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Bullying behaviour can have a negative impact on a child's physical and psychological health. Bullying in the classroom is a challenge for early-childhood educators. Preschool is the first place outside the home where children face social challenges when interacting with their classmates. Child-Friendly Class is the first step and part of the Children Friendly School (CSF) as a UNICEF program and an important Indonesian government policy to prevent the emergence of child bullying behaviour. This study aims to identify needs in the process of developing a Child-Friendly Classroom Management model to anticipate bullying behaviour. This research and development method uses an adaptation of the Rowntree model which includes three stages of the process and data collection techniques using interviews, questionnaires, and observation. The results of this study indicate that the preparation of an effective classroom management guidebook to create child-friendly classes needs to be followed up immediately. Several findings related to teachers' perceptions of classroom management, and child-friendly classes prove that child-friendly classes have not been implemented properly in PAUD institutions, with bullying behaviour still appearing in early childhood in PAUD institutions. PAUD teachers understand that it is important to implement classroom management but so far there has been no manual on how to manage effective classrooms as well as training related to the implementation of effective classroom management. The creation of child-friendly classes is believed to be able to help teachers suppress the emergence of bullying behaviour in early childhood. Keywords: Child-Friendly Classroom Management, Bullying Prevention, Early Childhood Education References: Allday, R. A., Hinkson-Lee, K., Hudson, T. 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In Sámi schools in Sweden, the use of the Sámi languages and Swedish as languages of instruction is regulated by government and education policy; legislation allows Sámi and Swedish to be used for teaching and learning. However, agency and personal beliefs about Sámi languages play important roles in language use. Indeed, ideological and implementational spaces can be opened or closed, and support or hinder the use of Sámi languages. This thesis explores language use in Sámi schools through a multidimensional qualitative lens of questionnaires, educational policy documents, interviews, and participatory observations. In this way, the multilingual practices of Sámi schools are analyzed and the factors contributing to the creation, opening, and closing of ideological and implementational spaces for Sámi language use are identified. At the policy level, access to knowledge in and about Sámi and to support functional bilingualism opens spaces for Sámi language use. Whereas the unbalanced access to Sámi and Swedish knowledge, fewer Sámi teaching hours, and no national tests in Sámi close spaces for Sámi language use. At the grassroots level, teachers identified the combination of place and play as a facilitator for Sámi language use with the potential to open spaces for language use that support pupils' willingness to use Sámi. For pupils, positive attitudes towards Sámi are connected with open spaces for Sámi language use. In contrast, negative attitudes towards Sámi are connected with few opportunities to use Sámi, resulting in closed spaces for Sámi language use. The findings of this thesis make it apparent that collaborative engagement and dialogue between researchers, policymakers and those who are affected by language policies (i.e., teachers and pupils) is necessary to create a productive space for policy and grassroots change that opens spaces for Sámi language use in ways that are beneficial for all. ; Bakgrund Utgångspunkt i detta avhandlingsarbete är lärares iakttagelse att allt färre elever som går i sameskolan använder samiska i sin vardag. Tidigare forskning har visat att elever kan sakna sammanhang där minoritetsspråken används och i relation till det samiska språket har hemmet och skolan beskrivits som de två viktigaste språkarenorna. I hemmet spelar föräldrar en viktig roll när det gäller att föra språket vidare till sina barn medan det i skolan är lärare som är ansvariga för arbetet med elevers språkutveckling. Sedan 2011 finns en egen läroplan för sameskolan (Skolverket 2019), där vikten av arbete med samiska normer, traditioner och språk lyfts. Samtidigt beskrivs denna läroplan bygga på den svenska läroplanen. Forskning visar att policydokument, som till exempel läroplanen, kan innebära både möjligheter och hinder för användning av minoritetsspråk och urfolksspråk. Å ena sidan möjliggör policydokument flerspråkighet genom att erkänna urfolksspråken och minoritetsspråken. Å andra sidan riskerar flerspråkighet i klassrummet att hämmas då dessa språk inte anges som undervisningsspråk och anses inte lika viktiga som huvudspråket i policydokumentet (Hornberger och Johnson 2007). Metoder Detta arbete har utformats som fyra delstudier i fyra artiklar, där olika kvalitativa metoder använts för att möta avhandlings syfte och besvara dess forskningsfrågor. Den första artikeln utgår från en analys av 27 enkätsvar kring elevernas språkanvändning och fokuserar med vem elever pratar samiska, i vilka situationer de gör det samt hur de använder media på samiska. Elevernas svar analyserades utifrån begreppen modersmål, identitet och motivation. Den andra artikeln är en analys av kursplanerna i samiska och svenska för att identifiera olika diskurser i kunskapskraven för samiska och svenska. Syftet med artikeln var att undersöka vilka förutsättningar läroplanen ger eleverna att utveckla en funktionell tvåspråkighet i samiska respektive svenska. Den tredje artikeln är en intervjustudie med elva lärare från två sameskolor. Syftet var att utforska lärarnas uppfattningar kring platsens och lekens betydelse för språkanvändning hos elever. Den sista artikeln är också den en intervjustudie, men denna studie fokuserar hur elevernas språkpraktiker och uppfattningar kring språk kan skapa implicit språkpolicy. Teori Den övergripande teoretiska ramverket som använts för analys är Nancy H. Hornbergers koncept om ideologiska och implementeringsutrymme för flerspråkiga praktiker (ideological and implementational spaces for multilingual practices). Enligt Hornberger handlar ideologiska utrymmen om syn på flerspråkighet som kan öppna eller begränsa flerspråkighet i utbildningspolicydokument. Implementeringsutrymmen informerar om hur lärare implementerar policydokument, t.ex. läroplan, i klassrummet som främjar flerspråkighet och som i sin tur eventuellt förändrar det ideologiska utrymmet. Omvänt kan det också finnas policydokument som inte stödjer flerspråkighet, men där lärare ändå väljer att arbeta utifrån flerspråkighet i klassrummet eftersom de hittar andra policydokument som stödjer flerspråkighet. Det handlar även om att lärare ger minoritetsspråk makt genom att använda minoritetsspråk i sin undervisning. Hornbergers ramverk visar den dynamiska relationen mellan språk, policydokument, lärare och elever, där alla nivåer påverkar och påverkas av varandra. Resultat Den första artikeln visar att elever använder sig av samiska i olika sammanhang, men framför allt i hemmet och i skolan. Eleverna beskrev att de använder samiska mest med sina äldre släktingar, följt av pappor och vänner. De angav att de främst använder samiska för att skriva, i något mindre utsträckning vid läsning och minst i muntliga samtal. Inom medianvändning uppgav de flesta elever att de möter och använder samiska när de lyssnar på musik, skriver sms och tittar på TV. Denna på något sätt breda samiska användning återspeglades även i elevernas uppfattningar om den egna förmågan i samiska samt motivation att använda språket. De flesta elever beskriver att de främst använder svenska när de talar, men uttrycker samtidigt en stolthet över det samiska språket. De är inte rädda att prata samiska och döljer inte språket. Även elever som uppgav att de inte talade samiska innan de började skolan kunde ange samiska som sitt modersmål. Resultatet i denna artikel visar en bild av elever som identifierar sig med det samiska språket, då språket anses som en viktig kulturbärare. Positiva attityder och viljan att använda språket är en viktig motivationsfaktor för att utveckla språket. Resultatet visar även att elever behöver fler möjligheter att använda och utveckla sitt samiska språk, vilket kräver att såväl det svenska som det samiska samhället ger samiska elever likvärdig tillgång till båda sina språk. I den andra artikeln gjordes en diskursanalys av kunskapskraven i kursplanerna för samiska respektive svenska för att identifiera vilka möjligheter styrdokumentens skrivningar ger elever att utveckla en funktionell tvåspråkighet. Funktionell tvåspråkighet är ett av de 18 övergripande kunskapsmål som sameskolan ska ansvara för att elever ges möjlighet att utveckla. Enligt Skolverket (2019) innebär funktionell tvåspråkighet en förmåga som ger elever möjlighet att röra sig i olika sociala och kulturella kontexter som arbetsmarknader och utbildningssammanhang. Resultatet av denna studie visar att kursplanerna inte ger eleverna likvärdiga möjligheter att utveckla sina språk och en funktionell tvåspråkighet. Vidare visar resultatet att svenska beskrivs som ett akademiskt språk medan samiska beskrivs som ett språk som används muntligt och för vardagskommunikation. Att samiska relateras till en vardagsdiskurs medan svenskämnet relateras till en akademisk väcker frågor om olika makt och status de båda språken ges. Denna studie drar slutsatsen att diskurserna om funktionell tvåspråkighet i kursplanerna är motsägelsefulla och inte stödjer eleverna att ska utveckla samiska som ett fullt fungerande språk inom alla samhällsområden. Den tredje artikeln har som utgångspunkt lärares uppfattningar kring samiska elevers språkanvändning i relation till plats och lek. Platsens betydelse är viktig i den samiska kontexten då den knyter ihop den samiska kulturen och har betydelse på både individuell och kollektiv nivå. Lek beskrivs ha en positiv påverkan på barns och elevers språkutveckling oavsett om det handlar om sociodramatisk lek, som kan förklaras som samspel mellan två eller flera barn i from av rollek, eller vuxenstyrd lek. I denna studie undersöks språkanvändning utifrån muntlig användning av samiska och svenska och lek relaterar till elevernas sociodramatiska lek där vuxna inte styr leken. Utifrån tematisk analys kunde tre olika kategorier som har betydelse för samisk och svensk språkanvändning identifieras. De tre olika kategorier visar att plats och lek har betydelse (1) för språkinlärning (2) för den kulturella förståelsen och (3) för språkval och språkkunskap. För att påverka den muntliga språkanvändningen behöver dock leken vara socialt interaktiv, skapa glädje och upplevas som meningsfull, vara engagerande samt, viktigast av allt, äga rum utomhus. Vidare indikerar resultaten att utelek är viktig för samiska elevers språkanvändning eftersom den ger dessa elever flexibilitet att förhandla om sina språk. Studien påpekar betydelsen av platsen utanför klassrummet som viktig för språkutveckling och diskuterar hur mindre strukturerade aktiviteter, som sociodramatisk lek, stöder samiska elevers kulturella utveckling och språkinlärning. Den fjärde och sista artikeln bygger på intervjuer med elva samiska elever från två sameskolor. Här lyfts elevernas uppfattningar kring sin användning av samiska respektive svenska. Som teoretisk utgångpunkt används i denna artikel teorier om implicit språkpolicy, vilka handlar om individens val att använda sig av ett eller flera språk och som kan strida mot den officiella språkpolicyn. Särskilt fokuserar denna studie på hur elevernas uppfattningar och praktiker kan påverka och skapa implicit språkpolicy. Eleverna berättade att de växlar mellan språk beroende dels på sin egen kompetens i samiska och dels på vänners och lärares språkkompetens. Även i denna studie, i likhet med i första artikeln, rapporterade eleverna att de använder samiska huvudsakligen i hemmet och i skolan. Utöver det använder några samiska även av resandeskäl och vid rengärde. Resultat visar att elevernas språkliga deltagande i de olika sammanhangen ger dem tillgång till den sociokulturella och ekonomiska kontexten. Detta tyder på att de flesta elever identifierar sig med samiska, även om inte alla pratar samiska hemma. Detta resultat diskuteras i relation till dominerade samiska ideologier som existerar i elevernas omgivning. Slutsatser Hornbergers koncept visar hur språkuppfattningar, språkkunskaper, språkpraktiker och språkanvändning samspelar med varandra för att forma nya policyarenor. Skapandet av sådana nya policyarenor kan stödja lärares och elevers samiska språkanvändning. Artikel 2 visar att det finns utrymme för användning av det samiska språket utifrån kursplanen för samiska, men att detta utrymme samtidigt är begränsat. Det blir då upp till läraren att fylla detta utrymme med aktiviteter och praktiker som har en positiv inverkan på elevernas språkutveckling. Artikel 3, som poängterar platsens och lekens betydelse för språkanvändning, indikerar möjligheter för lärare inkludera utomhusaktiviteter i sin undervisning för att gynna elevernas utveckling av användning av samiska i muntlig kommutation. Likaså har elever möjligheter att påverka språkanvändning som en viktig del av den dynamiska relationen mellan språk, policydokument och lärare. Som artikel 1 lyfter är elevernas positiva attityder gentemot samiska, viljan att använda samiska och att man känner stolthet faktorer som kan påverka elevernas språkanvändning positivt. Dessutom indikerar artikel 4 att elevernas uppfattningar kan påverka deras egna språkpraktiker, men även skapa nya arenor för samisk språkanvändning. Denna språkanvändning kräver dock stöd från det samiska och svenska samhället för att möjliggöra en positiv utveckling av språkanvändningen. Därför är det viktigt att möjligheter öppnas upp för olika aktörer som lärare, elever, myndigheter, men även forskare att diskutera dessa frågor vidare.

First published in 1869 under title: Moral philosophy. ; CHAPTER IX. DUTIES -- SELF-CULTURE -- Aesthetic -- Its expensiveness -- Elevating tendency -- Increases power -- False refinement -- Fastidiousness -- The cultivated lady -- Culture, how attained -- Degree of attention proper -- Other demands to be cousidered -- Physical culture a duty -- Health -- Manual skill --Manners and habits -- Predominance of the soul -- CHAPTER X. DuTIES -- USEFULNESS -- The true aim -- The natural impulse -- Proper occupation -- Notoriety not usefulness -- Wealth and its uses -- Special obligation of the rich -- Social influence -- Difficulties and duties -- Special duties of the young -- The great want -- CHAPTER XL. DUTIES -- FIDELITY --Faithfulness in contracts -- Binding force -- Threats and promises -- In what sense binding -- When null -- Conditions -- Express and implied contracts -- Effect of the oath -- Marriage engagements -- CHAPTER XII. DUTIES -- VERACITY -- ItS nature and obligation -- Significance of the oath -- Its rightfulness -- Profanity -- Violations of veracity -- Limits of the obligation -- Words and gestures -- Legal practice -- Instinct of veracity -- CHAPTER XIII. DUTIES -- CHASTITY -- Nature of the duty -- Effect and criminality of unchastity -- Injustice of society -- Marriage provided for -- Its nature and conditions -- Moral law of divorce -- Civil law -- Incest -- Concluding remarks. ; SECOND DIVISION -- PERSONAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES -- Managing the market -- Cicero's example -- Law of wages Woman's wages -- Work that is above wages -- Violations of the right of property -- Bankrupt laws -- Prevalence of fraud upon the government -- Mischief of repudiation -- Immorality of gambling --Conflict of labor and capital -- CHAPTER VI. DUTIEs -- PIETY -- Origin of duties -- Nature of piety -- Its relation to religion -- Morality and religion -- Morality attained by religion -- Opposite of piety -- Duty of worship -- Possibility of prayer -- Speculative objections -- Social and public prayer -- The Sabbath -- Change of day -- Obligation permanent -- Proper observance -- Duty of promoting religion -- CHAPTER VII. Bums -- PHILANTHROPY -- PATRIoTIsM --Nature of philanthropy --Its relation to religion -- Its scope -- Proper test -- Misanthropy -- Patriotism as a virtue -- Required by benevolence -- Things opposed to patriotism -- CHAPTER VIII. DUTIES -- SELF-CULTURE -- Its nature and reasons -- Extends to all the faculties -- Spiritual culture -- Its relation to virtuous character --Intellectual culture -- Things to be held subordinate -- Kind of knowledge to be sought -- Culture of the sensibility -- Gives power --Relation to moral character -- Control indirect -- Associations --Books -- Perfection of character. ; CHAPTER III. RIGHTS -- LIBERTY -- Definition and extent -- Basis of the right -- Misapprehension of its origin -- Application to different powers --Principle of toleration -- Freedom of the press -- Free discussion -- Intervention of government in worship and education -- Subjective limitations -- Respect to the consciences of others -- Use of definite rules -- Violations of liberty -- Its defense -- CHAPTER IV. RIGHTS -- REPUTATION -- The interest involved -- How a good -- The precept -- Temptations to its violation -- Duty of exposing wrong -- Slander in truth-telling -- CHAPTER V. RIGHTS -- PROPERTY -- Origin of the right -- The precqpt -- Property, how acquired -- Transferable -- Right of discovery -- Effect of long possession -- Things not to be appropriated -- Animals made property, human beings not -- Limitations of the right -- Law of exchange -- Duty of the vender -- Standard of value. ; SECOND DIVISION -- PERSONAL RIGHTS AND DUTIES -- CHAPTER I. GENERAL PRLNCIPLES -- BaSIS of rights -- The comprehensive right -- Inalienable rights -- Basis of duties -- Correlation of rights and duties -- Positive and negative precepts -- Subjects of rights and duties -- The rights of brutes -- Superior right of rational beings -- CHAPTER II. RIGHTS -- LIFE -- Basis of the right -- Guilt of murder -- Malice and hatred -- Manslaughter -- Related crimes -- Right of self-preservation limited -- Self-defense -- Protection of property -- Carrying weapons -- Dueling -- Objections to self-defense -- Euthanacia. ; CHAPTER VIII. FAMILV GOVERNMENT -- Has a natural foundation -- Limited in its subjects -- Wide in its application to interests -- Mode of constitution -- Question of headsbip -- A relation of confidence -- To be entered upon with deliberation -- Maintained with care -- A natural sphere for each -- Relations of the family to the state and to society -- CHAPTER IX. DUTIES OF PARENT AND CHILD -- OF TEACHER AND PUPIL -- Chief work of the family -- Place of parental affection -- Leading duty of the parent -- Duty of obedience and its natural termination -- Claim of the child -- Limit of obedience -- Duty in maturity toward dependent parents -- The teacher's authority -- Its extent -- Need of closer definition -- The pupil's duty -- Unnatural antagonism -- Mutual regard -- Unfavorable tendencies -- Extreme in dividualism -- Independence of opinion. ; PART 11. PRACTICAL ETHICS -- PRELIMINARY REMARKS -- FIRST DIVISION -- CHAPTER V. PENALTIES IN CIVIL GOVERNMENT -- Uses of penalties -- Dangerous tendency -- Capital punishment -- Reasons for it -- Objection -- CHAPTER VI. LIMITS OF OBEDIENcE TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT -- GOvernment subordinate -- The higher law applied to a democratic state -- No general formula -- Laws, just, indifferent, unjust -- Two possible courses -- Duty of a subordinate magistrate -- Right of revolution -- Apprehended tendency -- Errors in two directions -- CHAPTER VII. THE RELATIONS OF NATIONS To EACH OTHER -- Obligation of nations limited -- Laws of nations -- Duty to respect each other's sovereignty -- Duty in case of rebellion -- In treaties -- In commercial intercourse -- Duty of self-preservation -- The rightfulness of war -- In case of resistance at home -- In case of aggression from without -- In defense of the weak -- In suppression of out rage -- In justifiable revolution -- Objections -- The true aim in war -- Duties in war. ; CHAPTER I. GOVERNMENT -- ITS NATURE AND F0UNDATI0N -- Definitions -- Relation of sanctions to government -- Object of government -- Its right to exist -- The right to govern -- Duty to govern -- Designation of the ruler -- Form of government -- Extent of authority -- Not dependent on desire of the governed -- CHAPTER II. THE DIVINE GOVERNMENT -- Its constitution -- Why God assumes the government -- The divine law -- How known to men -- Revealed law --Authority of examples -- The Saviour's example -- Genuine virtue required -- Personality of the law -- Application to communities -- Dealing with nations -- National sins -- CHAPTER III. PENALTIES UNDER THE DIVINE GOVERNMENT -- Nature of penalty -- Effects of penalty -- Relation of penalty to desert -- True reason of penalty -- Its extent -- Discipline and penalty -- Necessity of penalty in the divine government -- Degree and duration -- Guilt everlasting -- Natural consequences not penalty -- Physical law and penalty -- Remorse and penalty -- Providential conse quence -- CHAPTER IV. CIVIL GOVERNMENT -- Its foundation -- Right to govern -- The form of government -- A legitimate government -- A tyranny -- Constitutions -- Not a social compact -- Right and duty of voting -- The ruler a servant -- Doctrine of instruction -- Right of the majority -- Principle of representation -- The will of the governed a controlling element -- General tendency to democracy -- Relation of law to righteousness -- Mistakes. ; CHAPTER XI. -- THEORIES OF OBLIGATION -- Of right as ultimate -- Of obligation as originating in the will of God -- Difficulties -- Reason not ultimate -- Obligation known intuitively -- No character in God -- Relativity of morality -- Unscriptural -- Founded in the reason or nature of God -- Of spiritual worthiness as ultimate -- Hickok's view -- Janet's -- Seelye's -- Personal perfection not the true aim the term good -- Ambiguous use -- Virtue as ultimate -- Complacency not virtue -- Virtue a quality of choice, not its object -- Of abstract right as ultimate -- Axiom of the theory -- Does not explain the virtues -- Gives no unity to virtue -- Rightness not the final motive -- Maxim of the theory -- Acting from principle -- Rightness not ultimate -- Incidental advantages of the theory of benevolence. ; CHAPTER X. THEORIES OF OBLIGATION -- The question -- Different answers -- Reason for the difference -- Socrates and Plato -- Aristotle -- Doctrine of the Stoics -- Of the Epicureans -- Modern views -- Paley -- Taylor -- Difficulties -- Psychological error -- No freedom -- Misrepresents benevolence -- Mistakes the motive -- Makes no difference between the good and the bad -- Does not accord with Scripture -- Utilitarianism -- Misapplication of the term -- Needed discrimination -- "Holy Happiness" -- Kind of happiness to be sought -- Spencer's "Ethics." ; CHAPTER VIII. CONSCIENCE -- IS IT A GUIDE? -- Definition and office -- Impulse of Conscience -- Approval and condemnation -- Aesthetic conscience -- Conscience as a guide -- Intervention of judgment -- Different views -- Whately and Alexander -- Sins of ignorance -- Rational conscience the guide, not the emotional, nor the casthetic -- Conscientiousness -- Paul -- Honesty -- Sincerity --Conscience educated, enlightened, perverted -- Feeling of obligation -- CHAPTER IX. UNITY OR SIMPLICITY OF MORAL AcTI0N -- Virtue and sin contradictory -- Their coexistence impossible -- Different hypotheses to explain their coexistence -- Imperfect powers -- From the fall --From past sin -- Right intention with wrong thoughts and feelings -- Mixed motives -- Partial regard for good -- Lack of intensity -- Right ultimate choice and wrong acts -- The teaching of the Scriptores -- Practical teaching -- N.W. Taylor -- Objections and answers -- Prevailing consciousness -- Negative testimony -- No room for improvement -- Degrees of goodness -- Degrees of sinfulness -- Temptation and guilt -- Knowledge of past sinfulness -- General bearing of the doctrine. ; CHAPTER VI. ADDITIONAL REMARKS AND INFERRNCES -- Universality of the law of benevolence -- Works of supererogation impossible -- Morality personal, not transferable -- Ambiguity of the term character -- The seat of moral depravity -- Total moral depravity -- The moral change required -- Relation of emotion to the moral state -- Moral character in consciousness -- Moral consistency -- CHAPTER VII. RIGHT AND WRONG -- DUTY, KNOWN ANO UNKNOWN -- NEED OF A REvELATI0N -- Ambiguity of the terms right and wrong -- Absolute right and wrong -- Relative right and wrong -- Objective and subjective right and wrong -- Right and wrong per se -- The expedient and the right -- Our knowledge of the right -- End and means -- Doing evil that good may Come -- Least of two evils -- Known and unknown dUty -- Need of revelation to furnish motive and to indicate objective duty. ; CHAPTER V. OF PARTICULAR VICES -- Their common element -- Their relation to sinful character -- Their origin -- Sensuality -- Ambition -- Avarice -- Pride and vanity -- Selfishness -- The desire not sinful -- Malevolent impulses -- Natural or impulsive goodness -- Two characters possible -- Apparent goodness -- Right moral judgments -- Kindly affections -- Devotional feelings -- Impulsive virtues, their relation to true virtue -- Imitative goodness -- Deficiency exhibited -- Are the impulsive virtues sinful? -- Their utility. ; PART 1.--THEORETICAL -- CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTORY DEFINITIONS. -- Divisions of the science -- Topics treated of -- Obligation a simple idea -- Undefinable --Attempted definitions --A moral being or person --Essential attributes -- Intellect -- Sensibility -- Free-will -- A moral act -- The moral element, where found -- Different forms of voluntary action -- More exact location of the moral element -- Character and intention -- Two kinds of moral action -- CHAPTER II. RIGHT OR VIRTUOUS ACTION -- The true good -- Absolute and relative good -- Illustrations of the two -- Mere animal life valuable -- The Summum Bonum -- No comparison of the two forms of good -- Happiness -- Obligation, how perceived -- Regard to our own good -- Of virtue as good -- Of benevolence as virtue -- Benevolence in consciousness -- CHAPTER III. WRONG OR SINFUL ACTION -- Its nature -- Its motive -- Its form, how determined --Gratification of desire not sin -- Sin subordinates reason -- No rational end in sin -- Sin not a choice of evil -- Sin not selfishness --Impossibility of making one's own good the supreme end -- Sin in consciousness -- Self-gratification not the intelligent end -- Sin subjection to impulse, or carnal-mindedness -- Desires and passions not sinful -- Their uses -- CHAPTER IV. OF THE PARTICULAR VIRTUES -- Benevolence the root -- Constitutes right character -- Its relation to the particular virtues, and to right acts -- Love -- Gratitude -- Justice not an independent -- virtue -- Mercy not opposed to justice -- Self-denial --Veracity -- Humility -- Faith -- Obedience -- The teaching of Scripture -- Misapprehensions of benevolence -- Interdependence of the virtues. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Einleitend zeigen die Autor*innen, in welchem institutionellen Kontext eines sich entwickelnden, die gesamte Bevölkerung einschließenden, also inkludierenden, und gleichzeitig differenzierenden Bildungswesens die in den Beiträgen des Bandes beschriebenen, verschiedenen pädagogischen und psychologischen Praktiken der Kategorisierung und Selektion von Schüler*innen entstanden. Erst in dieser Perspektive einer langen Geschichte schulischer Inklusion wird in aller Klarheit ersichtlich, dass und wie so anscheinend ganz unterschiedliche und unabhängig voneinander existierende Ereignisse und Debatten, wie die um die Entstehung der Hilfsschule in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, die Diskussionen unter Lehrkräften und Schulmännern über die Abiturprüfung um 1900 oder diejenigen unter Vertreter*innen einer empirischen Pädagogik und Psycholog*innen zur Entwicklung der Ausleseverfahren im Übergang von der Grundschule in das höhere Schulwesen in den 1920er Jahren, miteinander verknüpft sind. Gleichzeitig erweist sich dabei auch die Frage nach spezifischen disziplinären und professionellen Blickwinkeln – vor allem der Pädagog*innen und der Psycholog*innen – und deren Praktiken als ebenso eng wie komplex verwoben mit politischen und pädagogischen Ideen eines Aufstiegs durch Bildung, des offenen Zuganges zu Bildungsressourcen und damit schließlich nach Gerechtigkeit. (DIPF/Orig.)

Über den schulischen Umgang mit einer "Heterogenität" der Schüler*innen wird seit einer Reihe von Jahren heftig debattiert. Der vorliegende Band zeigt, wie seit dem letzten Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts die Beobachtung von Unterschieden – solchen der Begabung, des Verhaltens und des Interesses – zwischen Schüler*innen in den Schulen mehr und mehr in das Blickfeld rückte. Auseinandersetzungen darüber, wie vor diesem Hintergrund "passende" Lerngruppen zusammengestellt werden sollten, bestimmten zunehmend das Bild der pädagogischen und schulpolitischen Debatten. Rekonstruiert werden Selektionsmechanismen im Schulsystem zwischen 1880 und 1980, mit denen zwischen Normalen und Nicht-Normalen, zwischen Begabten und Minderbegabten, zwischen solchen, die sich anpassten, und solchen, die das nicht taten, unterschieden wurde. Die Beiträge untersuchen Praktiken des Beobachtens, Prüfens und Beurteilens von Schüler*innen, die dafür eingesetzten Verfahren und Tests sowie die damit verbundenen individuellen, pädagogischen und politischen Bedingungen und Folgen. (DIPF/Orig.)

This report presents an analysis of the Early Childhood Development (ECD) subsector, including programs and policies that affect young children in the Republic of Kiribati. This was a collaborative effort between UNICEF and the World Bank Group; it combines the World Bank Group's Systems Approach for Better Education Results SABER-ECD framework, which includes analysis of early learningand child p, health, nutrition, and social rotection policies and interventions in Kiribati, along with regional and international comparisons, as well as the regionally developed UNICEF National Situational Analysis ECD, which takes a greater in-depth look at the following system components, which have been highlighted by the Pacific Region as priority components for quality Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) implementation: policy, legislation, and governance; human resources; curriculum, child assessment, and environment; performance monitoring and assessment; and community partnerships. In 2008, the Ministry of Education (MOE) drafted the Kiribati Early Childhood Care and Education (ECCE) Policy, which was formally endorsed by Cabinet in 2010. The ECCE policy, targeting ages three to five, calls ECCE a "national responsibility" with a mission "to culturally nurture young children in a loving and caring environment to enhance through interactive play the fullest potential of their physical, intellectual, social, emotional and spiritual growth in line with trends and development". This country report presents a framework to benchmark Kiribati's ECD system; each of the nine policy levers and five system components are examined in detail, and policy options to strengthen ECD are offered. This report is intended to serve as a first step for decision making within the government of Kiribati to improve the ECD system. Now that some areas in need of policy attention have been identified, the country can move forward in prioritizing policy options to promote healthy and robust development for all children during their early years.

Check My School (CMS) is a community monitoring project that aims to promote transparency and social accountability in the Philippine education sector by tracking the provision of services in public schools. The project uses a blended approach, which combines on-the-ground community monitoring with the use of information and communication technology (ICT). CMS had been initiated and designed by the Affiliated Network for Social Accountability in East Asia and the Pacific (ANSA-EAP) and jointly supported by the World Bank Institute and the Open Society Institute. Although CMS is a young project (the pilot began in early 2011), it has already attracted worldwide attention of governments, civil society organizations, and international donors. CMS is often cited as a 'good practice' in the field, and the governments of several countries, including Indonesia, Kenya, and Moldova, are interested in adapting the CMS model to their country contexts. This case study sheds light on the design and implementation features of the first pilot cycle of CMS in public schools across the Philippines. The case study discusses the general political background and operating environment of the CMS project, its concept and operating principles, the roles and incentives of the major stakeholders involved in its design and implementation, and the ways in which CMS aims to use ICTs. In addition, the case study provides a step-by-step analysis of the first CMS project cycle in 2011, examines its accomplishments and challenges, and provides lessons from the first pilot year of the project's operation. The case study concludes with recommendations for projects that aim to follow the footsteps of CMS.

BAND II. Bericht über die Tätigkeit der Deutschösterreichischen Friedensdelegation in St. Germain-en-Laye (-) Band II. (II. / 1919) ( - ) 5. Der zweite Teil der Friedensbedingungen. (1) 6. Die endgültigen Friedensbedingungen. (5) Beilage 55. Begleitnote zu den Friedensbedingungen vom 20. Juli. Conférence de la Paix. Le President. Paris, le 20 juillet 1919. Friedenskonferenz. Der Präsident. Paris, den 20. Juli 1919. (9) Beilage 56. Friedensbedingungen vom 20. Juli. Conditions de Paix avec l'Autriche. Bedingungen des Friedens mit Österreich. (10) Préambule. Einleitung. (10) Partie I. Pacte de la Société des Nations. Teil I. Völkerverbundssatzung. (10) Partie II. Frontières d'Autriche. Teil II. Grenzen Österreichs. (11) Partie III. Clauses politiques Européennes. Teil III. Politische Bestimmungen über Europa. (11) Section I. Italie. Abschnitt I. Italien. (11) Section II. État Serbe-Croate-Slovène. Abschnitt II. Serbisch-kroatisch-slowenischer Staat. (14) Section III. État tchéco-slovaque. Abschnitt III. Tschecho-slowakischer Staat. (15) Section IV. Roumanie. Abschnitt IV. Rumänien. (16) Section V. Clauses politiques concernant certains État d'Europe. Abschnitt V. Politische Bestimmungen über gewisse europäische Staaten. (17) Section VI. Protection des Minorités. Abschnitt VI. Schutz der Minderheiten. (18) Section VII. Dispositions générales. Abschnitt VII. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (19) Partie IV. Interêts Autrichiens hors d'Europe. Teil IV. Außereuropäische Interessen Österreichs. (19) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et aériennes. Teil V. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (20) Partie VI. Prisonniers de guerre et sépultures. Teil VI. Kriegsgefangene und Grabstätten. (21) Partie VII. Sanctions. Teil VII. Strafbestimmungen. (22) Partie VIII. Réparations. Teil VIII. Wiedergutmachungen. (22) Partie IX. Clauses financières. Teil IX. Finanzielle Bestimmungen. (24) Partie X. Clauses économiques. Teil X. Wirtschaftliche Bestimmungen. (32) Section I. Relations commerciales. Abschnitt I. Handelsbeziehungen. (32) Section II. Traités. II. Abschnitt Verträge. (33) Section III. Dettes. III. Abschnitt. Schulden. (33) Section IV. Biens, droits et intéréts. Abschnitt IV. Eigentum, Rechte und Interessen. (34) Section V. Contrats, prescriptions, jugements. Abschnitt V. Verträge, Verjährung, Urteile. (39) Section VI. Tribunal arbitral mixte. Abschnitt VI. Gemischtes Schiedsgericht. (40) Section VII. Propriété industrielle. Abschnitt VII. Gewerbliches Eigentum. (40) Section VIII. Dispositions spéciales aux territoires transférés. Abschnitt VIII. Sonderbestimmungen für abgetrennte Gebiete. (42) Partie XI. Navigation aérienne. Teil XI. Luftschiffahrt. (45) Partie XII. Ports, voies d'eau et voies ferrées. Teil XII. Häfen, Wasserwege und Eisenbahnen. (45) Section I. Dispositions générales. Abschnitt I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (45) Section II. Navigation. Abschnitt II. Schiffahrt. (46) Section III. Chemins de fer. Abschnitt III. Eisenbahnen. (47) Chapitres I-III. Kapitel I bis III. (47) Chapitre IV. Cession de lignes de chemins de fer. Kapitel IV. Abtretung von Eisenbahnlinien. (47) Chapitres V-VII. Kapitel V-VII. (48) Section IV. Jugement des litiges et revision des clauses permanentes. Abschnitt IV. Entscheidung von Streitigkeiten und Revision der dauernden Bestimmungen. (48) Section V. Dispositions particulières. Abschnitt V. Besondere Bestimmungen. (49) Partie XIII. Travail. Teil XIII. Arbeit. (49) Partie XIV. Clauses diverses. Teil XIV. Verschiedene Bestimmungen. (50) Beilage 57. Memorandum zu den Friedensbedingungen vom 20. Juli. Mémorandum. Memorandum. (51) Beilage 58. Erklärung über die Grenzsperre gegen Ungarn. Déclaration Particulière. Sondererklärung. (54) Beilage 59. Mitteilung über die zweite Reise des Staatskanzlers nach Feldkirch. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No 800. Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 800. (55) Beilage 60. Zwölfte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 776. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 776. (56) Beilage 61. Note über die Kriegsgefangenen. Délégation de L'Autriche Allemande. No 833. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 833. (58) Beilage 62. Ersuchen um Fristenverlängerung. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande Nr. 791. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 791. (61) Beilage 63. Ersuchen wegen der Lieferung von Kohle. Dèlégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 864. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 864. (63) Beilage 64. Übermittlung von Daten über die Kohlenversorgung Deutschösterreichs. Délégation l'Autriche Allemande. No. 891. Deutschösterreichische Delegation Z. 891. (66) Annexe. Beilage. (67) [Tabelle]: Charbon en dépôt (par tonnes) (70) Beilage 65. Antwort auf das Ersuchen um Verlängerung der Frist. Conférénce de la Paix. Secrétariat Géneral. Friedenskonferenz. Generalsekretariat. (71) Beilage 66. Vorlage des Schreibens des Staatskanzlers an den Präsidenten der Nationalversammlung. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 917. Deutschösterreichische Delegation Nr. 917. (72) Lettre officielle adressée pa le Chancelier de l'Autriche Allemande et Secrétaire d'Etat aux Affaires Etrangères M. Charles Renner au Président de l'Assemblée Nationale M. Charles Seitz. Offizielles Schreiben des Staatskanzlers und Staatssekretärs für Äußeres von Deutsch-Österreich Dr. Karl Renner an den Präsidenten der Nationalversammlung Herrn Karl Seitz. (73) Beilage 67. Dreizehnte Note wegen der Ereignisse an der südslawischen Front. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. Nr. 948. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 948. (76) Beilage 68. Antwort auf die Friedensbedingungen vom 20. Juli. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No 914. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 914. (78) I. Obversations présentées par la Délégation Autrichienne Allemande sur l'ensemble des "Conditions de Paix" avec l'Autriche Allemande. I. Bemerkungen der deutschösterreichischen Deleagtion zur Gesamtheit der "Friedensbedingungen" mit Deutschösterreich. (92) Préambule. Einleitung. (93) Partie I. Pacte de la Société des Nations. I. Teil. Völkerbundvertrag. (95) Partie II. II. Teil. (96) Section I. Frontières de l'Autriche Allemande. Abschnitt I. Die Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. (96) [Tabelle]: Le Gouvernement tchéco-slovaque luiméme a publié comme résultat des élections communales les chiffres suivants: Die tschecho-slowakische Regierung selbst hat als Ergebnis dieser Gemeindewahlen folgende Zahlen bekanntgegeben: (96) Section II. Nationalité. Abschnitt II. Staatsangehörigkeit. (111) Partie III. Clauses politiques européennes. III. Teil. Politische Bestimmungen über Europa. (118) Section VI. Protection des minorités. Sektion VI. Minoritätenschutz. (118) Partie IV. Interêts autrichiens hors d'Europe. IV. Teil. Interessen Österreichs außerhalb Europas. (123) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et aériennes. V. Teil. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (124) Section I. Clauses militaires. Abschnitt I. Militärische Bestimmungen. (124) Section II. Clauses navales. Abschnitt II. Bestimmungen über die Seestreitkräfte. (127) Section III. Clauses concernant l'aéronautique militaire et navale. Abschnitt III. Bestimmungen über Heeres- und Marine-Luftfahrtwesen. (128) Section IV. Les disposition concernant les commission de contrôle. Abschnitt IV. Bestimmungen über die Kontrollkommission. (130) Section V. Clauses Générales. Abschnitt V. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (131) Partie VI. Prisonniers de guerre et sépultures. VI. Teil. Kriegsgefangene und Grabstätten. (136) Partie VII. Sanctions. VII. Teil. Strafbestimmungen. (138) Partie VIII. Réparations. VIII. Teil Wiedergutmachungen. (140) Section I. Dispositions générales. Abschnitt I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (140) [Tabelle]: Voici les prévisions du budget pour l'année 1919-20: Das Budget für das Jahr 1919/20 präliminiert folgende Staatseinnahmen: (141) Annexe III. Annex III. (143) Annexe IV. Annex IV. (148) Annexe V. Annex V. (149) Sextion II. Dispositions particulières. II. Abschnitt. Besondere Bestimmungen. (150) Partie IX. Clauses financières. IX. Teil. Finanzielle Bestimmungen. (164) Article 199. Première Partie: Dettes gagées d'avant-guerre. Artikel 199. I. Sichergestellte Vorkriegsschulden. (166) Deuxième Partie: Dettes non gagées d'avant-guerre. II. Nicht sichergestellte Vorkriegsschulden. (168) Article 201. Dette de guerre. Artikel 201 Kriegsschuld. (171) [Tabelle]: Les charges qui résulteraient, par application duprésent Article, pour l'Autriche Allemande se composeraient: Die Belastung Deutschösterreichs würde sich nach den Bestimmungen des gegenwärtigen Artikels zusammensetzen: (178) Parties X et XII. Clauses économiques et ports, voies d'eau et voies ferrées. X. und XII. Teil. Wirtschaftliche Bestimmungen und Häfen, Wasserwege und Eisenbahnen. (195) Partie XI. Navigation aérienne. XI. Teil. Luftschiffahrt. (196) Partie XIII. Travail. XIII. Teil. Arbeit. (197) Partie XIV. Clauses Diverses. XIV. Teil. Verschiedene Bestimmungen. (200) Annexe a Annexe b Beilage a Beilage b (201) Annexe c Mémoire sur la Styrie. Beilage c. Denkschrift über Steiermark. (202) Annexe d. Mémoire sur la vallée Sexten. Beilage d. Denkschrift über das Sextental. (208) Annexe e. Protestations signées par toutes les communes du Tyrol méridional actuellement occupé par l'Italie. Beilage e. Protesterklärungen, unterfertigt von allen Gemeinden des gegenwärtig von Italien besetzten Südtirol. (210) Résolution votée le 4 juillet 1919 par la Diète du Tyrol dans une séance spéciale convoquée a ce dessein. Entschließung, gefaßt durch den Tiroler Landtag am 4. Juli 1919 in einer zu diesem Anlasse einberufenen besonderen Sitzung. (212) Annexe f. Partie VI. Prisonniers de guerre sépultures. f. VI. Teil. Kriegsgefangene und Grabstätten. (213) Section I. Prisonniers de guerre. Beilage. Abschnitt I. Kriegsgefangene. (213) Section II. Sépultures. Abschnitt II. Grabstätten. (217) Annexe g. (à la Partie VIII, Section II). Dichiarazione. Beilage g. (zum VIII. Teil, Abschnitt II). Erklärung. (218) Annexe h. L'Autriche Allemande et la Dette Publique des deux États ayant composé la Monarchie austrohongroise. Beilage h. Deutschösterreich und die Staatsschulden der beiden Staaten der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie. (219) Préface. Einleitung. (219) Chapitre 1. Les bases juridiques. I. Kapitel. Die rechtlichen Grundlagen. (220) [2 Tabelle]: (1)La superficie des territoires était la suivante: Die Staatsterritorien umfaßten: (2)La population (d'aprés l'état du 31 décembre 1913) était la suivante: Die Bevölkerung (berechnet für den 31. Dezember 1913) betrug: (221) Chapitre 2. Les différentes nations de l'Autriche et l'État. II. Kapitel. Die Nationen Österreichs und der Staat. (224) [Tabelle]: À la suite des derniéres élections pour le Reichsrat les partis se groupaient au point de vue national suit: Nach den letzten Reichsratswahlen (1911) bestand folgende Gliederung der Parteien nach nationalen Gesichtspunkten: (225) Chapitre 3. Les bases légales des dettes de guerre. III. Kapitel. Die Bewilligung der Kriegsschulden. (226) Chapitre 4. Le caractère économique des emprunts de guerre. IV. Kapitel. Der ökonomische Charakter der Kriegsschulden. (229) [Tabelle]: Ad a) Les dettes nées avant la guerre s'élevaient d'après le dernier relevé: Ad a) Die Vorkriegsschulden betragen nach dem neuesten Stande: (233) Chapitre 5. Mode d'emploi du produit des emprunts. V. Kapitel. Die Verwendung der Anlehenserlöse. (234) [Tabelle]: Verbindlichkeiten am 31. Oktober 1918 (234) [Tabelle]: Ces dépenses purement miltaires se sont élevées: Diese militärischen Kriegsausgaben betrugen vom Kriegsbeginn bis zum Dissolutionstage (31. Oktober 1918): (235) Chapitre 6. La répudiation des dettes publiques; ses conséquences. VI. Kapitel. Die Folgen der Schuldableugnung. (239) Chapitre 7. Droit des Gens et Pratique Internationale. VII. Kapitel. Völkerrecht und Staatenpraxis. (243) Chapitre 8. Conclusions. VIII. Kapitel. Folgerungen. (246) [2 Tabellen]: (1)A. Les dettes guerre groupées d'après leur nature, arrêtées au 31 octobre 1918. (2)B. Les dettes de guerre groupées d'aprrès leur valeur monétaire, arrêtées au 31 octobre 1918. (248) [2 Tabelle]: (1)A. Kriegsschulden, geordnet nach Schuldarten. (Stand am 31. October 1918.) (2)B. Kriegsschulden, geordnet nach Währungen. (Stand am 31. Oktober 1918.) (249) [Tabelle]: La population de la Monarchie Austro-Hongroise. (250) [Tabelle]: Bevölkerungsdaten der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie. (251) [Tabelle]: Annexe i. /à la Partie IX). Comparaison de chiffres des états de la Banque Austro-Hongroise du 31 Octobre 1918 et du 15 Juillet 1919. Beilage i. (zum IX. Teil). Vergleichung der Ziffern der Ausweise der Oesterreichisch-ungarischen Bank vom 31. Oktober 1918 und vom 15. Juli 1919. (252) II. Rédations résultant des Observations de la Délégation Autrichienne Allemande et soumises à l'appreéciation du Conseil suprême des Puissances alliées et associées. II. Text der Gegenvorschläge. Ergebnisse der Bemerkungen der deutschösterreichischen Delegation unterbreitet dem Obersten Rat der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte. (254) Partie II. Frontières de l'Autriche Allemande. II. Teil. Grenzen Deutschösterreichs. (256) Section II. Nationalité. Abschnitt II. Staatsangehörigkeit. (262) Partie III. Clauses politiques européennes. III. Teil. Politische Bestimmungen über Europa. (265) Section I. Italie. Abschnitt I. Italien. (265) Section II. État serbe-croate-slovène. Abschnitt II. Serbisch-kroatisch-slowenischer Staat. (267) Section III. Ètat tchéco-slovaque. Abschnitt III. Tschecho-slowakischer Staat. (270) Section IV. Roumanie. Abschnitt IV. Rumänien. (272) Section V. Clauses politiques concernant certains états d'europe. Abschnitt V. Politische Bestimmungen, betreffend verschiedene europäische Staaten: (273) Section VII. Dispositions générales. Abschnitt VII. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (275) Neutralité du Tyrol. Abschnitt VIII. Neutralität Tirols. (275) Section IX. Plébiscite. AbschnittIX. Volksabstimmung. (276) Article I. Territoires soumis au plébiscite. Artikel I. Gebiete, in denen die Volksabstimmung stattfindet. (276) Article II. Puissance occupante. Artikel II. Okkupierende Macht. (276) Article III. Profession de nationalité. Artikel III. Staatsbürgerschaftserklärung. Article IV. Sujets appelés à professer leur nationalité. Artikel IV. Die zum Bekenntnis der Volkszugehörigkeit berufenen Personen. (277) Article V. Lieu de la profession. Artikel V. Ort der Ablegung des Bekenntnisses. (277) Article VI. Moment de la profession. Artikel VI. Zeit der Ablegung des Bekenntnisses. Article VII. Forme et contenu de la profession. Artikel VII. Form und Inhalt des Bekenntnisses. (278) Article VIII. Commission internationale. Sa composition. Artikel VIII. Internationale Kommission. Ihre Zusammensetzung. (278) Article IX. Commission internationale. Ses tâches. Artikel IX. Internationale Kommission. Ihre Aufgaben. (279) Article X. Profession des communes. Artikel X. Bekenntnis der Gemeinden. Article XI. Fixation des frontières des Ètats. Artikel XI. Festsetzung der Staatsgrenzen. (280) Article XII. Disposition spéciales pour les enclaves. Artikel XII. Spezielle Bestimmungen für Enklaven. Article XIII. Immunité de la profession de nationalié. Artikel XIII. Immunität des Nationalitätsbekenntnisses. Article XIV. Temps nécessaire à accorder pour la profession. Artikel XIV. Einräumung der zur Abgabe des Nationalitätsbekenntnisses notwendigen Zeit. (281) Article XV. Dispositions Pénnales. Artikel XV. Strafbestimmungen. (282) Article XVI. Procedure judicaire. Artikel XVI. Gerichtsverfahren. (283) Article XVII. Résultat du plébiscite. Artikel XVII. Ergebnis der Volksabstimmung. (284) Partie IV. Intérêts Autrichiens hors d'Europe. IV. Teil. Außereuropäische Interessen Österreichs. (285) Section I. Maroc. Abschnitt I. Marokko. (285) Section II. Égypte. Abschnitt II. Ägypten. (286) Section III. Siam. Abschnitt III. Siam. (287) Section IV. Chine. Abschnitt IV. China. (288) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et aériennes. V. Teil. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (290) Section I. Clauses militaires. Abschnitt I. Militärische Bestimmungen. (290) Chapitre premier. Clauses générales. Kapitel I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (290) Chapitre III. Recrutement et instruction militaire. Kapitel III. Heeresergänzung und militärische Ausbildung. (291) Section II. Clauses navales. Abschnitt II. Bestimmungen über die Seestreitkräfte. (293) Section III. Clauses concernant l'aéronautique militaire et Navale. Abschnitt III. Bestimmungen über Heer- und Marineflugwesen. (294) Section IV. Commission interalliées de contrôle. Section V. Clauses générales. Abschnitt IV. Interalliierte Überwachungskommission. Abschnitt V. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (295) Beilage 69. Mitteilung der Beschlüsse des Hauptausschusses. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 982. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Z. 982. (296) Beilage 70. Délégation de la Republique de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 997. Delegation der Republik Deutschösterreich. Z. 997. (299) I. Texte des conditions de Paix avec l'Autriche Allemande. / Modifications résultant des contre-propositions. I. Text der Friedensbedingungen mit Deutschösterreich. / Abänderungen gemäß den Gegenvorschlägen. (300) II. Texte des conditions de paix avec l'Autriche-Allemande. / Texte du traité de paix avec l'Allemagne. II. Text der Friedensbedingungen mit Deutschösterreich / Text des Friedensvertrages mit Deutschland. (302) Beilage 71. Zweiter Nachtrag zur Antwort auf die Friedensbedingungen vom 20. Juli. Délégation de la République de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 996. Delegation der Republik Deutschösterreich. Nr. 996. (304) Délégation de la République de l'Autriche Allemande. Partie orientale du Comitat de Wieselburg. Delegation der Republik Deutschösterreich. Der östliche Teil des Komitates Wieselburg. (305) [Tabelle]: Les produits provenant du Comitat de Wieselburg et disponibles en temps de paix pour la consomation de Vienne et de l'Autriche ont été appréciés au montant des chiffres suivants: Die im Komitat Wieselburg gewonnenen Produkte, die in Friedenszeiten für den Konsum von Wien und Österreich verfügbar waren, sind auf nachfolgende Ziffern geschätzt worden: (305) Beilage 72. Bitte um Ermächtigung zur Herstellung der Ordnung in Deutschwestungarn. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 1021. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. Nr. 1031. (307) Beilage 73. Begleitnote zu den Friedensbedingungen vom 2. September. Conférence de la Paix. Le Président. Lettre d'envoi au Président de la Délégation autrichienne de la réponse des Puissances alliées et associées. Friedenskonferenz. Der Präsident. Begleitworte zur Antwort der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte an den Präsidenten der österreichischen Deleagtion. (310) Beilage 74. Antwort auf die Bemerkungen zu den Friedensbedingungen vom 20. Juli. Réponse des Puissances alliées et associées aux remarques de la délégation autrichienne sur les conditions de paix. Antwort der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte zu den Bemerkungen der österreichischen Delegation über die Friedensbedingungen. (318) Partie II. Frontières de l'Autriche. II. Teil. Grenzen Österreichs. (318) I. Frontière entre l'Autriche et l'État Tchéco-slovaque. I. Die Grenze zwischen Österreich und dem tschecho-slowakischen Staat. (319) II. Frontière l'Autriche et al Hongrie. II. Grenzen zwischen Österreich und Ungarn. (320) III. Frintière entre l'Autriche et l'État Serbe-Croate-Slovène. III. Grenze zwischen Österreich und dem serbo-kroatisch-slowenischen Staate. (320) Styrie. Steiermark. (321) Carinthie. Kärnten. (322) IV. Frontière entre l'Autriche et l'Italie. IV. Grenze zwischen Österreich und Italien. (323) Partie III. Clauses politiques. III. Teil. Politische Klauseln. (323) Section I. Italie. Abbschnitt I. Italien. (323) Section V. Protection des minorités. Abschnitt V. Schutz der Minderheiten. (324) Section VI. Nationalités. Abschnitt VI. Staatsbürgerschaft. (325) Section VIII. Dispositions Générales. Abschnitt VIII. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (327) Partie IV. Intérêts autrichiens hors d'Europe. IV. Teil. Österreichische Interessen außerhalb Europas. (327) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et aériennes. V. Teil. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (329) Clauses militaires. Bestimmungen über Landstreitkräfte. (330) Clauses navales. Schiffahrtsbestimmungen. (331) Clauses aèriennes. Bestimmungen über das Flugwesen. (332) Clauses générales. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (335) Partie VI. Prisonniers de guerre. VI. Teil. Kriegsgefangene. (335) Partie VII. Sanctions. VII. Teil. Strafbestimmungen. (337) Partie VIII. Réparations. VIII. Teil. Wiedergutmachungen. (339) I. Observations Générales. I. Allgemeine Bemerkungen. (339) II. Examen Détaillé. II. Besonderer Teil. (341) Partie IX. Clauses financières. IX. Teil. Finanzielle Klauseln. (344) Partie X. Clauses économiques. X. Teil. Wirtschaftliche Bestimmungen. (349) I. Réglementations, Txes et Restrictions Douanières. I. Zollregelung, Zölle und Zollbeschränkungen. (349) II. Concurrence deloyale. II. Unlauterer Wettbewerb. (351) III. Traitement des Ressortissants des Puissances Alliées et associées. III. Behandlung der Angehörigen der verbündeten und assoziierten Mächte. (351) IV. Traités. IV. Verträge. (352) V. Dettes (Section III). V. Schulden (Abschnitt III). (354) VI. Biens, Droits et intérêts (section IV). VI. Eigentum, Rechte und Interessen. (Abschnitt IV.) (357) VII. Contrats, prescriptions et jugements (section V). VII. Verträge, Verjährung, Urteile (Abschnitt V). (362) VIII. Tribunal arbitral mixte (section VI). VIII. Gemischtes Schiedsgericht (Abschnitt VI). (363) IX. Propriété Industrielle (Section VII). IX. Gewerbliches Eigentum (Abschnitt VII). (364) Partie XII. Ports, voies d'eau, voies ferrées. XII. Teil. Häfen, Wasserwege, Eisenbahnen. (366) Partie XIII. Travail. Teil XIII. Arbeit. (372) Beilage 75. Friedensbedingungen vom 2. und 10. September. [Conditions de paix avec l'Autriche.] [Bedingungen des Friedens mit Österreich.] (374) Préambule. Einleitung. (374) Part I. The Convenant of the League of Nations. Partie I. Pacte de la Société des Nations. I. Teil Völkerverbundssatzung. (382) Annex. I. Original Members of the League of Nations Annexe. I. Membres originaires de la Société des Nations Anhang. I. Ursprüngliche Mitglieder des Völkerbundes (406) Partie II. Frontières d'Autriche. II. Teil. Österreichs Grenzen. (408) Partie III. Clauses politiques européennes. III. Teil. Politische Bestimmungen über Europa. (415) Section I. Italie. Abschnitt I. Italien. (415) Section II. État serbe-croate-slovène. Abschnitt II. Serbisch-kroatisch-slowenischer Staat. (418) Section III. État Tchéco-Slovaque. Abschnitt II. Tschecho-slowakischer Staat. (423) Section IV. Roumanie. Abschnitt IV. Rumänien. (424) Section V. Protection des Minorités. Abschnitt V. Schutz der Minderheiten. (425) Section VI. Clauses concernant la nationalité. Abschnitt VI. Bestimmungen, betreffend die Staatsangehörigkeit. (428) Section VII. Clauses politiques concernant certains Etats d'Europe. Abschnitt VII. Politische Bestimmungen über gewisse europäische Staaten. (431) 1. Belgique. 1. Belgien. 2. Luxembourg. 2. Luxemburg. 3. Sleswig. 3. Schleswig. 4. Turquie et Bulgarie. 4. Türkei und Bulgarien. (431) 5. Russie et États russes. 5. Rußland und russische Staaten. (432) Section VIII. Dispositions Générales. Abschnitt VIII. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (432) Partie IV. Intérêts Autrichiens hors d'Europe. IV. Teil. Außereuropäische Interessen Österreichs. (434) Section I. Maroc. Abschnitt I. Marokko. (434) Section II. Égypte. Abschnitt II. Ägypten. (436) Section III. Siam. Abschnitt III. Siam. (438) Section IV. Chine. Abschnitt IV. China. (438) Partie V. Clauses militaires, navales et aériennes. V. Teil. Bestimmungen über Land-, See- und Luftstreitkräfte. (440) Section I. Clauses militaires. Abschnitt I. Bestimmungen über das Landheer. (440) Chapitre I. Clauses générales. Kapitel I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (440) Chapitre II. Effectifs et encardrement de l'armée autrichienne. Kapitel II. Stärke und Einteilung des österreichischen Heeres. (441) Chapitre III. Recrutement et instruction militaire. Kapitel III. Heeresergänzung und militärische Ausbildung. (442) Chapitre IV. Écoles, Établissements d'enseignement, sociétés et associations militaires. Kapitel IV. Militärische Schulen, Unterrichtsanstalten, Gesellschaften und Vereine. (443) Chapitre V. Armement, munitions, matériel et fortifications. Kapitel V. Bewaffnung, Munition, Material und Befestigung. (443) [Tabelle]: Tableau I. Composition et effectifs maxima d'une division d'infanterie. Übersicht I. Zusammenstellung und Höchststände einer Infanteriedivision. (446) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Tableau II. Composition et effectifs maxima d'une division de cavalerie. Übersicht II. Zusammensetzung und Höchststände einer Kavalleriedivision. (2)Tableau III. Composition et effectifs maxima d'une brigade mixte. Übersicht III. Zusammensetzung und Höchststände einer gemischten Briagde. (447) [2 Tabellen]: (1)Tableau IV. Effectif minimum des unité quelle que soit l'organisation adoptée dans l'armeé. Übersicht IV. Mindeststände der Einheiten ohne Rücksichtnahme auf die im Heere eingeführte Organsisation. (2)Tableau V. Maximum d'armement et d'approvisionnement en munitions autorisées. Übersicht V. Zugelassene Höchststände an Waffen und Munition. (448) Section II. Clauses navales. Abschnitt II. Bestimmungen über die Seestreitkräfte. (449) Section III. Clauses concernant l'aéronautique militaire et navale. Abschnitt III. Bestimmungen über militärische und Seeluftfahrt. (450) Section IV. Commission interalliées de contrôle. Abschnitt IV. Interalliierte Überwachungsausschüsse. (452) Section V. Clauses générales. Abschnitt V. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (454) Partie VI. Prisonniers de guerre et sépultures. Teil VI. Kriegsgefangene und Grabstätten. (455) Section I. Prisonniers de guerre. Abschnitt I. Kriegsgefangene. (455) Section II. Sépultures. Abschnitt II. Grabstätten. (458) Partie VII. Sanctions. Teil VII. Strafbestimmungen. (458) Partie VIII. Réparations. VIII. Teil. Wiedergutmachungen. (460) Section I. Dispositions générales. Abschnitt I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (460) Annexe I. Anlage I. (464) Annexe II. Analge II. (466) Annexe III. Anlage III. (474) Annexe IV. Analge IV. (477) [Tabelle]: A titre d'avance immédiate,. Als sofortige Abschlagslieferung. (479) Annexe V. Anlage V. (480) Annexe VI. Anlage VI. (481) Section II. Dispositions particulières. II. Abschnitt. Besondere Bestimmungen. (482) Annexe I. Anlage I. (484) Toscane. Toskana. (484) Modène. Modena. (484) Palerme. Palermo. Naples. Neapel. (485) Annexe II. Anlage II. (485) Annexe III. Anlage III. Annexe IV. Anlage IV. (486) Partie IX. Clauses Financières. IX. Teil. Finanzielle Bestimmungen. (486) Annexe. Anlage. (491) Annexe. Anlage. (497) Partie X. Clauses économiques. Teil X. Wirtschaftliche Bestimmungen. (503) Section I. Relations commerciales. Abschnitt I. Handelsbeziehungen. (503) Chapitre I. Réglementation, taxes et restrictions douanières. Kapitel I. Zollregelung, Zollabgaben und Zollbeschränkungen. (503) Chapitre II. Traitement de la navigation. Kapitel II. Behandlung der Schiffahrt. (507) Chapitre III. Concurrence déloyale. Kapitel III. Unlauterer Wettbewerb. (507) Chapitre IV. Traitement des ressortissants des puissances alliées et associées. Kapitel IV. Behandlung der Staatsangehörigen der alliierten und assoziierten Mächte. (508) Chapitre V. Clauses générales. Kapitel V. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (509) Section II. Traités. Abschnitt II. Staatsverträge. (510) Section III. Dettes. Abschnitt III. Schulden. (516) Annexe. Anlage. (519) Section IV. Biens, Droits et Intérêts. Abschnitt IV. Güter, Rechte und Interessen. (525) Annexe. Anlage. (530) Section V. Contrats, prescriptions, jugements. Abschnitt V. Verträge, Verjährung, Urteile. (536) Annexe. Anlage. (539) I. Dispositions générales. I. Allgemeine Vorschriften. (539) II. Dispositions particulières à certaines catégories de contrats. II. Besondere Vorschriften über bestimmte Vertragsgattungen. (540) Positions dans les Bourses de valeurs et de commerce. Verträge an der Effekten- und Produktenbörse. (540) Gage. Verpfändung. (541) Effects de commerce. Handelspapiere. (541) III. Contrats dassurances. III. Versicherungsverträge. (542) Assurances contre l'incendie. Feuerversicherungen. (542) Assurances sur al vie. Lebensversicherungen. (543) Assurances maritimes. Seeversicherungen. (544) Autres assurances. Andere Versicherungen. (545) Réassurances. Rückversicherungen. (545) Section VI. Tribunal Arbitral Mixte. Abschnitt VI. Gemischter Schiedsgerichtshof. (546) Annexe. Anlage. (548) Section VII. Propriété industrielle. Abschnitt VII. Gewerbliches Eigentum. (549) Section VIII. Dispositions spéciales aux territoires transférés. Abschnitt VIII. Sonderbestimmungen für übertragene Gebiete. (555) Partie XI. Navigation Aérienne. Teil XI. Luftschiffahrt. (561) Partie XII. Ports, voies d'eau et voies ferrées. Teil XII. Häfen, Wasserstraßen und Eisenbahnen. (562) Section I. Dispositions générales. Abschnitt I. Allgemeine Bestimmungen. (562) Section II. Navigation. Abschnitt II. Schiffahrt. (565) Chapitre I. Liberté de navigation. Kapitel I. Freiheit der Schiffahrt. (565) Chapitre II. Clauses relatives au Danube. Kapitel II. Bestimmungen über die Donau. (566) Chapitre III. Régime des eaux. Kapitel III. Wasserrechtliche Fragen. (571) Section III. Chemins de fer. Abschnitt III. Eisenbahnen. (572) Chapitre I. Liberté de transit pour l'Autriche vers l'Adriatique. Kapitel I. Freiheit der Durchfuhr für Österreich gegen das Adriatische Meer. (572) Chapitre II. Clauses relatives aux transports internationaux. Kapitel II. Bestimmungen über zwischenstaatliche Beförderung. (573) Chapitre III. Matériel roulant. Kapitel III. Rollendes Material. (575) Chapitre IV. Transfert de lignes de chemins de fer. Kapitel IV. Übertragung von Eisenbahnlinien. (575) Chapitre V. Dispositions concernant certaines lignes de chemins de fer. Kapitel V. Bestimmungen über einzelne Eisenbahnlinien. (576) Chapitre VI. Dispositions transitoires. Kapitel VI. Übergangsbestimmungen. (579) Chapitre VII. Télégraphes et téléphones. Kapitel VII. Fernschreiber und Fernsprecher. (579) Section IV. Jugement des litiges et révision des clauses permanentes. Abschnitt IV. Entscheidung von Streitigkeiten und Nachprüfung der Bestimmungen mit dauernder Geltung. (581) Part XIII. Labour. Partie XIII. Travail. XIII. Teil. Arbeit. (582) Section I. Organisation of Labour. Section I. Organisation du Travail. Abschnitt I. Organisation der Arbeit. (582) Chapter I. Organisation. Chapitre Premier. Organisation. Kapitel I. Organisation. (584) Chapter II. Procedure. Chapitre II. Fonctionnement. Kapitel II. Verfahren. (592) Chapter III. general. Chapitre III. Prescriptions Générales. Kapitel III. Allgemeine Vorschriften. (606) Chapter IV. Transistory Provisions. Chapitre IV. Mesures transitoires. Kapitel IV. Übergangsbestimmungen. (608) Annex. Annexe. Anlage. (608) Section II. General principles. Section II. Principes généraux. Abschnitt II. Allgemeine Grundsätze. (610) Partie XIV. Clauses diverses. XIV. Teil. Verschiedene Bestimmungen. (614) Beilage 76. Entwurf eines Protokolls vom 2. September. Protocole. Protokoll. (621) Beilage 77. Entwurf einer Erklärung vom 2. September. Déclaration. Erklärung. (622) Beilage 78. Entwürfe einer besonderen Erklärung vom 2. und 10. September. Déclaration particulière. Besondere Erklärung. (623) Beilage 79. Ersuchen um Verlängerung der Frist zur Unterzeichnung. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 1162. Deutschösterreichische Deleagtion Z. 1162. (624) Beilage 80. Verlängerung der Frist zur Unterzeichnung. Conférence de la Paix. Friedenskonferenz. (626) Beilage 81. Mitteilung über die Bereitwilligkeit zur Unterezeichnung und Übermittlung der Proteste der Nationalversammlung und der Ländervertreter. Délégation de l'Autriche Allemande. No. 1176. Deutschösterreichische Delegation. (627) Annexe 1. Déclaration de l'Assemblée nationale. Anlage 1. Beschluß der Nationalversammlung. (628) Annexe 2. Protestation des pays autrichiens allemands. Anlage 2. Protest der Länder Deutschösterreichs. (630) Beilage 82. Mitteilung über textliche Änderungen in den zu unterzeichnenden Urkunden. Conférence de la Paix. Secrétariat général, Quai d'Orsay. Friedenskonferenz. Generalsekretariat d'Orsay. (632) Beilage 83. Verzeichnis der Berichtigungen. Conférence de la Paix Secrétariat général Quai d'Orsay. Friedenskonferenz Generalsekretariat Quai d'Orsay. (633) Anmerkung: (633) Corrections typographiques à apporter au texte français des "Conditions de Paix avec l'Autriche" (634) Beilage 84. Bestätigung der Übereinstimmung der Texte vom 2. und 10. September. Conférence de la Paix. Le Président. Friedenskonferenz. Der präsident. (636) Beilage 85. Ansprache des Präsidenten der Friedenskonferenz vom 10. September. (637) [Karte]: Die Grenze an der March und die Gegend von Feldsberg und Hohenau. ( - ) [Karte]: Das Abstimmungsgebiet in Kärten. ( - ) [Karte]: Die Gegend von Gmünd. ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

 Illustrated with a few pictures of enjoying the weatherAs many readers of this blog probably know, there is a new translation of Capital coming out this month. I am sure that this new translation will have a great deal of new revelations drawn from the work of considering the text in light of its multiple variations and Marx's notes.  However, it seems to me that the book that we are in need of reconsidering is not so much Capital but the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844. For a long time, as long as I could remember, a strange consensus hovered above that text, it was assumed to be the writing of a humanist Marx, influenced by Feuerbach. Some celebrated this humanist Marx, and there is a long history of trying to make alienation, species being, and praxis the center of Marx's thought, while others bemoaned it, seeing it as too humanist, too idealist, and too essentialist for an understanding of capital. A consensus of meaning made possible a dissensus of value. This consensus has begun to unravel bit by bit, there is, as I mentioned above, Franck Fischbach's book on Spinoza and Marx, which reads the 1844 Manuscripts along with Spinoza's Ethics to produce a different early Marx, one that is not predicated on some human essence but on humanity as part of nature. Fischbach's book also points to why such a rereading of Marx might be necessary now. The Anthropocene has pushed the question of the relationship of capitalism to nature to the forefront of thinking about the critique of capitalism. Perhaps species being is all the more relevant in our consideration of our place as a species on the planet. Although this would be a different species being than the one that saw humanity as uniquely related to its its universality and activity. It would be a species being in which no species is a kingdom in a kingdom but each is necessarily interrelated. Frédéric Monferrand's book La nature du capital: Politique et ontologie chez le jeune Marx is a book completely dedicated to rethinking the meaning and value of the 1844 Manuscripts. Monferrand argues that the first step in reading of these manuscripts is breaking out from the shadow of the humanist debate, only then can one appreciate the relationship between humanity, nature, and society. As Monferrand writes, "The young-Marxist equation "humanism is = to naturalism" says nothing more or nothing less. It indicates that our manner of being human are Terrans, which are inextricably part of a nature which the are related to under forms that are more or less alienating." Monferrand's books is in some sense structured around the question as to how to read these fragmentary and early texts, texts which come to us as already read, and already burdened by the debates that have come before. What needs to be rediscovered is the novelty of these notebooks, which are a break with the basic questions and perspectives of political economy. They are, as Monferrand argues, a counter-investigation, one that upends political economy by insisting on both the questions it does not ask, the relationship between alienation and property, and by the experience it cannot recognize, of alienation. This combination of structure, private property and alienation as a social relation, and experience, alienation as a particular experience of work, defines in part Marx's novel approach. It is not a matter of focusing on structure or experience, but of understanding experience as structured and structures having their effects as they are experienced or lived. Alienation then does not refer back to some supposed essence, some human nature that is denied or repressed, but can itself be understood as a structure defined by inversion, dispossession, and submission. On this point Monferrand makes a distinction between an essential naturalism, one which posits some fixed idea of what it means to be human, and what he refers to as historical naturalism, in which humanity exists as an ensemble of forces, that is always changed and being transformed in different historical moments. "In this perspective, "alienated labor" is activity that cannot be accomplished by virtue of an internal impulsion, but by an external constraint, whether it is that exercised by the employer, that which the machine system objectifies in its functioning,  or that which embodies the very necessity of having to obtain a salary in order to survive. It is an activity which responds to no other need than the "need for money." Humanity, the human essence, is not given any particular priority here, and what Marx posits in the 1844 Manuscripts is a position in which nature, social relations, and human capacities are all understood to intersect and transform each other. Capitalism has to be understood as not a separation of nature, but as an organization of nature and human existence. As Monferrand puts it,"Marx comes to the position of conceiving of capitalism as a social totality, at the heart of which nature, human and non-human, is always more intensely put to work. Or, in order to think of an end or a possible escape from this alienation, it is necessary to envision another way of relating to nature inside of us and outside of us, which basically amounts to considering that capitalist alienation teaches us something essential about the social, namely that it consists of a changing and changeable process of collective appropriation of nature."Monferrand balances the limitations of the Manuscripts with their strengths. As he argues, the manuscripts do not offer anything like a historical understanding of capitalism, an account of its emergence. However, this lack of any historical understanding is made up for by an early concept of its existence as a system, or totality. This can be found in Marx's assertion that private property and alienated labor necessarily presuppose each other, are part of the same system. If capitalism can be understood as a totality, as an organization of nature, society, and humanity, it is one in which the primary organization of that system is one of separation, a separation of society from nature, from natural limits and needs and humanity from social relations. Monferrand ties together three of the most ambitious aspects of the 1844 Manuscripts, passages which suggest that a transformation of capital will entail a new relation to nature, a new social relation, and a new subjectivity. Such a vision can be found in two of the more provocative formulations of the Manuscripts."When communist workmen gather together, their immediate aim is instruction, propaganda, etc. But at the same time they acquire a new need - the need for society - and what appears as a means has become an end. This practical development can be most strikingly observed in the gatherings of French socialist workers. Smoking, eating and drinking, etc., are no longer means of creating links between people. Company, association, conversation, which in its turn has society as its goal, is enough for them. The brotherhood of man is not a hollow phrase, it is a reality, and the nobility of man shines forth upon us from their work-worn figures."In contrast to this capitalist society is an anti-society, in which social relations are neither the end nor the means of our different relations. In capitalist society sociality itself is a byproduct of the existence of profit. The more provocative statement from concerns not our relations with each other, but our own intimate relation with our own sense of the world, and the world around us. It is as follows:"Private property has made us so stupid and one-sided that an object is only ours when we have it, when it exists for us as capital or when we directly possess, eat, drink, wear, inhabit it, etc., in short, when we use it. Although private property conceives all these immediate realizations of possession only as means o f life; and the life they serve is the life of private property, labour and capitalization.Therefore all the physical and intellectual senses have been replaced by the simple estrangement of all these senses - the sense of having. So that it might give birth to its inner wealth, human nature had to be reduced to this absolute poverty."This statement seems on one level to be absurd. Of course an object is only ours when we have it. What other way of relating to the world is there other than that of private property? In capitalism, the objects we do not own, the commodities in shop windows, can only be objects of envy or desire. As much as equation of owning and having seems like basic common sense, it is one that obscures the way in which we constantly relate to objects that we do not possess. These are the so-called public goods, parks, beaches, and other elements of nature, but one could also add much of the social world that produces our joy and activity is not something that we own. We might own a house or an apartment in a desirable part of town, but everything that makes that part of the town desirable stems from the social relations, the people and activities that we do not possess. What shows up on balance sheets as externalities is most of what makes our life worth living. The various imperatives to "Keep [Blank] Weird" that one sees around Austin, both Portlands, and other desirable cities is often (a futile) attempt to sustain everything that makes the neighborhood cool (and does not make money).Monferrand's understanding of alienation comes closest to a Spinozist sense of the term, not just in Fischbach's sense of separation from objectivity, alienation as a collapse into pure subjectivity, but in a sense one finds in Sévérac. Sévérac argues that Spinoza's concept of passive joys define not a "seperation from one one is capable of" as Deleuze claims, but rather an apparatus of capture, to use a Deleuzian term, that connects our capacities to feel joy to a determinate object. Frédéric Lordon has connected passive joys to life under capitalism, connecting Spinoza's analysis of the affects to Marx's critique of capitalism. As Lordon argues capitalism can be understood as a fixation of not only desire but the basic and fundamental striving that defines our existence, assigning it an object, money, which as Spinoza writes "occupies the mind of the multitude more than anything else," and an activity, wage labor. Wage labor becomes the central activity, the only way to realize one's desires, obscuring other possibilities and other activities. Moreover, consumer society can be understood as the reign of passive joys, the things that we desire and purchase are entirely produced outside of us, and their meaning and significance is determined and dictated by advertising and the opinions of others. As Lordon writes, "Alienation is fixation: indigent enticements of the body, narrow confines of the things one can desire, a severely restricted repertoire of joys, obsessions and possessions that tie one's power to a single place and impede its expansion." As Marx writes, "The cultivation of the five senses is the work of all previous history." That history culminates into an fixation and reduction of all the possible ways of experiencing the world to owning, to having, and the only possible way of acting in the world to labor.Monferrand finds in the broad range and often incomplete nature of the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts a call for a revolutionary transformation that is not just a new organization of society, but a new relation to nature, and a new production of subjectivity.

Hamas' barbaric attack on 7 October and Israel's ruthless retaliation against Hamas and Gaza Strip residents are unprecedented shocking events in their severity, repercussions and impact on both peoples' collective memory. Only few of those Israelis who agreed that Hamas underwent a political change since 2017[1] – when it issued its Document of General Principles and Policies[2] – still maintain that view. Similarly, Western government officials who engaged in direct or indirect dialogue with Hamas claim that the crimes it committed on 7 October were driven by its adherence to a fundamentalist Islamic ideology inspired by ISIS.An aftermath of contradictory feelings
The majority of the Israeli public justifies Israel's harsh retaliation and even supports escalating the attack to the extent of deporting as many Gaza residents as possible to Egypt and demolishing their remaining structures. Palestinian public reactions vary widely and can coexist within the same individual. Privately, Palestinians criticise Hamas for the widespread harm to civilians and the kidnapping of women and children. Some express anger towards Hamas for not considering the severe destruction and casualties Israel would inflict in response, holding Hamas responsible for the catastrophic consequences of the war.
Simultaneously, there is pride in the fact that no Palestinian organisation or Arab state has hit Israel with such force since 1948, avoiding turning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into a regional and international confrontation. Unlike the failing Palestinian Authority and Fatah, which collaborate with the occupation, Hamas fighters have exposed Israel's technological and intelligence weaknesses with simple weapons, precise planning and high motivation. There is also satisfaction that Israel is experiencing suffering similar to what Palestinians have endured for many years. Emotions and thoughts are mixed and contradictory.
To somewhat reconcile these contradictions, the Palestinian narrative overemphasises media reports about civilian casualties caused by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) and attributes most of the war crimes committed on 7 October to the chaos caused by the rapid and unexpected collapse of Israel's defence system. Yet, the underlying question remains unanswered: What does Hamas seek to achieve by its attack and what does it suggest for the day after?Hamas's official narrative: The attack as "plan B"
Hamas's leadership has felt obligated to provide accountability in a carefully crafted briefing document in English and Arabic titled Our Narrative – Operation al-Aqsa Flood. The briefing document is an official, well-designed piece, both visually and meticulously edited, bearing the signature of Hamas's communication office. It comprises 16 pages with five chapters. Hamas deems it important that its version of the war is heard and understood, not only by the Palestinians but also within the international political arena.
Hamas emphasises its commitment to the principles and policies outlined in its 2017 Document where it accepted the Oslo Accords as an existing political fact. Furthermore, unlike the movement's founding Covenant of 1988, the 2023 briefing document does not extensively refer to Allah's will as expressed in the Quran.
Most importantly, against the anti-Semitic context in which Israel places Hamas, the briefing document stresses that Hamas fights against Zionism, not Jews, challenging Israel's argument that Judaism and Zionism are identical. Hamas strives to distance itself from anti-Semitism and asserts its opposition to suppressing anyone's universal right to define their national, religious or collective identity. However, Hamas ignores answering why then it rejects the Jews' right to self-determination.
Twice in the briefing document Hamas presents itself, as it did in 2017, as a national liberation movement, legitimising its struggle through the right to self-determination. However, only once does it add the title "Islamic" to its characterisation as a national liberation movement. Islam provides a framework but does not serve as the exclusive or decisive principle in its policy. It is worth noting that Hamas differs in this regard from religious Zionism and Jewish supremacy Israeli parties as the latter's political worldview is based on ethno-religious exceptionalism rather than universal values or rights.[3]
Khaled Mashal – the former chief of Hamas's political bureau and current leader of Hamas's diaspora office – recently stated that the movement refuses to grant legitimacy to Israel within the 1948 borders as part of a two-state solution.[4] Even if it remains a dream, the movement does not give up on the aspiration to control this territory one day. At one point, however, Mashal mentioned that in the 2017 Policy and Principles Document, Hamas recognised that the Palestinian, Arab and international consensus supports the establishment of a state within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. Hamas accepts this under the condition that there is no waiver of the right of return.[5]
Hamas states in the briefing document that its struggle is not only for liberating 1967 territories. The historical account it presents refers to colonialist Zionism that displaced Palestinians from their homeland, including within the territories of 1948. This is the overall context for the attack carried out on 7 October which went beyond 1967 occupied territories. The specific context is the necessity to break the stranglehold that Israel has imposed on Gaza Strip since 2007, with the implicit or explicit support of the West. The document expresses a sharp sense of emergency. Israel undermined the Oslo Accords and openly declares its opposition to a Palestinian state. The extreme right in Israel, currently in control, plans to annex the West Bank and expel its residents, while the world keeps silent. It was imperative to take the initiative, to confront the occupation with determination. Thus, the attack is presented as plan B, not the preferred option.An unconvincing enough excuse
Like the Palestinian population in general, the crimes committed on 7 October embarrass Hamas, and the movement feels an obligation to disassociate itself from them. It notes, apologetically, that, in accordance with Islamic values, instructions were given not to harm women, children and the elderly. According to the briefing document, Hamas fighters did not assault women or slaughter infants. The attack aimed to target military objectives and capture only soldiers, including men who are, according to Hamas, potentially IDF reservists and armed settlements defenders. If there were casualties among non-combatants, it was unintentional during an impossible-to-control military confrontation.
Acknowledging that this is an unconvincing enough excuse, in the briefing document, Hamas admits that its forces may have made mistakes, but these errors occurred due to the rapid and unexpected collapse of the Israeli defence system and the ensuing chaos. To strengthen its claim, the document states that Hamas treated civilian captives with dignity, as attested by the released hostages. The Israeli army, on the other hand, systematically targets civilians, and the document states that in its heavy bombardments, nearly 60 Israeli hostages were also killed. It is worth noting that, unlike the popular Palestinian narrative, which tends to blame the mob who entered Israel following the fighters for war crimes, Hamas's document avoids doing so. The movement does not want to create animosity between itself and the population.Planning for the post-conflict
Appealing to the international community, Hamas implicitly states that it is ready to be investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) alongside Israel's crimes against Palestinian civilians. Hamas calls for the international community to put pressure on Israel to end the occupation and abide by international law. It indirectly addresses intense discussions about the post-fighting order, emphasising that only the Palestinian people have the right to decide who will rule Gaza Strip through elections. This statement is crucial for post-conflict planning. Hamas does not insist on remaining exclusively in power under any condition but to let the people vote even if it means losing some or all of its current power.
In other words, Hamas does not rule out the return of the Palestinian Authority, revised or the old dysfunctional one, to Gaza Strip, leaving the decision to the Palestinian people. However, it warns that any institution or reconstruction agency for Gaza Strip not supported by the public will be considered cooperating with the occupation and subject to attack.
Accepting the people's vote is an old guiding principle that helped Hamas adjust itself to the reality that the Oslo Accords created and accelerated its politicisation by providing it with political leeway. Indeed, in February and March 2021, Fatah and Hamas had reached an agreement to hold elections for the presidency of the Palestinian Authority, its Legislative Council and Hamas's entry into the PLO. The elections were planned to take place in accordance with the Oslo Accords, after which negotiations would continue with Israel toward the establishment of a Palestinian state. But Israel and the United States wrongly exerted heavy pressure on Abbas to cancel them.
Planning the day after, elections with de-militarised or indirect Hamas participation should be considered. It is impossible to ignore Hamas. The Israeli extra aggression increased Hamas's popularity in Palestine to the extent that Fatah once enjoyed. Israel may end the war destroying Hamas's ruling administration and its semi-regular army but not its transformation to anti-occupation guerrilla units operating inside their homeland and among supportive communities. No local alternative administration that Israel hopes to establish in collaboration with its occupation or an external one run by Arab countries and UN agencies, nor the old or renewed Palestinian Authority would be ready or capable to rule and reconstruct Gaza Strip against Hamas's resistance. Israel's aggressive war, most probably, will push young Gaza Strip men to join the guerrilla fighting. Thus, Hamas enjoys veto power over any plan that totally excludes it.
As its 2017 General Principles and Policies Document, Hamas's recent briefing document signals that Hamas accepts positions approved by the majority of the Palestinians. General elections are a key instrument if not a precondition for successful reconstruction of Gaza. Hamas's agreement with Fatah in 2021 shows that it wishes to integrate into the political institutions established by the Oslo Accords. Instead of closing the door on its face, it is better to ask Hamas to pay for its entrance, as Israel will have to. The two-state solution terms and conditions that recently came back from the dead can serve as the price that the international community asks both sides to pay.Menachem Klein is Professor Emeritus in the Department of Political Science at Bar-Ilan University, Israel.[1] In its 2017 Document of General Principles and Policies, Hamas significantly deviated from the fundamentalist views outlined in the group's original Charter from 1987, and indicated that if the Chairman of the Palestinian National Authority Mahmoud Abbas presented a permanent status agreement with Israel that included a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders, in line with the Arab League's plan, Hamas would likely accept the new reality. See Menachem Klein, "Hamas' New Charter Reveals a Willingness to Change", in +972 Magazine, 10 April 2017, https://www.972mag.com/?p=126572.[2] "Hamas in 2017: The Document in Full", in Middle East Eye, 2 May 2017, https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/hamas-2017-document-full.[3] See the Religious Zionist Party website: Party Platform, https://zionutdatit.org.il/?p=3041; Otzma Yehudit website: The Political Platform of Otzma Yehudit, https://ozma-yeudit.com/?p=1520.[4] "Hamas Leader Abroad Khaled Mashal: 'We Reject the Two-State Solution; October 7 Proved that Liberating Palestine from the River to the Sea Is Realistic and Has Already Begun'", in MEMRI TV, 18 January 2024, https://www.memri.org/node/63957.[5] It is important to emphasise that this is not a return to the phased plan of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO) from 1974 since Hamas links the realisation of the dream to the existence of internal, Arab and international consensus, whereas in the PLO's phased plan, the transition between stages was open and not contingent on occasional political factors.

America's Global War on Terror has seen its share of stalemates, disasters, and outright defeats. During 20-plus years of armed interventions, the United States has watched its efforts implode in spectacular fashion, from Iraq in 2014 to Afghanistan in 2021. The greatest failure of its "Forever Wars," however, may not be in the Middle East, but in Africa."Our war on terror begins with al-Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated," President George W. Bush told the American people in the immediate wake of the 9/11 attacks, noting specifically that such militants had designs on "vast regions" of Africa.To shore up that front, the U.S. began a decades-long effort to provide copious amounts of security assistance, train many thousands of African military officers, set up dozens of outposts, dispatch its own commandos on all manner of missions, create proxy forces, launch drone strikes, and even engage in direct ground combat with militants in Africa. Most Americans, including members of Congress, are unaware of the extent of these operations. As a result, few realize how dramatically America's shadow war there has failed.The raw numbers alone speak to the depths of the disaster. As the United States was beginning its Forever Wars in 2002 and 2003, the State Department counted a total of just nine terrorist attacks in Africa. This year, militant Islamist groups on that continent have, according to the Pentagon, already conducted 6,756 attacks. In other words, since the United States ramped up its counterterrorism operations in Africa, terrorism has spiked 75,000%.Let that sink in for a moment.75,000%.A Conflict that Will Live in InfamyThe U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Iraq opened to military successes in 2001 and 2003 that quickly devolved into sputtering occupations. In both countries, Washington's plans hinged on its ability to create national armies that could assist and eventually take over the fight against enemy forces. Both U.S.-created militaries would, in the end, crumble. In Afghanistan, a two-decade-long war ended in 2021 with the rout of an American-built, -funded, -trained, and -armed military as the Taliban recaptured the country. In Iraq, the Islamic State nearly triumphed over a U.S.-created Iraqi army in 2014, forcing Washington to reenter the conflict. U.S. troops remain embattled in Iraq and neighboring Syria to this very day.In Africa, the U.S. launched a parallel campaign in the early 2000s, supporting and training African troops from Mali in the west to Somalia in the east and creating proxy forces that would fight alongside American commandos. To carry out its missions, the U.S. military set up a network of outposts across the northern tier of the continent, including significant drone bases – from Camp Lemonnier and its satellite outpost Chabelley Airfield in the sun-bleached nation of Djibouti to Air Base 201 in Agadez, Niger — and tiny facilities with small contingents of American special operations troops in nations ranging from Libya and Niger to the Central African Republic and South Sudan.For almost a decade, Washington's war in Africa stayed largely under wraps. Then came a decision that sent Libya and the vast Sahel region into a tailspin from which they have never recovered."We came, we saw, he died," Secretary of State Hillary Clinton joked after a U.S.-led NATO air campaign helped overthrow Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi, the longtime Libyan dictator, in 2011. President Barack Obama hailed the intervention as a success, but Libya slipped into near-failed-state status. Obama would later admit that "failing to plan for the day after" Qaddafi's defeat was the "worst mistake" of his presidency.As the Libyan leader fell, Tuareg fighters in his service looted his regime's weapons caches, returned to their native Mali, and began to take over the northern part of that nation. Anger in Mali's armed forces over the government's ineffective response resulted in a 2012 military coup. It was led by Amadou Sanogo, an officer who learned English in Texas and underwent infantry-officer basic training in Georgia, military-intelligence instruction in Arizona, and was mentored by U.S. Marines in Virginia.Having overthrown Mali's democratic government, Sanogo and his junta proved hapless in battling terrorists. With the country in turmoil, those Tuareg fighters declared an independent state, only to be muscled aside by heavily armed Islamists who instituted a harsh brand of Shariah law, causing a humanitarian crisis. A joint Franco-American-African mission prevented Mali's complete collapse but pushed the militants into areas near the borders of both Burkina Faso and Niger.Since then, those nations of the West African Sahel have been plagued by terrorist groups that have evolved, splintered, and reconstituted themselves. Under the black banners of jihadist militancy, men on motorcycles — two to a bike, wearing sunglasses and turbans, and armed with Kalashnikovs — regularly roar into villages to impose zakat (an Islamic tax); steal animals; and terrorize, assault, and kill civilians. Such relentless attacks have destabilized Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger and are now affecting their southern neighbors along the Gulf of Guinea. Violence in Togo and Benin has, for example, jumped 633% and 718% over the last year, according to the Pentagon.U.S.-trained militaries in the region have been unable to stop the onslaught and civilians have suffered horrifically. During 2002 and 2003, terrorists caused just 23 casualties in Africa. This year, according to the Pentagon, terrorist attacks in the Sahel region alone have resulted in 9,818 deaths — a 42,500% increase.At the same time, during their counterterrorism campaigns, America's military partners in the region have committed gross atrocities of their own, including extrajudicial killings. In 2020, for example, a top political leader in Burkina Faso admitted that his country's security forces were carrying out targeted executions. "We're doing this, but we're not shouting it from the rooftops," he told me, noting that such murders were good for military morale.American-mentored military personnel in that region have had only one type of demonstrable "success": overthrowing governments the United States trained them to protect. At least 15 officers who benefited from such assistance have been involved in 12 coups in West Africa and the greater Sahel during the war on terror. The list includes officers from Burkina Faso (2014, 2015, and twice in 2022); Chad (2021); Gambia (2014); Guinea (2021); Mali (2012, 2020, and 2021); Mauritania (2008); and Niger (2023). At least five leaders of a July coup in Niger, for example, received American assistance, according to a U.S. official. They, in turn, appointed five U.S.-trained members of the Nigerien security forces to serve as that country's governors.Military coups of that sort have even super-charged atrocities while undermining American aims, yet the United States continues to provide such regimes with counterterrorism support. Take Colonel Assimi Goïta, who worked with U.S. Special Operations forces, participated in U.S. training exercises, and attended the Joint Special Operations University in Florida before overthrowing Mali's government in 2020. Goïta then took the job of vice president in a transitional government officially charged with returning the country to civilian rule, only to seize power again in 2021.That same year, his junta reportedly authorized the deployment of the Russia-linked Wagner mercenary forces to fight Islamist militants after close to two decades of failed Western-backed counterterrorism efforts. Since then, Wagner — a paramilitary group founded by the late Yevgeny Prigozhin, a former hot-dog vendor turned warlord — has been implicated in hundreds of human rights abuses alongside the longtime U.S.-backed Malian military, including a 2022 massacre that killed 500 civilians.Despite all of this, American military aid for Mali has never ended. While Goïta's 2020 and 2021 coups triggered prohibitions on some forms of U.S. security assistance, American tax dollars have continued to fund his forces. According to the State Department, the U.S. provided more than $16 million in security aid to Mali in 2020 and almost $5 million in 2021. As of July, the department's Bureau of Counterterrorism was waiting on congressional approval to transfer an additional $2 million to Mali. (The State Department did not reply to TomDispatch's request for an update on the status of that funding.)The Two-Decade StalemateOn the opposite side of the continent, in Somalia, stagnation and stalemate have been the watchwords for U.S. military efforts."Terrorists associated with Al Qaeda and indigenous terrorist groups have been and continue to be a presence in this region," a senior Pentagon official claimed in 2002. "These terrorists will, of course, threaten U.S. personnel and facilities." But when pressed about an actual spreading threat, the official admitted that even the most extreme Islamists "really have not engaged in acts of terrorism outside Somalia." Despite that, U.S. Special Operations forces were dispatched there in 2002, followed by military aid, advisers, trainers, and private contractors.More than 20 years later, U.S. troops are still conducting counterterrorism operations in Somalia, primarily against the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab. To this end, Washington has provided billions of dollars in counterterrorism assistance, according to a recent report by the Costs of War Project. Americans have also conducted more than 280 air strikes and commando raids there, while the CIA and special operators built up local proxy forces to conduct low-profile military operations.Since President Joe Biden took office in January 2021, the U.S. has launched 31 declared airstrikes in Somalia, six times the number carried out during President Obama's first term, though far fewer than the record high set by President Trump, whose administration launched 208 attacks from 2017 to 2021.America's long-running, undeclared war in Somalia has become a key driver of violence in that country, according to the Costs of War Project. "The U.S. is not simply contributing to conflict in Somalia, but has, rather, become integral to the inevitable continuation of conflict in Somalia," reported Ẹniọlá Ànúolúwapọ Ṣóyẹmí, a lecturer in political philosophy and public policy at the Blavatnik School of Government at Oxford University. "U.S. counterterrorism policies are," she wrote, "ensuring that the conflict continues in perpetuity."The Epicenter of International Terrorism"Supporting the development of professional and capable militaries contributes to increasing security and stability in Africa," said General William Ward, the first chief of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) — the umbrella organization overseeing U.S. military efforts on the continent — in 2010, before he was demoted for profligate travel and spending. His predictions of "increasing security and stability" have, of course, never come to pass.While the 75,000% increase in terror attacks and 42,500% increase in fatalities over the last two decades are nothing less than astounding, the most recent increases are no less devastating. "A 50-percent spike in fatalities tied to militant Islamist groups in the Sahel and Somalia over the past year has eclipsed the previous high in 2015," according to a July report by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a Defense Department research institution. "Africa has experienced a nearly four-fold increase in reported violent events linked to militant Islamist groups over the past decade… Almost half of that growth happened in the last 3 years."Twenty-two years ago, George W. Bush announced the beginning of a Global War on Terror. "The Taliban must act, and act immediately," he insisted. "They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate." Today, of course, the Taliban reigns supreme in Afghanistan, al-Qaeda was never "stopped and defeated," and other terror groups have spread across Africa (and elsewhere). The only way "to defeat terrorism," Bush asserted, was to "eliminate it and destroy it where it grows." Yet it has grown, and spread, and a plethora of new militant groups have emerged.Bush warned that terrorists had designs on "vast regions" of Africa but was "confident of the victories to come," assuring Americans that "we will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail." In country after country on that continent, the U.S. has, indeed, faltered and its failures have been paid for by ordinary Africans killed, wounded, and displaced by the terror groups that Bush pledged to "defeat." Earlier this year, General Michael Langley, the current AFRICOM commander, offered what may be the ultimate verdict on America's Forever Wars on that continent. "Africa," he declared, "is now the epicenter of international terrorism."This article has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.

One of the main environmental policy challenges is convincing individuals and organisations to engage in socially desirable courses of action; that is, to have them internalise the consequences of their decisions. As contributions from institutional and behavioural economics have indicated, policies aimed at fostering pro-social action can be ineffective and even counterproductive if the interests and concerns of the relevant actors are not properly considered throughout the policy process. In fact, international conventions and national legislation around the world generally recommend stakeholder involvement in order to properly address pressing environmental challenges. The evidence that underpins and informs this recommendation, however, is still insufficient and scattered across different strands of literature. On the one hand, research on participatory governance has indeed systematically documented the potential for policymakers and resource managers to obtain high-quality, context-specific and legitimate input for environmental policymaking from participatory processes. On the other, the available research has also cast doubt on the potential of participatory processes to produce concrete change in (pro-social) action on the ground. In general, the success of these processes ultimately depends on their design, implementation and context. However, most of these conclusions stem from rich qualitative accounts of participatory processes, structured comparisons of cases and systematic reviews of case studies and the available literature. With this type of evidence, it is difficult to neatly identify the impact of participatory interventions on pro-social and cooperative behaviour and systematically assess the underlying mechanisms. This thesis addresses these knowledge gaps. The thesis investigates the extent to which and the mechanisms by which participatory interventions could foster (or hinder) pro-social and collective action for natural resource management and environmental protection. It comprises four chapters, each constituting a stand-alone, self-contained academic paper. Throughout the different chapters, the thesis reviews and integrates insights from the literature on participatory governance and from the institutional and behavioural analyses of pro-social and collective action. Furthermore, using two laboratory economic experiments (Chapters 3 and 4) and one framed lab-in-the-field experiment (Chapter 5), the thesis systematically assesses specific hypotheses concerning the potential impacts of participatory interventions on cooperative and pro-social behaviour and the underlying mechanisms of these impacts. The introductory chapter of the dissertation gathers, presents and discusses the insights gathered from each chapter. It expands on the motivations for the thesis, presents the general and specific research gaps and questions the thesis tackles and clarifies the conceptual, theoretical and methodological foundations upon which the thesis is grounded. Chapter 2 (entitled Participatory interventions for collective action in environmental and natural resource management) reviews the literature on participatory governance together with the literature on collective action in natural resource and environmental management. The main goal of this review is to contribute to integrating the main insights from both strands of literature regarding (a) the potential of participatory interventions to foster collective action and (b) the channels through which they might foment (or hinder) collective action. It therefore seeks to help integrate the insights from these different strands of literature, which, although related, have generally been disconnected until now. The chapter draws on the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework to organise these insights within a coherent conceptual framework. As the results of this literature review indicate, participatory interventions have the potential to foster collective action through two channels. Firstly, by helping resource users to change (and enhance) the rules, norms and strategies that constrain and guide their behaviour (the indirect channel) and, secondly, by directly influencing the specific behavioural factors (e.g. knowledge, trust, preferences, perceptions and beliefs) that collective action hinges upon (the direct channel). However, to sustain collective action, the relevant literature has consistently emphasised that trust needs to be continually cultivated and ensured. Therefore, in line with insights from earlier studies on participatory governance, the results of this literature review also indicate that practitioners and policymakers must not only design participatory interventions carefully to effectively build the trust needed to heighten and sustain collective action, but participatory interventions must also be adequately embedded within the broader (social-ecological and governance) context, providing for follow-up, enforcement, monitoring and conflict-resolution mechanisms. From Chapter 3 through Chapter 5, the thesis focuses on the direct channel, studying the potential of participatory interventions to directly influence behaviour within relevant economic action situations such as social dilemma and distributive action situations. Within a given environment and institutional context, the studies recreate processes commonly facilitated within participatory interventions. Chapter 3 assesses the effects of externally structured and facilitated processes of information exchange, and Chapters 4 and 5 examine the impact of inducing perspective-taking via role-switching techniques (Chapter 4) and instructions (Chapter 5). Thanks to this experimental approach, it is possible to systematically assess the behavioural impacts of these types of processes as well as the underlying mechanisms. Chapter 3 (entitled Structuring communication effectively for environmental cooperation) starts by reviewing previous experimental studies on the effects of two-way communication in social dilemmas to identify the elements that are commonly involved in effective communication processes. This review notes four cooperation-enhancing components of communication: (i) problem awareness, (ii) exploration of strategies to tackle the problem at hand, (iii) agreement on desirable joint strategies and (iv) ratification of agreed-upon strategies. A total of 560 students at Osnabrück University participated in a laboratory implementation of a voluntary contribution mechanism; a public goods game. The experiment implemented a series of interventions that represented these components of communication and contrasted the resulting levels of cooperation with the average outcomes of control groups interacting under either free (unstructured) communication or no communication whatsoever. The intervention that facilitated agreement on a common strategy (i.e. the combination of (ii) and (iii)) was particularly effective at boosting cooperation. Furthermore, combined with interventions promoting problem awareness and ratification, this intervention produced levels of cooperation similar to the average levels of cooperation observed in groups with free-form communication. The results of this experiment expand the understanding in the literature of the role of communication in social dilemmas and provide insights into the potential of structured and facilitated processes of information exchange and social interaction to foster collective action for environmental management. Chapter 4 (The effects of inducing perspective-taking through role reversal in a give-and-take a dictator game on pro-social behaviour) and Chapter 5 (Perspective-taking for pro-social behaviour in watershed management) deal with the effects of inducing perspective-taking on unilateral pro-social behaviour. The results outlined in Chapter 4 indicate that perspective-taking, induced through role reversal, can be associated with significant average changes in the participants' self-reported state of emotions (in terms of both empathic and positive as well as in distressing and negative emotions). The emotional reactions that the role reversal seems to influence, however, do not appear to result in significantly more (or less) pro-social behaviour. The chapter explores and discusses two plausible explanations for these results, namely the transient effects of emotional reactions and the opposing effects of diverging emotional reactions on pro-social behaviour. These results come from the analysis of data from 144 students at Osnabrück University who participated as dictators in a laboratory implementation of a give-and-take dictator game. The design of the experiment allows the identification of the effect of inducing decision-makers to experience the other person's position through unilateral role reversal on pro-social behaviour. During the simulation round, dictators in treatment groups experienced how it would feel to be in the role of the recipient. Dictators in the control groups only learned about the distributional consequences of their allocation decisions on recipients. Hence, through a treatment comparison, it was possible to single out the effects resulting from temporarily taking on the position of the other participant. To understand the underlying drivers of a potential behavioural change, the study elicited participants' emotional states both before and after the simulation round. The results in Chapter 5 indicate that inducing perspective-taking can be associated with relatively greater pro-social behaviour based on an experimental study of downstream farmers' behaviour in a watershed management context. Moreover, the provision of information on the social-ecological context during the perspective-taking exercise cannot account for the different behavioural patterns in the treatment and control groups. These results come from a lab-in-the-field experiment carried out with 177 downstream farmers in a Peruvian watershed. In the experiment, farmers in the treatment groups were motivated to imagine the upstream farmers' perspective (i.e. to think about their thoughts and feelings) before deciding on whether or not to contribute to an initiative in the upper watershed. The initiative intends to help upstream farmers improve their well-being without compromising the water supply downstream. The behaviour of farmers in the treatment groups was compared against the behaviour of farmers in the control groups wherein perspective-taking was not induced. Taken together, the results of Chapter 4 and Chapter 5 illustrate the potential of inducing perspective-taking—commonly promoted in participatory processes—to trigger pro-social behaviour in economic situations. It can indeed alter relevant behavioural variables and trigger pro-social behaviour in distributive and social-dilemma situations. Nevertheless, as the literature on perspective-taking has previously indicated, the final effects depend on the specific procedures by which and the situations and contexts wherein perspective-taking is induced. Based on these findings, it is possible to sustain that participatory interventions do have the potential to effect changes in pro-social and cooperative behaviour at both the collective and individual level. Whether this impact is realised or hindered hinges on the procedures and contexts of participatory interventions. It would also depend on the mechanisms provided to follow up on the initiated processes and sustain and build upon the early outcomes. The contributions of this thesis are threefold. Firstly, it integrates insights from the literature on the institutional and behavioural analysis of pro-social and collective action and the literature on participatory governance for natural resource management. Secondly, it generates new evidence, based on experimental methods, in terms of the potential for participatory interventions to foster pro-social and collective action, and in terms of the mechanisms by which participatory methods and processes could effectively impact (or hinder) pro-social and cooperative behaviour. In this way, the thesis helps to bridge the gap of knowledge in terms of how participatory interventions can effectively change behaviour and, subsequently, encourage socially desirable social-ecological outcomes. In doing so, it also adds to the understanding of pro-social and cooperative human behaviour and the way that the processes of information-exchange and perspective-taking, which are often facilitated by participatory processes, may (or may not) advance it. Research on participation is, however, still ongoing and, in terms of the way forward, the thesis makes a third, methodological contribution. It demonstrates how experimental research in both the laboratory and in the field, conducted under a coherent conceptual and methodological framework, can complement one another and shed light on the extent to which and the means by which participatory interventions can produce changes in behaviour. The experimental method, in terms of both laboratory and field experiments, can therefore complement the set of methods traditionally employed to analyse participatory processes. The results of the studies comprising the thesis underscore the importance of carefully analysing the policy process. As contributions from the behavioural literature have repeatedly indicated, human behaviour is driven by a combination of self-regarding, social and procedural preferences. Hence, addressing pressing environmental challenges involving externalities and social dilemmas not only entails getting the policy design right to synergistically coordinate and orchestrate these different types of preferences. It also requires careful design, analysis and implementation of the activities and methods that structure and facilitate stakeholder interactions throughout the policy process.

The ICT ethical landscape is changing at an astonishing rate, as technologies become more complex, and people choose to interact with them in new and distinct ways, the resultant interactions are more novel and less easy to categorise using traditional ethical frameworks. It is vitally important that the developers of these technologies do not live in an ethical vacuum; that they think about the uses and abuses of their creations, and take some measures to prevent others being harmed by their work. To equip these developers to rise to this challenge and to create a positive future for the use of technology, it important that ethics becomes a central element of the education of designers and developers of ICT systems and applications. To this end a number of third-level institutes across Europe are collaborating to develop educational content that is both based on pedagogically sound principles, and motivated by international exemplars of best practice. One specific development that is being undertaken is the creation of a series of ethics cards, which can be used as standalone educational prop, or as part of a board game to help ICT students learn about ethics. The history of using games for educational purposes is both extensive and diverse; and current literature most often associates it with the term "Gamification", which Deterding et al. (2011) defines as "the use of game design elements in non-game contexts", this can include things such as; using a points systems, awarding badges, or completing levels, as a form of motivation and incentive (Flatla et al., 2011). A meta-analysis of results by Hamari et al. (2014) suggests that gamification can increase motivation, attitude and enjoyment of tasks, however Seaborn and Fels (2015) caution that much of the research that purports to be Gamification-based is in fact not grounded in theory and does not use gamification frameworks in the design of the systems under study. Nonetheless they found that those studies that did adhere to a good theoretical framework did show improvement in motivation, particularly extrinsic motivation. Groh (2012) notes that gamified applications have been developed across different domains such as productivity, finance, health, education, sustainability as well as news and entertainment media. He also notes that the traditional view of gamification excludes the creation of an actual game, which he classifies as a "Serious Game", a term which arose in 2002 with the emergence of the Serious Games Initiative (seriousgames.org). Seaborn and Fels (2015) support this distinction of gamification, which they define it as the "incorporation of game elements into an interactive system without a fully-fledged game as the end product", but highlight that other researchers have a less restrictive perspective, and note that Kapp (2012) and others see serious games as being a subset of gamification rather than being antithetical to it. Although the literature of gamification only commences in the 2000s, the notion of using elements of games for education, and specifically using concrete "playful" objects to illustrate abstract concepts has existed for centuries. In the context of childhood education, in 1693 Enlightenment philosopher, John Locke proposed the idea of Alphabet Blocks, saying "There may be dice and play-things, with the letters on them to teach children the alphabet by playing" in his thesis "Some Thoughts Concerning Education". The work of both French educator Jeanne-Marie Le Prince de Beaumont in the 1750s and British cartographer John Spilsbury in the 1760s led to the development of the Jigsaw (also called at the time the Dissected Map), created as an educational tool to teach geography to children. German educator Friedrich Froebel who is renowned for creating the first kindergarten, also developed a group of "play materials" including a collection of blocks of solid geometrical shapes, and a set of foldable materials such as paper. These are now called Froebel's Gifts, and their creation in the mid-19th century is recognised as a seminal moment in education, for their use in effectively stimulating all five senses of a wide range of learners. These led to later developments, such as Meccano in 1907, the Erector Set in 1913, and Lego in 1958 (Zuckerman, 2006). In a similar vein, the military have long used serious games to help teach strategy for thousands of years, the most obvious example being chess, originating from at least the 15th century, but there were many predecessors to the game of chess that had a similar purpose, including the Indian game, Chaturanga, from the 6th century, and the Chinese game Yì (or Weiqi) from around 600 BCE (Smith, 2010). Starting in the 17th century there were versions of chess that begin to evolve towards modern strategic wargames, including in Germany: in 1616 Das Schack-oder Koenig-Spiel, in 1644 Neu-erfundenes grosses Koenig-Spiel, in 1780 (featuring a board with 1,666 squares) Koenigspiel, and in 1812 Kriegsspiel (Vego, 2012). These developments eventually led to science fiction author, H.G. Wells writing "Little Wars" a book codifying the rules for miniature wargaming (Wells, 1913). This in turn led to the first commercial board wargames, including early examples such as Tactics in 1954, and Gettysburg in 1958 (Deterding, 2009). The use of games in teaching ethics and ethics-related topics is not new, Brandt and Messeter (2004) created a range of games to help teach students about topics related to design (with a focus on ethical issues), and concluded that the games serve to as a way to structure conversations around the topic, and enhance collaboration. Halskov and Dalsgård (2006), who also created games for design concurred with the previous researchers, and also noted that the games helped with the level of innovation and production of the students. Lucero and Arrasvuori (2010) created a series of cards and scenarios to use them in, and had similar conclusions to the previous research, but also noted that this approach can be used in multiple stages of a design process, including the analysis of requirements stage, the idea development stage, and the evaluation stage. Bochennek, et al. (2007) reviewed a wide range of card games and board games that focus on medical education (with many concerning medical ethics) and concluded that although games are used widely in this discipline, there has nonetheless been insufficient evaluation of the efficacy of these games, with many simply evaluated based on individuals' opinions, rather than measuring their efficacy as teaching tools. They also reflected that some games are more boring than others, and as such this reduces the likelihood of the game being replayed, and reduces the likelihood of knowledge transfer. Lloyd and Van De Poel (2008) created a game to teach ethics where the students were given opportunity to reflect on their own perspectives and experiences, to help structure their own ethical framework. The game also involved aspects of role-play as the researchers indicated that they thought it was important that the students "felt" ethics as well as experienced them. The aim of our work is to develop educational content for teaching ICT content. In this paper we present the development of a series of ethics cards to help ICT students learn about ethical dilemmas. The development of ethics cards has followed a Design Science methodology (Hevner et al., 2004) in creating the board game these guidelines were expanded into a full methodology that is both iterative and cyclical by Peffers et al. (2007). Our project is currently in the third stage of this methodology, called the "Design & Development" stage, but the process is evolving as the cards are being designing to act as independent teaching materials that can but used in the classroom, as well as part of the board game. A sample set of cards are presented below. The cards can be used independently in the classroom, for example, a student can be asked to pick a random Scenario Card, read it out to the class, and have the students do a Think-Pair-Share activity. This is where the students first reflect individually on the scenario, then in pairs, and finally share with the class. Following this a Modifier Card can be selected, of which there are two kinds, (1) modifications that make the scenario worse for others if the student doesn't agree to do the task on the Scenario Card, and (2) modifications that make the scenario better for others if the student does agree to do the task. This should generate a great deal of conversation and reflection on whether doing a small "bad task" is justifiable if there is a greater good at stake. The cards can also be used in the board game where the players have a combination of Virtue, Accountability, and Loyalty points, which are impacted by both the Scenario Cards and the Modifier Cards. It is worth noting that some modifiers result in points being added on, others subtracted, and others multiplied to the players' global scores. Overall the goal of this project is not simply to design a game to help teach ethics, but rather to explore how effective design science methodologies are in helping in the design of such a game. KEYWORDS: Digital Ethics; Card Games; Board Games; Design Science REFERENCES Bochennek, K., Wittekindt, B., Zimmermann, S.Y. and Klingebiel, T. (2007) "More than Mere Games: A Review of Card and Board Games for Medical Education", Medical Teacher, 29(9-10), pp.941-948. Brandt, E. and Messeter, J. (2004) "Facilitating Collaboration through Design Games". In Proceedings of the Eighth Conference on Participatory Design: Artful Integration: Interweaving Media, Materials and Practices, 1, pp. 121-131, ACM. Deterding, S. (2009) "Living Room Wars" in Hunteman, N.B., Payne, M.T., Joystick Soldiers Routledge, pp.21-38. Deterding, S., Khaled, R., Nacke, L.E. and Dixon, D. (2011) "Gamification: Toward a Definition", CHI 2011 Gamification Workshop Proceedings (Vol. 12). Vancouver BC, Canada. Flatla, D.R., Gutwin, C., Nacke, L.E., Bateman, S. and Mandryk, R.L. (2011) "Calibration Games: Making Calibration Tasks Enjoyable by Adding Motivating Game Elements", in Proceedings of the 24th annual ACM Symposium on User Interface Software and Technology (pp. 403-412). ACM. Halskov, K. and Dalsgård, P. (2006) "Inspiration Card Workshops" In Proceedings of the Sixth Conference on Designing Interactive Systems, pp. 2-11, ACM. Hamari, J., Koivisto, J. and Sarsa, H. (2014) "Does Gamification Work? A Literature Review of Empirical Studies on Gamification", in Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences, 14(2014), pp. 3025-3034. Hevner, A.R., March, S.T., Park, J. and Ram, S. (2004) "Design Science in Information Systems Research", Management Information Systems Quarterly, 28(1), p.6. Kapp, K.M. (2012) The Gamification of Learning and Instruction: Game-based Methods and Strategies for Training and Education. Pfeiffer; San Francisco, CA. Lloyd, P. and Van De Poel, I. (2008) "Designing Games to Teach Ethics", Science and Engineering Ethics, 14(3), pp.433-447. Lucero, A. and Arrasvuori, J. (2010) "PLEX Cards: A Source of Inspiration when Designing for Playfulness", In Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Fun and Games, 1, pp. 28-37, ACM. Peffers, K., Tuunanen, T., Rothenberger, M.A. and Chatterjee, S. (2007) "A Design Science Research Methodology for Information Systems Research, Journal of Management Information Systems, 24(3), pp.45-77. Seaborn, K. and Fels, D.I. (2015) "Gamification in Theory and Action: A Survey", International Journal of Human-Computer Studies, 74, pp.14-31. Smith, R. (2010) "The Long History of Gaming in Military Training", Simulation & Gaming, 41(1), pp.6-19. Wells, H.G. (1913) Little Wars. London: Palmer. Vego, M. (2012) "German War Gaming", Naval War College Review, 65(4), pp.106-148. Zuckerman, O (2006) "Historical Overview and Classification of Traditional and Digital Learning Objects", MIT Media Lab.

The Service Delivery Indicators (SDI) provide a set of metrics for benchmarking service delivery performance in education and health. The overall objective of the indicators is to gauge the quality of service delivery in primary education and basic health services. The indicators enable the identification of gaps and tracking of progress over time and across countries. It is envisaged that the broad availability, high public awareness and a persistent focus on the indicators will mobilize policymakers, citizens, service providers, donors and other stakeholders for action to improve the quality of services and ultimately to improve development outcomes and social welfare. This report presents the findings from the implementation of the Service Delivery Indicators in the Education sector in Tanzania in 2014. Survey implementation was preceded by an extensive consultation with Government and key stakeholders on survey design, sampling, and adaptation of survey instruments. Pre-testing of the survey instruments, enumerator training, and fieldwork took place in 2014. In conclusion, comparing the 2010 and 2014 SDI surveys, one clearly notices that Tanzania has made substantial progress in some areas, but there are still remaining gaps. Also, the achieved progress is from a very low base and there is still quite a bit of room for the Tanzanian education system to deliver quality to its pupils and get them prepared and equipped to face competition in the national, regional, and international labor markets.

Worldwide, Lao PDR has been identified among 57 countries with a critical shortage and skewed distribution of its health workforce, especially in remote and rural areas (Guilbert 2006, World Bank 2015). Healthcare education is provided by the public sector through nine public health training institutes in the country: The University of Health Sciences (UHS) in Vientiane Capital provides medical related programs including medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, medical technology, nursing basic sciences and post graduate studies, with the other institutions located at provincial levels: three Regional Public Health Colleges, four Provincial Public Health Schools and one Nursing School. The annual output from these institutions is approximately 2,000 (Department of Organization and Personnel (DOP), 2013). This study focuses on supply-side policies to determine the key challenges and policy implications regarding improved availability and retention of staff in remote areas. This possibly stems from, among other reasons, the following: (a) limited government quotas to recruit and place health workers in rural areas (i.e. in 2013 1,045 recruitment quotas were allocated to MOH, of which 882 (84.4 percent) were given to provinces, districts and health centers nationwide); (b) health workers'preference to work in urban areas with better income and professional career development opportunities; and (c) low self-confidence of new graduates to work independently in rural areas which is attributable to insufficient clinical practice during training, due in part to the excessive number of student intakes to training institutes. The shortage of middle and high level health workers at primary and secondary health care facility levels leads to a major gap in access to quality health care services between urban and rural areas.