. The shattered economy left between 80 and 90 % of the working population jobless . Russian promises of reconstruction in fact resulted in the economic isolation of Chechen territory through checkpoints set up all along the border. On the domestic scene, elections were organised in 1997. The candidates who were the most intransigent towards the Russians, and who had Islamist leanings, such as Basayev and Udugov (Minister of Information under President Dudayev), were outnumbered by Maskhadov, the head of the Chechen army known for his willingness to compromise and negotiate with the Russians. Yet Maskhadov had great difficulty in establishing his authority over the whole of Chechnya, with certain warlords refusing to retreat. In October 1999, Dagestani and Chechen Islamist combatants, led by Basayev, made an incursion into Dagestan in order to provide assistance to Wahhabi villages. In doing so, they gave the Russians an excuse to invade Chechnya again. On the Russian side, the second war was marked by far more extensive bombings, village "sweeps", the establishment of "filtration camps", ransom-taking, etc. In addition to traditional guerrilla methods, in 2000 the Chechens began launching suicide attacks against the Russian army, as well as against the pro-Russian Chechen administration, for which Basayev generally claimed responsibility. The suicide attacks were strongly influenced by the idea of shahid, or Islamic ''martyr". Websites for many jihadist organizations readily portrayed Chechnya as one of the fronts where Muslims were being oppressed by kuffar, or "infidels", in this case Russians. The Russians immediately highlighted this state of affairs and made a direct link between such actions and Al Qaida-style international terrorism. The suicide attacks, rejected by the people, were then presented as the result of foreign influence, i.e. the "Wahhabis". Thus arose the issue of the ''Palestinization'' of the conflict, officially referred to for the first time in June 2003 by FSB (ex-KGB) director Nikolai Patrushev, as well as by certain journalists such as Anna Politovskaia . But does the increase in suicide attacks in Chechnya mean the Chechen struggle has been co-opted by international jihadist movements? The theory we will develop here attempts to highlight the evolution of that struggle from nationalism to Islamic nationalism, as the discourse justifying the war is increasingly filled with religious references, while the issues at stake have remained nationalist. Such references are also historical, as they were already present during the anti-colonial struggles in the 19th century. Moreover, although the use of suicide attacks is part of the evolution towards Islamic nationalism, this increase in sacrificial violence cannot be attributed to the Islamists alone. Indeed, the latter were very present during the first Chechen war when such actions were not employed. Other aspects must therefore be included in order to understand this change. We must be careful in our analysis in any case, as the inaccessible terrain makes it difficult to evaluate the real impact of references to martyrdom on the population and groups of combatants.

Is there one root, and one infrastructure under the hatred of Israel, since the late 19th century, called antisemitism? Can we dare and raise such a question with regard to a phenomenon so prolonged in time and so diversified in its appearances and explanations – a human phenomenon which started as early as the charge of deicide, and which is present during a couple of thousands of years, as steady hatred in a changing world, and in a changing Europe: hatred and opposition to Jews among the followers of Christianity, hatred towards Jews in secular anti-Christian societies, and also hostility and discrimination towards Jews in liberal and left-wing circles. And along all of this, during hundreds of years, the Jews are also undergoing changes in many aspects and sociologically alternating and expanding their lifestyle, their occupations, their places of residence etc. Can we imagine any correlation between the early Church father Chrysostom, of the fourth century, who called the Jews "inveterate murderers, destroyers, men possessed by the devil", to the French philosopher Voltaire, or between Martin Luther of the sixteenth century who called the Jews "the children of evil" to the Portuguese author and Nobel Prize winner Jose Saramango? In spite of the many centuries time gap between them, in spite of the vast cultural, social and moral differences between them, in spite of the fact that the Jews they knew were very different from those whom their pair partner encountered, all these personages share the same notions about the Jews. When I wish to identify and understand the structure of the infrastructure of the hatred of Israel, called antisemitism, I am actually relying upon a traditional Jewish conviction, which intuitively accepted the assumption that there is indeed one, eternal and permanent root, although it could not explain it. A decisive statement by Rabbi Simeon Bar-Yachai: "The religious law is: the hatred of Jacob is known", was accepted as a general and inclusive popular determination regarding the hatred of Jews by the non-Jew as a regular and unchangeable phenomenon. This also is true of the verse that the Jews sing enthusiastically on Passover night – "and in each and every generation, they try to annihilate us" ("try" in present tense, not "tried" in past tense), which derives the basic assumption that the active hatred of Israel aspiring for annihilation (and the meaning here is more annihilation as people, as nation than physical annihilation) is everlasting hatred, which is handed down from generation to generation, under various circumstances and in different places. And even the continuation of the verse – "and God Almighty save us from them" presumes that even the rescue can be merely partial and temporary. It is not possible to essentially fix this thing, if God is required to "save" time and time again. In other words, even as far as the devoted follower is concerned, God does not have the power to cancel the hatred of Jews, but merely to save them, and even such rescue is only partial and generational. In seeking after common root, a mutual infrastructure, it seems to me that I am expressing the basic Jewish conviction, which in itself could not explain the essence of the antisemitic origins, yet regarded it to be steady factor of the human behaviour. This conviction has also fatally assumed that it would be impossible to annihilate this permanent infrastructure, and that it would always exist. In a certain tragic sense, antisemitism had become a highly important and most natural factor in establishing the Jewish identity, to the extent that the absence of antisemitism appears to many Jews as suspicious and unnatural phenomena. The traditional Jew often identifies the proper order of the world, when he/she also detects an active antisemitic element within it.

Between 1918 and 1941, members of the Catholic Order of the Discalced Brothers of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mt. Carmel, commonly known as the Barefoot Carmelites, undertook the evangelization of indigenous and black populations in the Urabá region, delegated by the Colombian government as part of an effort to connect the periphery with the nation-state. Broadly, this research refers to the 'second missionary wave', that is, the transition period between the XIX and the XX Centuries, when Catholicism and Protestantism were forcefully expanding from Europe to many other countries, including those in Latin America. Employing a phenomenological perspective, this analysis examines chronicles relating to the hardships of the missionaries, and the functions and meanings of these narratives via books and periodicals, in-depth interviews and documentary sources of the Carmelite Order, and in particular correspondence. The arrival and integration of these foreign friars was a process involving conflicts of jurisdiction with the local clergy, aggravated by what the visitors perceived as their underprivileged relation with the natural habitat, a notion that never abandoned them throughout their stay in the region. Following Goffman's proposal, this aspect, fully documented in existing mission sources, allows us to reconstruct two streams of suffering: the experiences undergone by Prefect José Joaquín Arteaga and his subordinate, Friar Amando de la Virgen del Carmen. The thesis studies the life of Prefect Arteaga between 1919 and 1926, the year in which he died of malaria at 48, after laying down the mission's groundwork. Friar Amando arrived in Colombia in 1914 and from then on felt the tension between a contemplative religious vocation and his ministry in the outside world. He di ; Entre 1918 y 1941, miembros de la orden católica de los Hermanos descalzos de la Bienaventurada Virgen María del Monte Carmelo, corrientemente los Carmelitas Descalzos, evangelizaron por delegación del gobierno colombiano, a la población indígena y negra de la región de Urabá, como parte de la vinculación de la periferia al estado nacional. En sentido amplio, la investigación se sitúa en la coyuntura del 'segundo impulso misionero', o sea la transición de los siglos XIX al XX, cuando el catolicismo y el protestantismo se expandieron con fuerza desde Europa hacia muchos países, entre ellos los latinoamericanos. La tesis interpreta en perspectiva fenomenológica, las narrativas de padecimiento de los misioneros, y las funciones y significados de dichas narrativas, a partir del análisis de libros y publicaciones periódicas, de entrevistas en profundidad y de diversos fondos de la orden, especialmente de correspondencia. La incorporación de los religiosos extranjeros fue un proceso salpicado por disputas jurisdiccionales con el clero local, agravadas por su percepción de la desventajosa relación con el entorno natural, que los acompañó hasta el final de su permanencia en la región. Este aspecto, plasmado detalladamente en la documentación misional, permite construir siguiendo la propuesta de Goffman, dos carreras de padecimiento: la del prefecto José Joaquín Arteaga y la de Fray Amando de la Virgen del Carmen, uno de sus subalternos. Se estudia la vida del prefecto Arteaga entre 1919 y 1926, cuando muere a causa de la malaria a los 48 años de edad, luego de cimentar la infraestructura de la misión. La existencia de Fray Amando se desenvuelve en Colombia desde 1914 a contracorriente de su vocación religiosa contemplativa, cuya tensión con el apostolado exterior se aborda en e

Purpose of the study. To analyze the works of modern historians, reflecting the intra-church vision of the situation of the Orthodox Church in the Russian Empire from the end of the nineteenth century to 1917. Attention is focused on assessments of the late synodal system, the need to Church renew, Church freedom in the state, the clergy perception of the February Revolution and the new government. The concept of «modern Church/Orthodox historiography» is used in a broad and conditional sense. It's represented by authors of various ideological and canonical directions of the twentieth – early twenty-first century. The research methodology is based on a comparative study of the historiographic concepts mainly of the second half of the 20th century – the beginning of the 21st century. We study the most influential generalizing texts representing the position of various groups in the Russian Orthodox Church, as well as the works of Orthodox historians of emigration, the diaspora, Church dissidents. They have mostly liberal views and assessments of the Church process. The scientific novelty. The novelty of the study is determined by the weakness of the internal Church critical reflection, since the Church history functions within the framework of the apologetic and descriptive paradigm. Modern Church historiography is a specific phenomenon of historical science. It's trying to combine two difficult tasks: religious apologetics and academic research. The article showed the negative aspects of this approach. Findings. The main lack of modern Church historiography is the indifference to non-political aspects of Church history. The potential of historical anthropology, intellectual history, the social history of ideas, and the history of mentality is ignored. As a result, many promising stories fall out of Сhurch historiography. These subjects are successfully investigated by secular historians. Common problem of the Orthodox historiography is thematic limitations, the tendency of the phenomenological «encapsulation» of the Church in the historical process, the conceptual dependence on Orthodox journalism at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries. Also, the weak representativeness of the sources as a result of inattention to local documentary sources. ; Цель исследования. Проанализировать работы современных историков, отражающих внутрицерковное видение положения Православной Церкви в Российской империи с конца ХIХ века до 1917 года. Внимание сосредоточено на оценках позднего синодального строя, необходимости обновления Церкви, меры ее свободы в государстве, восприятии духовенством Февральской революции и новой власти. Понятие «современная церковная/православная историография» используется в широком и условном смысле, ее представляют авторы различных идеологических и канонических направлений ХХ – начала ХХI в. Методология исследования базируется на сравнительном изучении концепций, сформировавшихся в историографии, главным образом, второй половины ХХ – начала ХХІ в. Изучаются самые влиятельные обобщающие тексты, представляющие позицию различных кругов в РПЦ, а также труды православных историков эмиграции, диаспоры, церковных диссидентов, придерживающихся взглядов близких к либерально-обновленческим. Научная новизна исследования определяется фактом слабости внутрицерковной научно-критической рефлексии, функционированием церковно-исторической науки в рамках апологетической и описательно-фактографической парадигмы. Современная церковная историография –специфический феномен исторической науки, она пытается соединить две трудносовместимые задачи: религиозную апологетику и академическое исследование. Издержки такого подхода продемонстрированы на конкретных примерах интерпретации событий и явлений церковной жизни. Выводы. Главный недостаток современной церковной историографии –отсутствие существенного интереса к неполитическим аспектам церковной истории, игнорирование потенциала исторической антропологии, интеллектуальной истории, социальной истории идей, истории ментальности. В итоге многие перспективные сюжеты, которые успешно исследуются светскими учеными, выпадают из церковной историографии. Ее общей проблемой является тематическая ограниченность, тенденция феноменологического «капсулирования» Церкви в историческом процессе, концептуальная зависимость от православной публицистики рубежа ХIХ-ХХ в., слабая репрезентативность источниковой базы вследствие недостаточного использования региональных источников. ; Мета дослідження. Проаналізувати роботи сучасних істориків, що відображають внутрішнє церковне бачення становища Православної Церкви в Російській імперії з кінця ХIХст. до 1917р. Увагу зосереджено на оцінках пізнього синодального устрою, проблемі оновлення Церкви, її свободи в державі, сприйнятті духовенством Лютневої революції і нової влади. Поняття «сучасна церковна/православна історіографія» використовується в широкому і умовному сенсі, її репрезентують автори різних ідеологічних і канонічних напрямів ХХ – початку ХХІст. Методологія дослідження базується на порівняльному вивченні концепцій, сформованих головно в історіографії другої половини ХХ – початку ХХІст. Розглянуті найвпливовіші синтези, що представляють позицію різних кіл у РПЦ, а також праці православних істориків еміграції, діаспори, церковних дисидентів, які дотримуються поглядів, близьких до ліберально-обновленських. Наукова новизна дослідження визначена слабкістю церковної науково-критичної рефлексії, функціонуванням церковно-історичної науки в межах апологетичної та описово-фактографічної моделі. Сучасна церковна історіографія є особливим феноменом історичної науки, що намагається поєднати дві взаємосуперечні мети – релігійну апологетику та академічне дослідження. Вади такого підходу продемонстровані на конкретних прикладах інтерпретації подій та явищ церковного життя. Висновки. Головний недолік сучасної церковної історіографії – істотний брак інтересу до неполітичних аспектів церковної історії та потенціалу історичної антропології, інтелектуальної історії, соціальної історії ідей, історії ментальності. У підсумку чимало перспективних сюжетів, які успішно досліджуються світськими вченими, випадають із поля зору церковної історіографії. Її прикметними ознаками є проблемно-тематична обмеженість, схильність до феноменологічного «капсулювання» Церкви в історичному процесі, концептуальна залежність від православної публіцистики на зламі ХІХ–ХХст. і слабка репрезентативність джерельної бази внаслідок недостатнього використання локальних джерел.

Theoretical and methodological problems of country studies and regional studies in the context of creating and functioning of the Department of Country Studies and International Tourism at the Faculty of International Relations of Ivan Franko National University of Lviv are being researched in the article.In the rather complicated current geopolitical situation it is especially important for Ukraine to strengthen its status quo on the international arena, as well as to build its own system of international relations that are focused on the government interest. Therefore political elite of Ukraine should have its own vision of every country's part in global regional political economic and cultural processes as well as focus on the most powerful players of the current international system and influential countries Objective and reasonable attitude to the countries and regions, efficient use of the foreign experience in the transformation and creating the civil society based on democratic values and supremacy of lawThe problems of country studies as a subject of the scientific research in international relations. The first component of the system of knowledge about the country is defining its general specialties and its main features that sustain the country's uniqueness and exclusivity. It also includes figuring out geopolitical situation of the country its political and economic value in the international process. Finding the most essential and typical information about the specific areas of the life of the country that could be of interest to the related area and help forming a complete image of the country is also very important.Analysis in the country studies should include natural combination of various elements and factors defining functioning of the given society.Another important problem is preserving the comparative method in country studies research. It is important to keep specific method and multilevel system (global or local) which will help to successfully define social and economic processes of the country. To sum up it is important to stress that knowledge collected by country studies should be not only educating but more importantly effective and fruitful impact. However country studies should be considered an synthetic science that provides complete vision of the country as well as analyzes its development makes predictions about its future based on the mix of historical political economic cultural religious and other factors.Importance of the country studies is crucial for the activity of Ukrainian embassies and diplomatic entities and other foreign representatives. It was stated at the meeting of Ukraine's ambassadors diplomats and heads of the faculties of the universities who are educating diplomats that took place in December 2015 at the faculty of International relations of Ivan Franko National University of Lviv.Country studies is a necessary background, thorough theoretic and methodological base for the graduate to be able to make a professional evaluation of the processes in the country of stay, analyze them and make prognosis for the future. A graduate who specialized in specific country or region can be easily oriented onto political economic or cultural aspect of the country which will give him an opportunity to cover a much wider volume of work with spending less effort.Thanks to optimization of the specializations teaching staff of the department of the country studies and international tourism strengthened their scientific research in the regional studies sphere. Regionalization and regionalism became important elements of the scientific analysis in the beginning of the ХХІ century. It was supported by dynamic development of the regional cooperation and reaching to new geographical areas and confirmation from a lot of experts and politicians that region studies is a very effective way to strengthen international security. Regionalism and regionalization became crucial part of researching other processes characteristic for modern world such as globalization, integration, fragmentation, institutionalization and multialaterialism. It is also connected to the conflict solving matters, reformation of the system of international organizations, development politics of the underdeveloped countries, illegal immigration and environmental protection. The most important element in the concept of regionalism and the processes of regionalization is economic aspect. Economic connections are the most important part of the most regional structures and their cohesion is demonstrating the global dimension of the cooperation. Intensification of integration and disintegration processes in the world is also encouraging and increasing the interest to the subject which has objective and subjective dimension. All of the above is encouraging the department of country studies and international tourism to focus on developing theoretical and practical basics for country studies and region studies, learning about the experience of European regionalism, taking part in the forming regional strategy taking into account the international processes and analyzing regional transformation under the influence of geopolitical and geo-economic tendencies and influential factors.Key words: regional studies; European Union; globalization; region; international tourism; international education. ; Висвітлено історію створення, зміст навчальних бакалаврської та магістерських програм, діяльність аспірантури, наукову роботу та публікації викладачів, міжнародні зв'язки, участь у освітніх та наукових програмах кафедри країнознавства і міжнародного туризму факультету міжнародних відносин Львівського національного університету імені Івана Франка. Розглянуто теоретико-методологічні проблеми країнознавства та регіональних студій.Ключові слова: країнознавство; регіональні студії; Європейський Союз; глобалізація; регіон; міжнародний туризм; міжнародна освіта.

Il testo è incentrato su una riflessione intorno agli approcci filosofici che hanno maggiormente influenzato la prospettiva educativa e pedagogica di Paulo Freire e con i cui rappresentanti egli ha intrattenuto un intenso dialogo teorico. È stato notato come la sua lettura delle filosofie europee e nordamericane del Novecento sia stata sempre mediata da un riadattamento alle esperienze e alle problematiche dell'America Latina. Freire s'ispira alla fenomenologia e all'esistenzialismo, traendo da tali filosofie molti elementi che concorrono a configurare la sua teoria della conoscenza e la sua visione del rapporto uomomondo. La sua non è, tuttavia, una lettura pedissequa o dogmatica, ma declinata verso gli 240 obbiettivi del suo approccio pedagogico, che è orientato a sviluppare una compiutezza umana là dove essa sia limitata da situazioni di oppressione e di immersione in contesti inumani. Freire è un pensatore cristiano, nel senso che la spiritualità religiosa ne accompagna il percorso sin dagli esordi, ma anche del cristianesimo coglie soprattutto il messaggio liberatore e rivoluzionario, dialogando in modo intenso con i teologi della liberazione; egli raccoglie, altresì, dal personalismo cristiano, il tema dell'unicità della persona e dell'emergere della sua peculiarità all'interno di un movimento di emancipazione comune. L'autore brasiliano, sin dalla sua opera maggiore, La pedagogia degli oppressi, coglie del marxismo lo schema generale di interpretazione della società, della distribuzione del potere in essa e della divisione in classi. Anche in questo caso, Freire predilige l'afflato utopistico piuttosto che l'indagine strutturale di questa forma di pensiero e anche la sua "adesione" al marxismo è mediata in termini geografici, nel senso che contiene lo sforzo di adattare una visione del mondo nata in Occidente a un contesto ambientale differente, quale quello sudamericano e anche storici, nel senso che si avvale del contributo ispiratore di autori novecenteschi che hanno reinterpretato il marxismo alla luce di nuove esigenze storiche. Tra di essi si dedica particolare attenzione a Gramsci, che influenza la visione freireiana del rapporto tra intellettualità e movimenti sociali e politici. Il profilo marxista dell'opera di Freire appare, tra tutti, quello che ha ispirato maggiormente gli studiosi che ne hanno colto l'eredità, particolarmente gli autori della critical pedagogy negli Stati Uniti. Freire, inoltre, intrattiene un dialogo teorico con la cultura pedagogica americana, attraverso una sua interpretazione del pragmatismo/attivismo di Dewey. L'importanza attuale di un'indagine sulla dimensione più filosofica del pensiero freireiano potrebbe risiedere non tanto e non solo nella riflessione sui contenuti degli approcci a cui egli ha fatto riferimento, ma nella riflessione sulla capacità di raccogliere il messaggio più autenticamente educativo, che in Freire coincide con liberatorio e trasformatore, di ciascuno di essi. Tale messaggio va colto in vista di una nuova stagione storica, nella quale l'oppressione sociale, politica, psicologica si presenta in forme e sfaccettature molto differenti da quelle dell'epoca di Freire e la lotta educativa ad essa, che ha occupato l'impegno esistenziale di questo autore, deve dotarsi di strumenti di lettura e d'intervento inediti. ; The chapter is about Paulo Freire's major influences in terms of proponents he is more likely linked with on a theoretical basis, showing which perspectives played a significant role in the shaping of his educational and pedagogical view. His interpretation of European and North American philosophies of the nineteenth century melts with the experiences and issues of South American history. Freire is remarkably inspired by phenomenology and existentialism, so he draws from these perspectives many aspects that shape his own knowledge theory and his view upon the man-world connection. His view, however, is neither passive nor dogmatic, but pursues the achievement of his pedagogical goals, which tend to human completeness in circumstances of oppression and inhumanity. Paulo Freire is a Christian thinker, in so far as his religious spirituality accompanies him since the beginning, but he draws as well from Christianity first and foremost the liberating and revolutionary message, intensively dialoguing with Liberation theologists; furthermore he gathers from Christian personalism the subject of the individual's uniqueness and the surfacing of their particularity amongst a community emancipating movement. The Brazilian author, since his major text, entitled to The Pedagogy of the Oppressed, draws from Marxism the general interpretation scheme of society, of its internal power arrangement and class division. Here, also, Freire shows how he favours the utopic afflatus to the structural inquiry of this philosophy and his Marxist adhesion, is filtered both through a contextual readjustment and through the inspiring contributions of some Marxists of the nineteenth century like Antonio Gramsci, who greatly influenced Freire's view of the link between intellectuals and social and political movements. The Marxist profile of Freire's oeuvre appears to be, among other aspects, the most inspiring one for his followers, in particular for the critical pedagogy thinkers in the United States. Furthermore, Freire maintains, through his interpretation of Dewey's pragmatism/activism, a deep theoretical dialogue with North American pedagogical culture. The current interest in the philosophical dimension of Freire's thought might lay not as much in the consideration of the contents, as rather in the author's ability to pick up the most authentic pedagogical message of each single approach. This teaching has to be seized in sight of an historical season, in which social, political and psychological oppression displays itself in many forms that are different from the past, and the educational fighting against these must be provided with innovative interpretation and intervention tools.

Maģistra darbs "Krievu pareizticīgā baznīca un normatīvā vara Krievijas Federācijas ārpolitikā" ir veltīts Krievijas normatīvās ārpolitikas izpētei. Darba ietvaros tiek pētīta Krievu pareizticīgās baznīcas (KPB) darbība starptautiskajā arēnā, kur tā piedāvā koriģēt patreizējo starptautisko attiecību normatīvo bāzi, balstoties uz "civlizāciju dialoga" idejām. "Civilizāciju dialoga" institucionalizēšana starptautiskajās attiecībās, nozīmētu atteikšanos no noteiktu cilvēktiesību un citu vispāratzītu starptautisko juridisko normu un principu universāluma. Tas, savukārt, mazinātu Rietumu normatīvo aktieru spēju īstenot normatīvo varu starptautiskajā arēnā. Dotā darba mērķis ir izpētīt, kā Krievu pareizticīgās baznīcas iesaiste valsts ārpolitkā ietekmē Krievijas normatīvās ārpolitikas īstenošanas praksi. Darbā ir paredzēts rast atbildi uz sekojošo izpētes jautājumu: vai Krievu pareizticīgās baznīcas, normatīvā aktiera, iesaiste ārpolitikā veicina Krievijas normatīvo mērķu sasniegšanu starptautiskajā arēnā? Tiek izvirzītas divas hipotēzes: 1) Krievu pareizticīgās baznīcas, kā normatīva aktiera, iesaiste valsts ārpolitikā vairo Krievijas ārpolitikas leģitimitāti un līdz ar to veicina tās normatīvo mērķu sasniegšanu; 2) pareizticības vērtību, kā normatīvās varas avotu, izmantošana ārpolitikā veicina Krievijas normatīvās ārpolitikas mērķu sasniegšanu. Darba teorētiskajā daļā tiek skatīti gan J.Mannersa, gan N.Toči un citu normatīvās varas teorētiķu darbi. Tāpat tiek analizēti arī "civilizāciju dialoga" konceptualizācijas mēģinājumi. Empīriskajā sadaļā tiek nedaudz apskatīta Krievijas normatīvā ārpolitika arī plašākā - Krievijas un Rietumu aktoru attiecību kontekstā, tomēr galvenā uzmanība tiek pievērsta tieši tām Krievijas normatīvās ārpolitikas aktivitātēm, kurās ir iesaistīta Krievu pareizticīgā baznīca. Kā gadījuma izpēte tiek analizētas KPB iniciatīvas ANO. Pētījumā tiek secināts, ka KPB iesaiste Krievijas ārpolitikā dod iespēju vairot Krievijas rīcības leģitmitāti un sasniegt normatīvās ārpolitikas mēķus, t.sk. diskusijas par "tradicionālajām vērtībām" aktualizēšanu un "civilizāciju dialoga" zināmu institucionalizēšanu. Ņemot vērā pētījuma rezultātus, tiek secināts, ka abas pētījuma sākumā izvirzītās hipotēzes tiek apstiprinātas. Atslēgvārdi: normatīvā vara, civilizāciju dialogs, tradicionālās vērtības, Krievu pareizticīgā baznīca. ; SUMMARY The Master's thesis The Russian Orthodox Church and Normative Power in Russian Foreign Policy is dedicated to the research of the Russian normative foreign policy. The operation of Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) in the international arena is studied, where it offers to adjust the current normative framework for international relations based on ideas of 'dialogue of civilizations'. While the 'dialogue of civilizations' is not directly related to the theory of normative power, its' institutionalization in international relations would mean the abandonment of universality of certain human rights and other commonly recognized international legal norms. This, in return, would reduce the capacity of Western normative actors to implement normative power in the international arena. So far, normative power has been mostly studied as the phenomenon of the European Union's foreign policy. However, in recent years more and more this approach is used by studying China, United States, Russia and other countries. The aim of this study is to examine how Russian Orthodox Church involvement in the State's foreign policy affects implementation of Russia's normative foreign policy. The paper is intended to answer the following research question: Does involvement of the Russian Orthodox Church, a normative actor, contributes to the achievement of Russian foreign policy normative objectives in the international arena? There are two hypotheses: 1) Russian Orthodox Church, as a normative actor, enhances the legitimacy of Russia's foreign policy by involvement in State's foreign policy and thus contributes to the achievement of its' normative objectives; 2) the usage of values of Orthodoxy, as the source of normative power, in the foreign policy contributes to the achievement of normative objectives of Russian foreign policy. Thus, the theoretical part of this paper address Ian Manners and Nathaly Tocci and works of other normative power theorists. Attempts of conceptualization of the 'dialogue of civilizations' are also analyzed. The empirical section covers Russia's normative foreign policy also a little bit more generally – in the view of the relationship between Russia and Western actors, yet focusing on the Russian normative foreign policy activities which involves Russian Orthodox Church. Similarly, the analysis of existing and eventual sources of Russian normative power focus on the orthodox values and related aspects of Russian identity. Empirical part of the study shows that the ROC activities meet the aspects of normative power theory. It had enabled the reach of normative objectives. Among them are debates on the partnership of civilizations and the importance of traditional values, adoption of the resolution in the UN Human Rights Council and establishment of the high level group in the UN. However, there are problems with reality and image of Russia as an Orthodox country proclamed by the ROC. In view of this and the results of the study, it is concluded that both hypothesis raised in the beginning of the study are confirmed. However, it is clear that religious values are not fully perceived as basis for changes of fundamental freedoms and human rights norms. Consequently, Russia's potential for substantial impact on the current views on democracy, rule of law and human rights in the European Union, Council of Europe, OSCE and UN should be critically evaluated. Keywords: normative power, dialogue of civilizatons, Russian foreign policy, The Russian Orhodox Church, traditional values

In this review we bet by projecting the idea of Olga Lucia Vélez (2003) in his book "reconfiguring the social work": Develop reflections which give display features of a comprehensive, renewed reading and the social work for its holistic discipline, a perspective complex, critical and constructivist; integrate inquiries within the framework of building discipline in social work, University research group of the Salle in Bogotá Colombia. We present contributions on ethical, epistemological and methodological reconfiguration of social services: Vélez (2003, 7-19) proposes think convergent and prospectively from outside and from the inside; strengthen the values and principles from which leads professional action; contribute to understanding and addressing fundamental problems of contemporary, societies with available to reflect on ourselves, challenges, options and possibilities that arduous and complex aspects of reality suggests (ethical dimension). Reorganize specific knowledge, promote open, relevant, relevant and significant knowledge with rigour and critically (new maps cognitive - epistemological dimension-), in which we can accommodate the error and illusion. Strategically display their effectiveness, efficiency and competitiveness, consider the deployment of action (methodological dimension) that conjuguemos global with the particular devices. In social work in Latin America, later the reconceptualization fruit polarizations of speeches and practices on the profession, discipline and professional training, dictatorships contexts; emergence of social sciences, establishment of the neoliberal model, has been to reflect on the vocational Intervencion propositivamente. "Contexts local, national, regional and global demand today resignificar social services; rebuild the exercise, of ético-política and teórico-metodológica, reflection allowing informed interventions, conjuguemos reflection, action and transformation, to influence strategically and relevant in the complexity of the social question, showing high levels of poverty, marginalization, labour flexibility, displacement, immigration, interculturalism, inequalities, inequities, institutions delegitimizing and exclusion of ethnic minorities or political, religious and sexual, among many other aspects of the complex social reality orientations demonstrations permanently" (University of Antioquia, 2008). Gustavo Parra (2005, 89) proposes to take the social work as a professional project with three dimensions: "ético-política, teóricometodológica, operativo-instrumental. inherent and insolvable, articulated together, separated for analytical purposes only". In this review we do emphasis in three dimensions that today charged vitally important for the professional projection: we provide arguments for ethical, epistemological and methodological, reconfiguration view to respond to changes and contextual paradoxes. This does not mean ignoring the importance of other dimensions as the ideological context, aesthetic, also necessary in understanding and complex consolidation of social services. ; En esta revisión apostamos por proyectar la idea de Olga Lucía Vélez (2003) en su libro Reconfigurando el Trabajo Social: desarrollamos reflexiones que aportan a visualizar las características de una lectura comprensiva, renovada y holística del Trabajo Social, para su consolidación disciplinar, desde una perspectiva compleja, crítica y constructivista; integramos indagaciones desarrolladas en el marco del grupo de investigación Construcción Disciplinar en Trabajo Social , en la Universidad de La Salle en Bogotá, Colombia. Presentamos aportes sobre reconfiguración ética, epistemológica y metodológica del Trabajo Social: Vélez (2003, 7-19) propone pensarlo convergente y prospectivamente desde afuera y desde adentro; afianzar los valores y principios desde los que se direcciona la acción profesional; aportar a comprender y abordar problemas fundamentales de las sociedades contemporáneas, con disposición de reflexionar sobre nosotros mismos, los desafíos, opciones y posibilidades que aspectos duros y complejos de la realidad sugieren (dimensión ética). Reorganizar el saber específico, promover conocimientos abiertos, pertinentes, relevantes y significativos con rigor y espíritu crítico (nuevos mapas cognitivos –dimensión epistemológica-), en los cuales podemos albergar el error y la ilusión. Visualizar estratégicamente su eficacia, eficiencia y competitividad, considerar el despliegue de dispositivos de actuación (dimensión metodológica) en que conjuguemos lo global con lo particular. En Trabajo social en América Latina, posterior a la reconceptualización, fruto de polarizaciones de los discursos y prácticas sobre la profesión, disciplina y formación profesional, contextos de dictaduras; eclosión de las ciencias sociales, instauración del modelo neoliberal, se ha avanzado en reflexionar propositivamente sobre la Intervención Profesional. Los contextos local, nacional, regional y global, demandan hoy resignificar el Trabajo Social; reconstruir permanentemente el ejercicio, a partir de la reflexión ético-política y teórico-metodológica, que permita intervenciones fundamentadas, en que conjuguemos la reflexión, la acción y la transformación, para incidir de manera estratégica y pertinente en la complejidad de las manifestaciones de la cuestión social, que presenta altos niveles de pobreza, marginalidad, flexibilidad laboral, desplazamiento, inmigración, interculturalidad, desigualdades, inequidades, deslegitimación de las instituciones y exclusión de minorías étnicas u orientaciones políticas, religiosas y sexuales, entre muchos otros aspectos propios de la compleja realidad social" (Universidad de Antioquia, 2008). Gustavo Parra (2005, 89) propone asumir el Trabajo Social como un proyecto profesional con tres dimensiones: "ético-política, teórico-metodológica, operativo-instrumental. inherentes e indisolubles, articuladas entre sí, separadas únicamente para fines analíticos". La complejidad de lo social y de la intervención social, implica comprenderlas relacional y holísticamente, en sus múltiples pliegues. En esta revisión hacemos énfasis en tres dimensiones que hoy cobran vital importancia para la proyección profesional: aportamos argumentos para una reconfiguración ética, epistemológica y metodológica, en la perspectiva de responder a los cambios y paradojas contextuales. Esto no implica desconocer la importancia de otras dimensiones como la ideológica, contextual, estética, también necesarias en la comprensión y consolidación compleja del Trabajo Social.

Dogajanje v času komunistične revolucije bistveno vpliva tako na stanje kot tudi na razumevanje sodobne slovenske družbene situacije. V disertaciji avtorica v luči idejnega nasprotja med krščanstvom in komunizmom ter na podlagi konflikta, ki se je obenem razvil v obdobju revolucije, razišče vzroke in podlage za omenjeni vpliv. Avtorica v delu pokaže na temeljno povezanost sodobnega položaja in komunistične revolucije na Slovenskem. Kot pojmovni okvir ter orodje za razumevanje izbere Girardovo mimetično teorijo in teorijo o grešnem kozlu. Girard namreč kulturo opisuje kot mimetični cikel, kjer posameznik posnema drugega (tako se začne že v samem otroštvu, ko otrok posnema starše in s tem postane družbeno bitje). Posnemanje je gonilo vsake družbe. Poleg tega pa posnemanje lahko omogoči tudi uničenje družbe, kulture. Girard vpelje grešnega kozla kot razrešitev konflikta, kjer imata dva subjekta enako željo in se skupaj obrneta proti grešnemu kozlu, ki zanju predstavlja vzrok mimetične krize, in je njegovo žrtvovanje pogoj za ponovno vzpostavitev družbenega reda in socialne varnosti. Ta teo-retični okvir omogoča tudi raziskovanje preteklih družbenih konfliktov, posebej pa tudi njihovih posledic v sodobnosti, vključno z vidiki spravnih procesov ter tranzicijske pra-vičnosti. Zato ga avtorica plodno uporabi pri omenjenem raziskovanju. Kot dve nasprotujoči idejni podlagi avtorica predstavi krščanstvo in komunizem, ki sta že v svojem idejnem temelju diametralno nasprotni, posebej pa ju prikaže preko Girar-dove teorije. Krščanstvo s krističnim pojmovanjem osebne svobode izstopi iz cikličnosti mehanizma grešnega kozla, komunizem pa prav nasprotno temelji na mimetičnosti. Žrt-vena znamenja v Girardovem pojmovanju, ki opravičijo umor grešnega kozla, temeljijo na dejstvih, ki postanejo sprejemljiva za umor, ne glede na (ne)resničnost le-teh. Implementacija Girardove teorije na slovensko situacijo zajema dva ključna vidika. Prvi vidik je žrtvovanje nasprotnikov komunistične revolucije z žrtvenimi znamenji kolabo-racije, nemirov … Omenjeno žrtvovanje omogoči vzpostavitev totalitarnega komunisti-čnega režima v kraljevini Jugoslaviji in s tem tudi na Slovenskem. Komunizem kot tota-litarni režim ne dopušča alternative, človeka uniformira in osami. Obenem vzpostavi totalni nadzor in teror. Krščanstvo po drugi strani človeka opolnomoči z bogopodobnos-tjo in s tem edinstvenostjo, nedotakljivostjo, nezamenljivostjo ter svobodo. Drugi vidik pa zadeva dejstvo, da konflikt iz časa komunistične revolucije še vedno ni razrešen ter je vladavina prava in vzpostavitev demokratične družbe še vedno nedokon-čan projekt. Kljub demokratični državni ureditvi in propadu komunizma kot dolgoroč-nega družbenopolitičnega in ekonomskega sistema avtorica poudari dva izziva sodobne družbe na Slovenskem. Prvi je prisotnost komunistične ideologije v razmišljanju in delovanju posameznikov, drugi izziv pa je nezadostna uveljavitev tranzicijske pravično-sti. Omenjeni vidiki analize temeljijo najprej že v samem idejnem nasprotju in zasnovi tako komunizma kakor tudi krščanstva. Krščanstvo in komunizem sta v svojem temelju različna. Poseben poudarek je na vidikih dojemanja človeka kot svobodnega in razumskega bitja v obeh idejnih okvirih. Komunizem s komunistično revolucijo nastopi proti človeku, proti človekovemu dostojanstvu in proti človekovi svobodi in s tem krščanstvo postavi v obrambno držo. S tem pa tudi Cerkev, ki je kot ene vidnejših institucij komunistična revolucija ni prevzela in obvladovala, postane braniteljica človekovega življenja in človekovih pravic, obenem pa je postavljena nasproti komunistični revoluciji. Krščanstvo in tudi Cerkev se posluži različnih načinov obrambe in upora, ki niso vselej povsem skladni s krščanskim naukom. Metode obrambe so bile: krščanska drža v odnosu do vojne, do sočloveka, do okupatorja in do revolucionarnih sil, fizična obramba, sodelovanje tako z okupacijskimi kakor tudi revolucionarnimi silami, kulturna, medijska in politična udejstvovanja. Kljub temu je revolucionarno nasilje eskaliralo predvsem v zadnjih letih druge svetovne vojne in prvih letih po revoluciji. Situacije, v katere so bili postavljeni posamezniki na Slovenskem, niso bile enoznačne ali enostavne. Ni šlo zgolj za izbiro med revolucionarno ali protirevolucionarno stranjo, temveč so bile okoliščine zaradi okupacijskih sil bolj zapletene. Ljudem je grozilo neodobravanje, preganjanje ali nasilje z vseh strani. Komunistična partija je monopolizirala odpor proti okupacijskim silam. Že zametki kakršnekoli druge neodvisne organizacije upora so bili lahko kaznovani. Nemalo kristjanov je z namenom domoljubnosti ali nezmožnosti izognitve mobilizaciji postalo del osvobodilnega gibanja, ne glede na ideološko podlago gibanja ali organizacije, ki je gibanje organizirala. Cerkev kljub temu ni bila preveč zaželen partner v uporu, o čemer priča tudi Kardeljevo navodilo: "Duhovne v četah vse postreljajte" (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109). Ne zgolj navodilo, tudi načrtno degradiranje duhovnikov z zaporom, priporom, deportacijami in usmrtitvami so priča odnosu komunistične partije do cerkvenih dostojanstvenikov. Revolucionarno nasilje je pustilo neslutene posledice ne zgolj v tedanjem obdobju, temveč tudi za sedanji čas, pri čemer pri avtoričinem raziskovanju teh posledic pomembno vlogo igrajo tudi osebne zgodbe, odgovornost na osebni ter družbeni ravni in medgeneracijski prenos travm, ki onemogočajo pravo tranzicijo iz totalitarnega v demokratični sistem. Tranzicija in tranzicijska pravičnost je torej mehanizem, ki si prizadeva v polnosti izpeljati tranzicijo na osebni in družbeni ravni ter vzpostaviti zaupanje v državne institucije, delovanje državnih struktur. Situacija na Slovenskem sicer nakazuje na nekatere pozitivne učinke tranzicijske pravičnosti, kot sta denacionalizacija in odprtje arhivov. Še vedno pa umanjka uveljavitev pravičnosti na osebni ravni, pri čemer so pomemben vidik spravni procesi ter prekinitev medgeneracijskega prenosa travm. Podobno kot na osebni ravni umanjka pravičnost v javni sferi, na primer pluralizacija medijskega prostora, urejene gospodarske pobude, dialog med različnimi družbenimi skupinami, vključno z vstopanjem verskih skupnosti v javno razpravo, vzpostavljanjem zaupanja v državne institucije ipd. Pogled na komunistično revolucijo na Slovenskem skozi prizmo Girardovega grešnega kozla ponudi edinstven okvir, ki poveže razumevanje komunistične revolucije in komu-nističnega sistema s sodobnim položajem slovenske družbe. Po eni strani Girardov mehanizem grešnega kozla lahko razumemo kot dopolnjenega v komunistični revoluciji, po drugi strani pa mehanizem stremi k dopolnitvi v smislu celovite uveljavitve tran-zicijske pravičnosti. ; The events during the communist revolution significantly influence the state and understanding of the contemporary Slovenian social situation. In the dissertation, in the light of the ideological contradiction between Christianity and Communism, and on the basis of the conflict that developed during the revolution, the author explores the causes and grounds for this influence. In this work the author shows the fundamental connection between the contemporary situation and the communist revolution in Slovenia. She chooses Girard's mimetic theory and scapegoat as a conceptual framework and tool for understanding. Girard describes culture as a mimetic cycle, where the individual imitates the other (this starts from the very childhood, when the child imitates his parents and thus becomes a social being). Imitation is the driving force of every company. In addition, imitation can also become a destruction of society, culture. Girard therefore implements the scapegoat as a conflict resolution where the two entities share the same desire and together turn against the scapegoat, which causes them a mimetic crisis and its sacrifice is a condition for restoring social order and social security. This general theoretical framework also makes it possible – to explore past social conflicts, and in particular their consequences in the present, including aspects of reconciliation processes and transitional justice. Therefore, the author fruitfully uses it in the mentioned research. The author embraces Christianity and communism as two opposing ideological bases, which are already diametrically opposed in their conceptual bases, and are especially illuminated by Girard's theory. Christianity, with its cristian notion of personal freedom, stands out from the cyclical nature of the scapegoat, but communism is, on the contrary, based on mimeticism. Victims of character in Girard's conception that justify the murder of a scapegoat are based on facts that become acceptable for murder, regardless of the (un) reality of them. The implementation of Girard's theory on the Slovenian situation thus encompasses two key aspects. The first aspect is the sacrifice of the opponents of the communist revolution with the sacrificial signs of collaboration, riots, … This sacrifice makes it possible to establish a totalitarian communist regime in Yugoslavia, and thus in Slovenia. Communism, as a totalitarian regime, does not allow an alternative, it uniforms and isolates man. At the same time, it establishes total control and terror. Christianity, on the other hand, empowers man with uniqueness, inviolability, irreplaceability and freedom. Another aspect concerns the fact that the conflict from the communist revolution has still not been resolved, and that the rule of law and the establishment of a democratic society are still, in the eyes of many Slovenians, an unfinished project. Despite the democratic state system and the collapse of communism as a long-term socio-political and economic system, the author emphasizes two challenges of contemporary society in Slovenia. The first is the presence of communist ideology in the thinking and action of individuals, and the second challenge is the insufficient implementation of transitional justice. The aforementioned aspects of the analysis are based first of all on the very conceptual contradiction and conception of both communism and Christianity. Christianity and communism are fundamentally different. Particular emphasis is placed on aspects of the perception of man as a free and rational being in both conceptual frameworks. Communism, by communist revolution, stands against man, against human dignity and against human freedom, thereby placing Christianity in a defensive posture. In doing so, the Church, which as one of the most prominent institutions has not been taken over and controlled by the Communist Revolution, becomes a defender of human life and human rights, while at the same time it stands against the Communist Revolution. Christianity, as well as the Church, uses various methods of defense and rebellion that are not always completely in line with Christian teaching. The methods of defense were the Christian stance in relation to war, to fellow human beings, to the occupier and to the revolutionary forces, physical defense, cooperation with both occupation and revolutionary forces, cultural, media and political activities. Nevertheless, revolutionary violence escalated, especially in the last years of World War II and the first years after the revolution. The situations in which individuals in Slovenia were placed were not straightforward or straightforward. It was not merely a choice between a revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary party, but the circumstances were more complex rather than straightforward because of the occupying forces. People were threatened with disapproval, persecution or violence from all sides. The Communist Party monopolized resistance to the occupation forces. The rudiments of any other, independent organization of resistance could have been punished. Quite a few Christians, for the sake of patriotism or inability to evade mobilization, became part of the liberation movement, regardless of the ideological basis of the movement or the organization that organized the movement. The church was not, however, a much-desired partner in the resistance, as evidenced by Kardelj's instruction: "Shoot the priests in the troops." (Griesser-Pečar 1996, 109) Not only the instruction, but also the deliberate degradation of priests through imprisonment, detention, deportation and execution, are witnesses to the Communist Party's attitude towards Church dignitaries. Revolutionary violence has left unprecedented consequences not only in that time but also in the present, with the author's exploration of these consequences also playing a significant role in personal stories, personal and social responsibility, and the intergenerational transmission of traumas that they preclude a real transition from a totalitarian to a democratic system. Transition and transitional justice is thus a mechanism that seeks to fully complete the transition on a personal and social level, and to establish trust in state institutions, the functioning of state structures. Although the situation in Slovenia points to some of the positive effects of transitional justice, such as denationalization, the opening of archives, it still lacks the enforcement of justice on a personal level ; for example, with regard to aspects of media pluralization, orderly economic initiatives, dialogue between different social groups, including the entry of religious communities into public debate, building confidence in state institutions, etc. The view of the communist revolution in Slovenia through the prism of Girard the scapegoat offers a unique framework that connects the understanding of the communist revolution and the communist system with the contemporary position of Slovene society. On the one hand, Girard's mechanism of the scapegoat can be understood as supplemented in the communist revolution, and on the other, the mechanism seeks to supplement in the sense of the full implementation of transitional justice.

Hui ve Uygur etnik grupları, İslami inançları paylaşan başlıca iki topluluktur. Çin'in tarihi kayıtlarından, Hui'nin atalarının çoğunlukla Orta ve Batı Asya'daki Arap, Farsça ve Türk dili konuşan bölgelerden geldiği kolayca anlaşılabilir. Hui'nin atalarının çoğu, Çin hükümeti ile ticaret yapan tüccarlardı ve Çin'deki işlerinden sonra anavatanlarına geri dönüyorlardı. Yani Tang (MS 618'den 906'ya kadar) ve Song (MS 960'tan 1279'a) hanedanlarında, sadece geçici olarak Çin'de yaşadıkları için kendilerini hala Arap, Fars veya Türk olarak tanımlıyorlar. Yuan (MS 1279'dan 1368'e kadar), Ming (MS 1368'den 1644'e kadar) ve Qing (MS 1644'ten 1912'ye kadar) hanedanlarına gelince, orta ve batı Asya bölgelerinden yeni İmparatorlar ve krallıkların eşlik ettiği bazı köleler İslam'a iman aynı zamanda o bölgelerden getirilmiştir. Ayrıca, Hui'nin atalarının bazı soyları, Çin Han kültürünü de benimseyerek kendilerini 5. veya 6. nesil olarak geliştirdiler. Böylece Hui topluluğu Yuan'dan beri ortaya çıkmaya başladı ve Qing hanedanlığında olgun bir topluluk haline geldi. Huihui ve Hui isimleri de ilk olarak Yuan çevresinde tanıtıldı. İnsanlar kendilerini Çinli Hui veya Çinli Huihui olarak tanımlamaya başladılar, kültürlerinin Çin kültürü ile İslam kültürünün bir bileşimi olduğunu düşünmeye başladılar. Ayrıca, farklı hanedanlarda Hui'ye yönelik farklı politikalar nedeniyle, hükümetler Hui topluluğunu haklarını sınırlayarak zayıflatmaya çalışırken, iç grupların kimlik tanıması giderek daha fazla kabul edildi.Hui, eğitimleri, çalışma fırsatları, sosyal sigortaları vb. Konusunda yüksek baskı altındaydı. Böylece Hui, Çin Han halkıyla olan doğal biyolojik sınırlarının ve farklı dini inançlarının Hui ve Han'ı birbirinden ayırdığı fikrini yavaş yavaş kazandı. Günümüzde Hui, Müslüman olarak adlandırılmak yerine Hui olarak adlandırılmayı tercih etti. Dini cemaatin bir üyesi olmakla karşılaştırıldığında, bir Çinli etnik gruba üyelik daha fazla sosyal ayrıcalığı paylaşabilir, bu nedenle Hui, etnik bir grup olarak kimliklerini kabul etmekten daha memnun. Kuşaktan kuşağa sosyal ve kültürel kimliklerinin bir parçası olarak yaşam alışkanlıkları, normları, dilleri ve diğer yönleriyle ilgili Hui kültürünü benimsediler. Hui geleneklerinin günlük uygulamaları aracılığıyla, Hui'nin sosyal ve kültürel kimlik inşasının hükümet politikalarıyla büyük ölçüde ilişkili olduğunu gördük. Hükümet, Hui'ye yönelik daha esnek politikalar uyguladığında, Hui sosyal hayata katılmayı ve hem Hui hem de Çinli olarak kimlik tanındığını göstermeyi tercih ediyor. Ancak hükümet, Hui'ye karşı olumsuz bir tutum gösterirse, Hui halkı, yaşam alışkanlıklarının kişisel deneyim veya aile geleneğinin dışında olduğunu iddia ederek Hui karakterlerini derinden gizler. Ayrıca, bu süreçte Hui daha bağlantılı ve birleşmiş olacaktı çünkü ezildiklerine dair ortak anılara sahip olduklarını düşünüyorlar. --- Hui and Uygur ethnic groups are the main two communities that share Islamic beliefs. From the historical records of China, it could be inferred easily that the ancestors of Hui are mostly coming from the Arab, Persian, and Turkic language-speaking regions in central and western Asia. Most of the ancestors of Hui were merchants who were doing business trades with the Chinese government and after their business in China, they would go back to their motherland. So at the Tang( from 618 to 906 A.D.) and Song( from 960 to 1279 A.D.) dynasties, they still identify themselves as the Arab, Persian, or Turkic as they were only temporarily living in China. When it comes to the Yuan( from 1279 to 1368 A.D.), Ming( from 1368 to 1644 A.D.), and Qing( from 1644 to 1912 A.D.) dynasties, accompanied by the new Emperors and kingdoms from central and western Asia regions, some slaves believe in Islam were brought from those areas at the same time. Also, some of the descents of the ancestors of Hui developed themselves into the 5th or 6th generation, adopting the Chinese Han culture as well. So the community of Hui started to emerge since Yuan and developed into a mature community in the Qing dynasty. And the name of Huihui and Hui were first introduced around Yuan as well. People started to identify themselves as Chinese Hui or Chinese Huihui, they began to think their culture was a combination of the Chinese culture and Islamic culture. Also, because of the different policies towards Hui in different dynasties, the inner-group recognition of identity was more and more accepted as the governments were trying to weaken the Hui community by limiting its rights,Hui was under high pressure about their education, working opportunities, social insurance, etc. So Hui gradually gained the idea that their natural biological boundaries with Chinese Han people and their different religious beliefs made the Hui and Han separated from each other. Nowadays, instead of being called Muslim, the Hui preferred to be named Hui. Compared with being a member of the religious community, membership of a Chinese ethnic group could share more social privileges, so Hui is more pleased to accept their identity as an ethnic group. They adopted the Hui culture about living habits, norms, languages, and other aspects as part of their social and cultural identity from generation to generation. Through the daily practice of the Hui customs, we found that Hui's social and cultural identity construction are highly related the government policies. When the government takes out more flexible policies towards Hui, Hui prefers to join the social life and show out their identity recognition as both Hui and Chinese. But if the government shows a negative attitude towards Hui, the Hui people would deeply hide their Hui characters, claiming that their living habits are out of personal experience or family tradition. Also, in this process, Hui would be more connected and united, because they think they have the shared memories of being oppressed.

The music in the Collegio dei Cantori e degli Innocenti (College of Chorists and Innocents) in Turin between 1575 and early sixteenth century and the beginnings of Botto Brothers as organ builders. The Collegio degli Innocenti (i. e. 'College of Innocents', the choirboys) in the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist in Turin, an institution founded in 15th century but whose documentation has come down to us from 1499, was a self-sufficient entity. Beside that, there was a staff of adult male singers. This study is a part of a wider study about this institution. The author has devoted himself to the prior period (1500-1575) and to the following one (1600-1650) in two specific articles. In this article he focuses how in the last quarter of 16th century, the music in this institution was influenced by two important processes: on one side Turin became the capital city of the Savoy; on the other side recent Counter-Reformation's trends were implemented also in the field of church music (repertories, organs, etc.), not strongly as in Milan and in the rest of Italy but anyway significantly. With respect to the political aspects of this change, one of the most important relic owned by the Duke of Savoy - the Holy Shroud - served as both political and religious symbol, since it was publicly exhibited sometimes between 1578 and 1586, in circumstance where music was present. Furthermore, it became increasingly ordinary that court musicians appeared among the musicians in the Cathedral, as Claude Vyosses, music master at the court (from 1562) and moreover master of the choirboys in the Cathedral (from 1575). As consequence of the post-Trent Council measures and the foundation and diffusion of centers for the spiritual education of youth, in these twenty-five years also in Turin the Seminar became definitively the place in which the pueri resided. Instead, about the musicians of the religious institutions, the article focuses the following chapel masters as Giorgio Borgia and especially Simon Boyleau (who taught from 1583 to 1586), having been paid for his compositions: it is supposed that one of these pieces could be O sacrum convivium in I-Tn, transcribed in the article, a short piece with a characteristic opening vocalize and a central section in triple time, having the effect of greater fluency. A look to the chief Simeon Cocquard and to the maestri di cerimonia (i. e. 'ceremony masters') concludes the span here investigated. Some episodes in the early life of the organ built by Benedetto Antegnati - started in 1567 and ended in 1573 - are reconstructed, especially the complex events of budget assignments by the Chapter house in order to complete the payments (the final one was prolonged until 1578) and also the first maintenance works by Graziadio Antegnati or the removal and rehang of the instrument in the spring of 1587 by Giovanni Battista Stagnoli. A restoration to the bellows of the Antegnati in 1600 is the first organ building work by Giovanni Giorgio Botto, member of a family of theretofore cabinetmakers. He and his brother Pietro realized that Piedmont was becoming a fertile terrain to install a business of organ construction and assistance, so they took the know-how from more famous organ builders Vitani brothers from Pavia and in the following fifteen years they built several instruments in medium-sized cities in Piedmontese provinces. The author retraces the repositioning of the organ from the previous location (that he deduces upon the wall of the today no-longer-existing ancient choir) to the new one (on the southern wall of the transept). The repositioning was wanted by the Duke, in view of the baptism of his son - and connected Ostension of the Holy Shroud. Organists were Giovanni Pietro Cottone (from 1570 to 1573 and also in the following years, with another span then between 1582 until his death in 1593), spaced out by Frediano Frediani (from 1576 to 1582: Frediani stood in Turin for some year). In those years purchasing of musical prints increased, as marked in the archival accounts, here transcribed and annotated: music of Magnificat and motets by italian - and to a lesser extent french - composers, today no longer preserved in the archives. It is worth considering that instead some musical editions of spanish composers have been conserved. This can be connected with the close relationships between Carlo Emanuele Duke of Savoy and the Kingdom of Spain, sealed with the marriage (1585) to Catalina Micaela, daughter of Philip II. These authors are Francisco Guerrero and Tomás Luis de Victoria, whose Magnificat and Hymni of 1581, as well as Officium defunctorum of 1585 are preserved in Turin Cathedral archives. Victoria dedicated to Carlo Emanuele the Motecta Festorum Totius Anni (Rome, Ex tipographia Dominici Basae, 1585): parts of the significant dedication and of an epigram (probably written by Giovenale Ancina, also friend of Victoria) are translated and discussed. From them, the author concludes that Victoria maybe aimed at an important position in court or church music at the court of Savoy. Other musicians of Iberian origins sung sometimes in the choir, among them the castrato singer Francisco Garcia: from December 1587 to July 1589, the same period when Boyleau composed O sacrum convivium: maybe the opening vocalize may have been written to stand out his ability. The paper ends with the plague of 1599. In a final tabel an accurate chronological list of chapel masters, organist, chorists, choirboys, grammar masters and musicians is given, together with their geographical provenance and salary. In the appendix (pp. 97-119) full documents from Archivio Capitolare (℅ Archivio Arcivescovile in Turin) are transcribed and commented.

The position of modern catholic thinkers that protect traditional values and argue with postmodernists is revealed in the article. It is shown that the main attention of Christian philosophers and theologians is focused on the critics of postmodern deconstruction of the subject, relative values and senses and denial of grand narratives. It is demonstrated that postmodernism leads to moral relativism and makes unable not only traditional religion, but also a "secular religion" of human rights. Postmodernists criticize the "philosophia perrenis" thesis about the existence of inner self, hided from our sense organs. This inner self must be revealed and set free. According to postmodernism, such notions as subject, I, sense, universal value, absolute truth and others must be deconstructed as the atavism of metaphysical worldview. Postmodernists regard the process of self-forming to be absolute. The man himself as the subject is treated as impersonal stream of consciousness, mental continuum of thoughts, wishes, demands, and libido energies without semantic centre, hierarchy, the true or false interpretation. Instead of this the new image of chaotic rhizome is suggested. Rhizome has neither beginning, nor end, neither centre nor periphery. Postmodernists also reject the existence of a priori pure "I", the soul, the spirit as the immortal entity, the essence of the man. If there is no ideal selfness, then there is no the ideal of person, a moral and spiritual orienteer for achieving in one's life. So if this thesis is true, then it is hard to speak about universal sense of life for mankind. In the postmodern situation no one knows what the true and proper way of life is. No one can be convinced that something is the only true value, norm or task in life. The one who knows (or pretends that he knows) would be regarded as the totalitarian manipulator, forcing others to accept his point of view and encroaching on the freedom. Even the words right, wrong, should are associated with the discrimination and limitation of the rights and freedoms. No life strategy can be true as there is no concept of truth in postmodern epoch. Everything is true, nothing is true. Every alternative is possible. And even some laws of logic (for example, law of excluded middle) formulated by Aristotle can be broken. According to catholic thinkers the main tendency today is the replacement of grand narrative "the sense of life" by the small narrative such as for example lifestyle, status, fashion. The contemporary man are interested more in "how to do something" than "what for", "is there any sense?". As the result the man as the subject is being vanished in some impersonal structures such as language, economics, sexuality, unconsciousness etc. These ideas also can menace not only the traditional religion such as Christianity, but also the conception of human rights and democracy. The conception of dignity of man is deeply connected with the religious faith in the immortal soul. So the rejection of spiritual immortality leads to rejection of man's dignity. Both dignity and immortality are connected with the idea of transcendental God as the absolute super-person, ontological guarantee of sense, value, dignity, subjectivity and personhood. According to Christian dogma a man is created upon the image and likeness of God. So the moral task is to see behind the empirical face of neighbor the transcendental visage of God the creator and the possibility of eternal selfrealization and self-development in would-be life. If we reject this dimension, then we deny the dignity. If we say that "God is dead" then the metaphysical concept of the dignity is no more sustained and substantiated. Then we claim it useless and start to deal with the very empirical aspects of the man with all its disadvantages. Then we are helpless to establish some norm of humanity (humanness), nobleness, holiness, sinfulness. Then we can ask about the criteria, norms for estimating some events, facts. We conclude that nowadays in the epoch of postmodern the Nuremberg tribunal would be impossible to be hold. The verdict of tribunal about the crime against human now seems to be appealing to the grand narrative. If there is no human dignity, then there is no crime against this dignity. According to Graham Ward, the salvation of main worldview problem in the epoch of postmodern is based on specific anthropology that implies existential orientation and directivity toward God. When all scholastic arguments of God existence are not convincing, the only argument of religious man in his dialogue with atheist or agnostic is the existential experience. The Gospel's commandment "Blessed are the poor for they shall inherit the earth" remains the fundamental ethical and epistemological truth of Christianity. So it gives hopes for the future prospects of Christianity despite of all theoretical conclusions that proclaim post-metaphysical and post-Christian era. ; В статье освещено позицию современных католических мыслителей, которые отстаивают традиционные ценности и полемизируют с постмодернистами. Показано, что основное внимание христианских философов, бо- гословов сфокусировано на критике постмодернистской деконструкции субъекта, релятивизации универсальных смыслов и ценностей, а также преодолении метанарративов. Обосновано, что позиция постмодернизма приводит к моральному релятивизму и исключает не только традиционную религию, но и современную "светскую рели- гию" прав человека ; У статті висвітлено позицію сучасних католицьких мислителів, які відстоюють традиційні цінності і полемізують з постмодерністами. Показано, що основна увага християнських філософів, богословів сфокусована на критиці постмодерністської деконструкції суб'єкта, релятивізації універсальних смислів і цінностей та скасуванні метанаративів. Обґрунтовано, що позиція постмодернізму призводить до морального релятивізму й унеможливлює не лише традиційну релігію, а й сучасну "світську релігію" прав людини.

Le courant l'archidiocèse orthodoxe d'Accra, au Ghana, appartient au patriarcat orthodoxe grec d'Alexandrie et de toute l'Afrique. Les premières paroisses ghanéennes de cet archidiocèse ouest-africain trouvent leur origine à une église indépendante africaine (AIC) commencée dans la colonie britannique de la Côte de l'Or en 1932. Connue sous le nom d'Église universelle africaine (ou Église d'Ebibirpim), elle a été fondée par un évêque local non canonique du nom de Kwamin Ntsetse Bresi-Ando (1884-1970). Extrêmement motivé pour assurer l'émancipation complète de l'Africain dans tous les domaines de la vie, l'évêque a lancé un programme à multiples facettes. Partout sur la Côte de l'Or et les terres voisines d'Asante, il a fondé 67 églises, 21 écoles, un séminaire et une énorme entreprise commerciale d'exportation de cacao dans l'espace de 10 ans - de 1932 à 1942. Le thème de l'émancipation de son église, sa politique d'africanisation et son programme de rapatriement afro-américain « Back-to-Africa » a attiré de nombreux habitants, ce qui en fait un mouvement à croissance rapide. L'échec de son aspect rapatriement et son incapacité d'assurer l'émancipation politique a été remplacée par une vision spiritualisée de l'indépendance lorsque Bresi-Ando a été consacré comme « patriarche catholique orthodoxe autocéphale » à Londres en 1935 par un episcopus vagans appartenant à la succession Vilatte du (faux) mouvement « vieux catholique » qui prétendait avoir des liens avec les jacobites indiennes du patriarcat syriaque oriental orthodoxe d'Antioche. Croyant qu'il avait découvert la véritable ancienne Église orthodoxe, Bresi-Ando se considérait comme un « patriarche » pour tous les Africains et il a changé le nom de son église à l'Église universelle africaine (orthodoxe-catholique). Adoptant l'ancienne polémique ecclésiastique monophysite, il se considérait comme libéré du christianisme colonial européen occidental. Pas reconnu par l'Église Orthodoxe grecque (« Eastern Orthodox ») ou par les orthodoxes orientaux (« Coptic, Jacobite ») comme canoniques, après sa mort, l'église orpheline de Bresi-Ando a été reçue dans le patriarcat orthodoxe grec d'Alexandrie en 1982, devenant ainsi la fondation du courant l'archidiocèse d'Accra. La question de recherche de cette thèse cherche à déterminer s'il est possible de trouver une perspective globale qui unifierait tous les facteurs apparemment disparates de la vie compliquée de cet homme complexe. Bresi-Ando avait-il une vision sous-jacente qui a guidé toutes les différentes étapes et transitions de sa vie, qu'elles soient théologiques, ecclésiologiques, commerciales, politiques, sociales, culturelles ou éducatives? L'hypothèse est que le panafricanisme était sa vision directrice. C'est la « clé » pour comprendre l'évêque, ses objectifs, ses rêves, ses actions et comment tout cela a aidé à préparer providentiellement le terrain pour l'avenir de l'église orthodoxe grec dans le Ghana moderne. Afin de tester cette hypothèse, un arrière-plan historique et ecclésiastique complet en sept niveaux est établi sur lequel est posée la biographie complète de l'évêque. Bresi-Ando suit l'enseignement et les exemples de plusieurs grands panafricanistes: Edward Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, Casely Hayford, Marcus Garvey et Laura Kofey. On fait valoir que Bresi-Ando était un panafricaniste qui a été constamment guidé par les principes panafricains parce que des preuves ont été fournies montrant comment il a synthétisé l'ensemble de divers concepts panafricains dans cinq catégories spécifiques: socioculturel, religieux, éducatif, commercial et politique. Bresi-Ando a utilisé les idéaux panafricains tels que ceux de « la race noire », de « l'unification, l'autonomisation, la libération », de « l'internationalisme noir », des « spectacles éthiopiens », de « l'africanisation », de « l'éthiopianisme », « les églises indépendantes africaines », de « l'émancipation » dans toutes les domaines de la vie, « le rapatriement », du « commerce appartenant aux noirs » et la synthèse d'une dénomination religieuse noire avec « l'internationalisme noir » et l'idéologie du « rapatriement ». La conclusion de cette thèse est que Bresi-Ando avait une vision panafricaine dans toutes ses actions de vie. Donc, les travaux préparatoires qui ont amené à la fondation de l'actuel archidiocèse orthodoxe grec d'Accra était en grande partie le résultat de la motivation panafricaniste d'un homme d'église africaine qui voulait à la fois une expression indépendante et africaine du christianisme authentique de l'Église primitive dans son pays d'origine. ; Abstract : The modern-day Orthodox Archdiocese of Accra, Ghana, belongs to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria and All Africa. The first Ghanaian parishes within this West African archdiocese trace their origin to an African independent church (AIC) begun in the British Crown Colony of the Gold Coast in 1932. Known as the African Universal Church (or Ebibirpim Church), it was started by a local uncanonical bishop named Kwamin Ntsetse Bresi-Ando (1884- 1970). Extremely motivated to provide complete emancipation for the African in every area of life, the bishop launched a multi-faceted program. All across the Gold Coast and the neighboring Asante lands he started 67 churches, 21 schools, a seminary, and a huge cocoa-exporting commercial enterprise within a period of 10 years—from 1932 to 1942. His church's emancipation theme, its Africanization policy, and its Afro-American "Back-to-Africa" repatriation program attracted many locals, making it a fast-growing movement. The failure of its repatriation aspect and its inability to secure political emancipation was replaced with a spiritualized vision of independence when Bresi-Ando was consecrated as an "autocephalous Orthodox Catholic Patriarch" in London in 1935 by an episcopus vagans belonging to the Vilatte succession of the (fake) "Old Catholic" movement who claimed connection to the Indian Jacobites of the Oriental Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch. Believing that he had discovered the true ancient Orthodox Church, Bresi-Ando declared himself to be a "Patriarch" for all Africans and he changed the name of his AIC to the African Universal (Orthodox-Catholic) Church. Adopting the ancient Monophysite ecclesiastical polemic, he considered himself to be liberated from Western colonial European Christianity. Not recognized by either the Orientals or the Eastern Orthodox as canonical, after his death Bresi-Ando's orphaned "Orthodox Catholic" church was received into the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Alexandria in 1982, becoming the foundation for the presentday Archdiocese of Accra. The research question of this thesis seeks to determine if a global perspective can be found that would unify all the seemingly disparate factors of the intricate life of this complex man. Did Bresi-Ando have an underlying vision that guided all of his different steps and transitions in life, whether they were theological, ecclesiological, commercial, political, social, cultural, or educational? The hypothesis is that Pan-Africanism was his guiding vision. It is the "key" to understand the bishop, his goals, his dreams, his actions, and how all of these providentially helped prepare the ground for the future Eastern Orthodox Church in modern-day Ghana. In order to test the hypothesis, a complete seven-layered historical and ecclesiastical background is established, over which is laid the full biography of the bishop. Bresi-Ando is seen following the teaching and examples of several great Pan-Africanists: Edward Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, Casely Hayford, Marcus Garvey, and Laura Kofey. It is argued that Bresi-Ando was a Pan-Africanist who was consistently guided by Pan-African principles because evidence is provided showing how he synthesized together various Pan-African concepts within five specific categories: socio-cultural, religious, educational, commercial, and political. Bresi-Ando utilized the Pan-African ideals of "blackness", "unification, empowerment, liberation," "black internationalism," "Ethiopian spectacles," "Africanization", "Ethiopianism", "African Independent Churches," "Emancipation" in all areas of life, "repatriation", "black-owned commerce," and the synthesis of a black religious denomination with "black internationalism" and "repatriation" ideology. The thesis research conclusion is that episcopus vagans "Patriarch" BresiAndo had a Pan-Africanist determination in all his life actions. Therefore, the preparatory groundwork that led to the founding of the present-day Eastern Orthodox Archdiocese of Accra was largely the result of the Pan-Africanist motivation of an African churchman who wanted both an independent and African expression of authentic Early Church Christianity in his homeland.