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International audience Various methods of restricting automobile traffic, by price (tolls) or by quantity (odd/even license plates or limited days of traffic), are tested in a survey (N ∼ 400) about attitudes toward traffic restrictions in Lyon, France. Ordered probit models with random-effects panel allow us to estimate the survey respondents' perceptions of these methods, as well as the roles of individual socio-demographic characteristics in the formation of these perceptions. Both the restriction of automobile traffic and its regulation by congestion (waiting in line) are widely considered unjust by the respondents, regardless of whether they work and whether they are drivers or non-drivers. Their attitudes towards tolls justified by the pollution caused by automobile traffic are less negative. As regards compensation, in addition to emergency vehicles and those that transport people with limited mobility, respondents believe car-pooling ought to benefit of a toll exemption. The support for a reduced rate for low-income users shows a concern for justice to which it will be necessary to respond. The respondents' socio-professional status, level of education, car use or non-use, and residence inside or outside of the toll zone clearly play a role in their perceptions of these methods of regulation and compensation.

Since 2007, after the election of the economist Rafael Correa Delgado for president of the Republic of Ecuador, the country has been experiencing a series of ideological, structural and political changes. A Constitutional Assembly, demanded by a Popular Consultation, materialized Correa's project of "homeland refoundation" (Ulloa, 2020, p. 19). In 2008, once the Constitution had been drafted, 63,93% of the voting population said "Yes" to the new Constitution, thus establishing what would be a turning point in national politics.On the one hand, until the fall of Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez (2003-2005), the country had undergone turbulence during the nineties due to significant political-institutional instability. There were three political leaders toppled in total; an armed conflict with its neighbor country, Peru; and a deep economic crisis that led the country to embark on dollarization. Correa's presidency, on the other hand, lasted ten years (2007-2017), after which time he left one of his vice-presidents Lenín Moreno as successor (2017-2021). In addition, despite the corruption during his government, he continues to lead the second largest political party, as can be seen in the 2021 elections.His Plan of Government, called 'Plan Nacional para el Buen Vivir,' introduced the indigenous worldview of Sumak Kawsay. Translated from quichua language as Buen Vivir, this philosophy enabled the adoption of social inclusion measures, the enlargement of minority rights, including the expansion of the liberal juridical anthropocentric concept, by offering nature rights (Hernández, 2017). Sumak Kawsay means "life in its fullness […] in its material and spiritual excellence […] in its inner and outer balance of the community" (Macas, 2010, p. 14).Based on this philosophy, Ecuador started moving towards social change, which was impossible without the inclusion of gender equality (Zaragocín, 2017, p. 64). In that sense, many public policies have been planned, creating debates on economic, political and social issues (Acosta, 2012; Acosta y Cajas-Guijarro, 2018; Hernández, 2017; Radcliffe, 2017). Furthermore, these policies targeted one of the most hermetic institutions: the Armed Forces.In this respect, this paper aims to analyze the discursive reproductions and disruptions in gender categories (masculine and feminine) based on an analysis of Ecuadorian defense documents. The masculinities constitute a gender category that reflects the subjugation of the feminine by the masculine, and is connected to a superiority associated with strength, rationality, command, in opposition to feminine values (weakness, emotionality, anarchy) (Hooper, 1999). Nevertheless, masculinities are not personal characteristics concerning individuals. Instead, they should be understood as configurations produced by social actions in a particular context (Connell y Messerschmidt, 2005, p. 832). In this paper, Maya Eichler's militarized masculinities (MM) concept is used as a reference to the stereotypical masculine characteristics created by the exacerbation of virility in military rituals (military service, combat) (Eichler, 2014, pp. 83-85). The author highlights that the MM are regularly and dynamically produced, making necessary an analysis on its features. Therefore, it is used to identify discursive and ideological formations and interdiscourses associated with gender notions present in the documents through a post-structural feminist approach and a discourse analysis methodology.Gender equality constitutes an unavoidable issue in contemporary democracies and consequently the inclusion of women in the Ecuadorian Armed Forces is an ongoing challenge. Recent studies on the integration of women in the military demonstrate that public policies, mainly regarding gender equality and interculturality, have been militarized (Zaragocín, 2018, p. 436). In other words, the potential for social change has been lost. From this fact, this paper argues that the militarization of gender equality, besides undermining the transformative potential of social inclusion, allowed the reproduction of new manifestations of militarized masculinities in the defense documents, updating the dynamics based on a dialectic and negative masculine/feminine dichotomy.Furthermore, the existence of a gap in the Ecuadorian security and defense literature is identified; despite the increase of women in the military, studies on this phenomenon remain incipient (Chacón, 2014; Iturralde, 2015; Morales et al., 2017; Zaldumbide, 2020; Zaragocín, 2018). Issues concerning military masculinities, hegemonic masculinity in these places and in Ecuadorian society —and their discursive reproductions, continuities and resistances— constitute a fertile ground for the analysis of the consequences of militarization for social inclusion. This paper fills this gap by analyzing the transformation in militarized masculinities in national defense discourse, and it does so through innovative methodological resources that allow a critical perspective on the results of the policies implemented since 2007.In terms of methodology, a framework of analisis is used consisting of defense documents published from 2002 to 2017, namely: Libro Blanco de Defensa (2002, 2006), Agenda Política de Defensa (2009-2013 and 2014-2017), Política de Género de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador (2013) and the Cartilla de Género Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador (2017). This framework refers to the year of 2002 due to the release of the first Libro Blanco during Gustavo Noboa's administration (2000-2003). This permits us to determine to what extent the inclusion of gender politics was an unavoidable issue in national defense politics during the documents' transition.The body of analysis is addressed through the combination of a discourse analysis and a post-structural feminist perspective on gender, using Laura Shepherd's theoretical lens. The connection between these methodologies permits the identification of the ways that gender manifests itself as an element of power in discourses. It is highlighted how the post-structural feminist perspective allows us to question how the texts signify, enabling the realization of profound analyses that address the documents' discursive meanings (Shepherd, 2010, p. 9). Discourse should be understood as "word in motion", whose purpose is the production of effects of meaning (Orlandi, 2012, p. 15). Discourse is represented by oral and written word, and symbols that dispute meanings in subjective and ideological fields (Brandão, 2012, p. 9). For this study, the texts that form the body of analysis are considered discourses. In this way, discourses are understood as neither transparent nor inert (Orlandi, 2012, p. 15), but dynamic and contingent.Besides the introduction and the final considerations, the work has three sections. The first section presents the conceptual tools that will be used to understand the relation between gender and masculinities. After that, a brief description of the methodology employed in the study is developed. Finally, the analysis is conducted on the manifestations of militarized masculinities in the documents. The work finishes by presenting a final argument, that is: besides undermining the transformative potential of social inclusion, the militarization of gender equality allows for the reproduction of new manifestations of militarized masculinities in the defense documents. The dynamics are updated based on a dialectic and negative masculine/feminine dichotomy.Through this analysis three illustrative images of women's presence in the defense documents were created: "partial citizen", "authorized citizen" and "military woman". The three representations show, in a "before" and "after" comparison of gender politics, that women continue experiencing rejection in military spaces, being the "Other", and inherently a stranger to the ideal of militarized masculinity that prevails in the barracks. The conclusion is that militarized masculinities have experienced a discursive metamorphosis, demonstrating the subtle and resistant armor of the masculine military ethos. ; El presente trabajo busca analizar las manifestaciones, reproducciones y rupturas discursivas que experimentan las nociones de género a partir de las masculinidades militarizadas presentes en los documentos de defensa del Ecuador. El corpus de análisis está constituido por las políticas de defensa producidas entre 2002 y 2017, considerando el periodo presidencial de Rafael Correa (2007-2017). La Constitución de 2008, con la inclusión de la filosofía indígena del Buen Vivir (Sumak Kawsay), permitió la promoción de políticas públicas direccionadas a alcanzar la equidad de género y la interculturalidad. Las instituciones castrenses se han mostrado especialmente reticentes a los cambios producidos por dichas medidas, generando una militarización de las políticas de género. Es decir, el potencial de cambio que las caracteriza ha sido contenido por la supremacía del ethos militar masculino. El efecto de esa contención —en un país que se autodenomina plurinacional, que reconoce la presencia de diversos pueblos en su territorio— necesita ser analizado, puesto que impacta directamente con las propuestas de inclusión social. Se argumenta que la militarización de elementos como la equidad de género y la interseccionalidad del Buen Vivir, además de corroer el potencial transformador de inclusión social, permite reproducir nuevas formas de manifestación de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos de defensa, actualizando las dinámicas que responden a la dicotomía masculino/femenino en un sentido dialéctico y negativo. Para el análisis se emplea una perspectiva de género feminista aliada al análisis del discurso de vertiente francesa, visando examinar las manifestaciones discursivas de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos de defensa. A partir del análisis se crearon tres categorías ilustrativas de la presencia de la mujer en los documentos de defensa: ciudadana parcial, ciudadana autorizada, mujer militar. Las tres representaciones muestran, en un antes y un después de las políticas de género, que las mujeres continúan vivenciando rechazo en los espacios militares, ocupando el lugar de un otro. Se concluye que las masculinidades militarizadas han experimentado una metamorfosis discursiva, mostrando el blindaje resistente y sutil del ethos militar masculino. En términos de estructura, el trabajo posee tres secciones. En la primera, se despliegan los instrumentos conceptuales para comprender la relación entre género y masculinidades. Enseguida, se desarrolla una breve descripción de la metodología utilizada. Finalmente, se aplica el dispositivo de análisis a la localización de las manifestaciones de las masculinidades militarizadas en los documentos.

Metaphors are used in political discourse in order to advance one particular view of the world whilst delegitimising other ideologies and belittling political opponents. The author verifies this claim by analysing the wrestling with a pig in the mud metaphor in light of the Critical Metaphor Analysis model and by providing broad reference to the socio-political context of the 2019 European Parliament election in Poland. Consistent with the premises of the selected paradigm, the investigation is performed at three intermingling levels. Basic categories of source domains present in the complex metaphorical structure are identified at the descriptive level. At the interpretative level, attention is directed towards mapping out correspondences between source and target domains. 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Edited by Joseph Kwaka, Okoth Okombo, Barrack Muluka & Betty Sungura-Nyabuto with an introduction by Henry Indangasi. ; One of the fundamental principles of effective leadership has remained the same for generations simply because leadership touches on human relations. What often changes are the tactics that leaders employ to get things done depending on the needs. Therefore, as we look at leadership that is effective in this century, we are not in any way re-inventing the wheel. Domesticating past leadership styles to suit current realities is the way to begin. Not all styles of leadership are effective in the same sense. It was fine long ago to embrace leaders who used command or who employed what is known as the boss syndrome. This kind of leadership, although used in some quarters, has proved to be less effective in the present world. The "do as I say" leader will face a reasonable amount of resistance. Times have changed and so should the style of leadership. The command leadership style of yesteryear simply cannot bear results in a world that is more liberal. Commanders, even in the military, have learned there are better ways to achieve results with followers in today's world. Leadership has been studied through three theoretical frameworks at different points in time. First, in the 1930 and early 1940s, most scholars based their research and writings on trait theories. The emphasis of these theories was that individual characteristics of leaders are different from those of the non-leaders. The premise of this school was that leaders were born, not made. Such leaders were the so called "big men" whose names sometimes would not be mentioned in public. Realising that the traits alone cannot capture the qualities and the achievements of some leaders, leadership studies came to include aspects of special behaviours that make leaders stand out. Scholars in the 1940s and the 1950s examined who and what leaders are based, on behavioural theories. The premise of these theories is that behaviours of effective leaders are different from those of ineffective leaders. The leadership styles during this period and which spilled into the 1960s were "people-focused" or "result-focused". The whole idea was that leaders were judged based on what they were able to achieve and what they did while in office. It did not really matter whether or not they were "born leaders". A leader could become effective through training and development. 96 Challenging the Rulers: A Leadership Model for Good Governance The 1960s and the early 1970s saw the emergence of a new type of leader whose leadership could not effectively be explained by the earlier theories. Thus, new studies began to view leadership through the lense of situational or contingency theories. The premise of these theories is that unique factors or particular situations determined whether a specific leader was effective or not. In this respect, situational factors interacted with the leader's traits and behaviour to influence leadership effectiveness, generally producing what is widely known as charismatic leaders. These are leaders who are usually admired by their followers because of the energies and enthusiasm they bring into the scene. Their followers show near total dedication and unquestioning loyalty. More studies later revealed that there are leaders whose leadership practices transcend the theories above. Some scholars in the 1980s and 1990s saw leadership as skills-based. Here the emphasis is on what effective leaders do, based on the skills acquired. This kind of leadership was highlighted by the transformative theories which tend to investigate what transactions of traits, behaviours and situations allow certain people to transform for excellence. In the 21st century, the emphasis shifted to visionary leadership. The idea of visionary leadership is synonymous with marshalling people behind a compelling vision of a better future. In this situation, the interest is in what is required to inspire, unite and mobilise the masses. Finally, there are alternative leadership theories which examine other types of leadership which do not quite fit into the categories above. These include servant leadership, authentic leadership and collective leadership. For this chapter, we shall examine servant leadership. Servant leadership reflects a philosophy that leaders should be servants first. It suggests that leaders must place the needs of their followers ahead of their own interests in order to be effective. Servant leadership begins from the natural feeling that one really wants to serve. That one naturally wants to help others is then followed by a conscious choice to aspire to lead. Servant leadership is characterised by the following attributes: empathy, stewardship, listening, awareness, persuasion and foresight, commitment to the personal, professional and spiritual growth of the followers. Servant leadership is about moving individuals and communities at large to a higher level of progress. ; One of the fundamental principles of effective leadership has remained the same for generations simply because leadership touches on human relations. What often changes are the tactics that leaders employ to get things done depending on the needs. Therefore, as we look at leadership that is effective in this century, we are not in any way re-inventing the wheel. Domesticating past leadership styles to suit current realities is the way to begin. Not all styles of leadership are effective in the same sense. It was fine long ago to embrace leaders who used command or who employed what is known as the boss syndrome. This kind of leadership, although used in some quarters, has proved to be less effective in the present world. The "do as I say" leader will face a reasonable amount of resistance. Times have changed and so should the style of leadership. The command leadership style of yesteryear simply cannot bear results in a world that is more liberal. Commanders, even in the military, have learned there are better ways to achieve results with followers in today's world. Leadership has been studied through three theoretical frameworks at different points in time. First, in the 1930 and early 1940s, most scholars based their research and writings on trait theories. The emphasis of these theories was that individual characteristics of leaders are different from those of the non-leaders. The premise of this school was that leaders were born, not made. Such leaders were the so called "big men" whose names sometimes would not be mentioned in public. Realising that the traits alone cannot capture the qualities and the achievements of some leaders, leadership studies came to include aspects of special behaviours that make leaders stand out. Scholars in the 1940s and the 1950s examined who and what leaders are based, on behavioural theories. The premise of these theories is that behaviours of effective leaders are different from those of ineffective leaders. The leadership styles during this period and which spilled into the 1960s were "people-focused" or "result-focused". The whole idea was that leaders were judged based on what they were able to achieve and what they did while in office. It did not really matter whether or not they were "born leaders". A leader could become effective through training and development. 96 Challenging the Rulers: A Leadership Model for Good Governance The 1960s and the early 1970s saw the emergence of a new type of leader whose leadership could not effectively be explained by the earlier theories. Thus, new studies began to view leadership through the lense of situational or contingency theories. The premise of these theories is that unique factors or particular situations determined whether a specific leader was effective or not. In this respect, situational factors interacted with the leader's traits and behaviour to influence leadership effectiveness, generally producing what is widely known as charismatic leaders. These are leaders who are usually admired by their followers because of the energies and enthusiasm they bring into the scene. Their followers show near total dedication and unquestioning loyalty. More studies later revealed that there are leaders whose leadership practices transcend the theories above. Some scholars in the 1980s and 1990s saw leadership as skills-based. Here the emphasis is on what effective leaders do, based on the skills acquired. This kind of leadership was highlighted by the transformative theories which tend to investigate what transactions of traits, behaviours and situations allow certain people to transform for excellence. In the 21st century, the emphasis shifted to visionary leadership. The idea of visionary leadership is synonymous with marshalling people behind a compelling vision of a better future. In this situation, the interest is in what is required to inspire, unite and mobilise the masses. Finally, there are alternative leadership theories which examine other types of leadership which do not quite fit into the categories above. These include servant leadership, authentic leadership and collective leadership. For this chapter, we shall examine servant leadership. Servant leadership reflects a philosophy that leaders should be servants first. It suggests that leaders must place the needs of their followers ahead of their own interests in order to be effective. Servant leadership begins from the natural feeling that one really wants to serve. That one naturally wants to help others is then followed by a conscious choice to aspire to lead. Servant leadership is characterised by the following attributes: empathy, stewardship, listening, awareness, persuasion and foresight, commitment to the personal, professional and spiritual growth of the followers. Servant leadership is about moving individuals and communities at large to a higher level of progress.

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 철학과(서양철학전공), 2012. 2. 정호근. ; The objective of this thesis is to elucidate the concept of the general will and to make Rousseau's point clear by refuting criticisms which determine the general will as totalitarianism. To this end, I would like to reconstruct the concept of the general will by focusing on Rousseau's paradoxical expression of 'forcing to be free'. Because I think that it is possible to get a correct understanding of the general will through paying attention to this phrase. There are two kinds of 'forcing to be free' in the theory of Rousseau's General will. One is found in the notorious passage arguing that whoever refuses to obey the general will must be forced to be free in the Book 1 chapter 7 of On Social Contract. The other is implicit one in the passage discussing the conditions of the general will in the Book 2 chapter 3 and Book 2 chapter 7(part 4 chapter 8). I would like to examine these problems respectively and try to show that Rousseau's ultimate point consists in not 'forcing' but 'freedom'. Conclusively, the authentic difficulty of interpreting of Rousseau's logic is that nevertheless 'forcing to be free' is necessary to the production of the general will, he permit the possibility of failure of this process in practice. Rousseau's theory of the popular sovereignty argues that the foundation of legitimacy of the state does not consist in the divine or natural foundation but in the autonomous will of the people. Despite this theoretical postulate, the people appear to not only rational and social unity, but also always potentially the multitude as disordered gathering of individuals who are vulnerable to a capricious passion. On the one hand, the people's general will should make a society legitimate, particular deliberation of the people may be contingent and could make an erroneous decision on the other. As a result, Rousseau introduces the legislator or the civil religion which is external to a people in order to transform a multitude into unified people. However, because of the very reason that people are still and always multitude, they consequently could not obey this foreign authority so the problem regarding difficulty of self-ruling of the people remains unsolved. At a glance, Rousseau's theory of popular sovereignty seems to optimistic assertion that the people should and could govern itself. But Rousseau's pessimistic claim that the ideal people cannot be naturally given, but must be constructed by constant effort should not be overlooked as well. Finally, the introduction of the legislator or the civil religion is not contradictory to the principle of popular sovereignty because the success or failure of this heteronomous agency is uncertain and the popular sovereignty keeps still its autonomy. The problems are described as follows: the general will aiming at common good could fell to mere will of all by acquiring of a particular will possessed by some individuals. In the same way, the people who should be unitary and organic are degenerated into a blind multitude and the citizen who must be active and rational in the collective deliberation into a passive, passionate subject. The principle of the popular sovereignty claiming that good law makes a good people but the origin of the good law must be also the people, and the fact that primitive people does not have any capacity to legislate such good law is the source of the circular logic Rousseau engages. It also suggests that the self-ruling of the people is not easily attainable project by the introduction of the legislator or the civil religion because after the initial social contract, passionate, irrational and apolitical properties of the human being who had had those attributes in the state of nature cannot be completely eradicated. So the state of the society in Rousseau is more vulnerable than the traditional reading in that there is always the danger of reemergence of the state of nature. The fact that the sovereignty belongs to the people but the people do not have such capacity to exert the sovereignty is the central ambiguity derived from the theory of popular sovereignty in Rousseau. Rousseau's democracy as self-ruling of the people, therefore, remains always incomplete, contestable and unfinished democracy. This paradox of Rousseau is deduced from the consistent, thorough accomplishment of the principle of the freedom. In other words, Rousseau's premises arguing that the legitimacy of the politics does not have any transcendent and ultimate ground and its source is a unique source of will of the people as free being even permit the freedom to refuse their freedom. That is to say, individual citizens must be forced to be free but also can have the (natural) freedom not to be forced to have (civil and moral) freedom. In short, as though effective denaturalization is necessarily required to make man into citizen, it remains a process without a priori guarantee. Thus, the binary oppositions which support Rousseau's whole system, such as oppositions between the society and nature, the people and multitude and the general will and the will of all always have the possibility of confusion in practice. That danger renders the general will only transient or temporary in the conflictual process of politics. The fundamental problem of politics suggested by Rousseau is that the passage from the state of nature to the state of society is necessary, but is also very difficult and could not be achieved entirely. In conclusion, all these considerations show that Rousseau's political philosophy does not defense the alleged totalitarianism but is the philosophy of 'freedom' in the strict and consistent sense of the word. ; 본 논문의 목적은 을 중심으로 루소의 일반의지 개념의 정체를 해명하고, 이를 전체주의로 규정하는 비판들로부터 루소의 논지를 명료하게 하는 것이다. 이를 위해 나는 '자유롭도록 강제'된다는 루소의 역설적인 표현을 중심으로 일반의지 개념을 재구성하고자 하며, 이 점에 주목할 때 비로소 일반의지 개념에 대한 정확한 이해가 가능하다고 본다. 루소의 일반의지 이론에서는 크게 두 가지의 '자유롭도록 강제됨'이 나타난다. 하나는 일반의지를 거부하는 자들이 자유롭도록 강제되어야한다고 주장하는 1부 7장의 주장이며 다른 하나는 2부 3장 및 2부 7장(4부 8장)에서 일반의지의 성립 조건을 논의하는 대목에서 드러난다. 나는 이들을 각각 살펴보고 루소의 궁극적인 강조점은 강제가 아니라 자유에 있음을 보여주고자 한다. 결론적으로, 루소의 논리를 따를 때 나타나는 진정한 난점은 자유롭도록 강제하는 과정이 일반의지의 산출을 위해 필수적임에도 불구하고, 실천적으로는 이것이 실패할 수 있는 여지를 허용하는 데에 있다. 루소의 인민주권론은 국가 정당성의 토대가 신적인 것이나 자연적인 근거에 있다는 견해를 부정하고 인민의 자율적인 의지가 정치적 권위의 원천이라고 주장한다. 그런데 인민은 항상 이성적이고 사회적인 질서정연한 통일체인 것이 아니라 또한 잠재적으로 정념에 좌우되기 쉬운 개인들의 무질서한 모임으로서 다중으로 현상하기도 한다. 즉 한편으로 인민의 일반의지는 사회를 정당한 것으로 만드는 조건이지만, 다른 한편으로 인민들의 개별 심의는 우연적이며 오류를 범할 수 있는 것이다. 따라서 루소는 다중을 인민으로 만들기 위해서 입법자와 시민종교와 같은 인민 외부의 권위를 도입한다. 그러나 인민은 그들이 다중이라는 바로 그 이유로 이러한 외부적 권위에 복종하지 않을 수도 있기 때문에, 인민이 스스로를 통치하는 것에 관한 난점은 해결되지 않는다. 일견 루소의 인민주권론은 인민이 인민 자신을 통치해야 한다는 낙관적 주장으로 보이지만, 인민은 그 자체로 주어지거나 발견될 수 없으며 다만 이상적 인민으로 구성되어야 한다는 루소의 비관적 주장 역시 간과되어서는 안 된다. 결국 입법자나 시민종교의 도입은 인민주권의 원리와 상충되는 것이 아닌데, 이러한 타율적 장치의 성공 여부는 불확실하여 인민주권은 여전히 그 자율성을 지니기 때문이다. 문제는 공동이익을 지향해야 할 일반의지가 각 개인이 갖는 특수의지의 득세에 의해 한갓 전체의지로 전락할 위험, 통일적이고 유기적이어야 할 인민이 무지몽매하고 개별적인 다중으로 전락할 위험, 집단적인 심의에 있어 능동적이고 합리적이어야 할 시민이 수동적이고 정념에만 사로잡힌 신민으로 전락할 위험에 있다. 좋은 법이 좋은 인민을 만들지만 좋은 법의 출처는 또한 인민이어야 한다는 인민주권의 원리, 그리고 최초의 인민은 그러한 입법을 할 수 있는 역량을 가지지 못하는 다중이라는 상황이 루소가 사로잡힌 순환 논리의 원천이다. 그런데 사회계약 이후에도 인간이 자연 상태에서 갖던 감성적, 비합리적, 비정치적 속성은 완전히 해소되지 않으며, 이는 입법자나 시민종교 같은 장치를 통해서도 인민의 자기통치가 온전히는 달성될 수 없는 난제임을 보여준다. 이처럼 루소의 사회 상태는 항상 부분적으로나마 자연 상태가 돌발할 수도 있는 위험을 갖는다는 점에서 취약한 것이다. 주권은 인민에 속하지만 인민은 스스로를 직접 통치할 수 있는 역량을 결여한다는 것이 루소의 인민주권론이 보여주는 애매성이다. 그러므로 인민의 자기통치로서 루소의 민주주의는 항상 불완전하여 계속해서 갱신되고 수정되어야 하는 미완의 민주주의로 남는다. 루소에서 이러한 역설은 자유의 원리를 일관되게 관철시키게 됨에서 귀결된다. 즉 정치의 정당성에는 어떠한 선험적이고 궁극적인 토대도 없다는 것, 인민은 자유로운 존재로서 그들의 의지만이 정치적 정당성의 유일한 원천이라는 루소의 전제는 그들이 스스로의 자유를 거부할 자유마저도 허용한다. 다시 말해 각 개인은 일반의지의 실현을 위해서 자유롭도록 강제되어야 하지만, 이들은 '자유롭도록'(즉 시민적 자유와 도덕적 자유) 강제되지 않을 수 있는 자유(즉 자연적 자유)를 가질 수도 있다. 요컨대 인간을 시민으로 만들기 위해서는 효과적인 탈자연화가 요구되지만, 이는 보증없는 과정이다. 따라서 루소의 체계를 떠받치는 이항대립, 즉 사회와 자연, 인민과 다중, 일반의지와 전체의지는 항상 실천적으로는 혼동될 위험을 가지며 이러한 위험은 일반의지가 정치의 갈등적인 과정 속에서 단지 일시적으로만 가능한 것으로 만든다. 루소가 보여주는 정치의 근본 문제는 자연 상태로부터 사회 상태로의 이행이 필수적이지만, 동시에 이것이 매우 어렵고 온전히 달성될 수 없다는 것이다. 결론적으로 이러한 탐구는 루소의 철학이 전체주의를 대변하는 것이 아니라 여전히 '자유'의 철학이며, 그것도 매우 일관적인 의미에서 그러함을 보여준다. ; Master

Slavery is a historical antecedent, which affected all continents, sometimes simultaneously, sometimes successively; its genesis is the sum of all that happened during an intermediate period of history. Paradoxically, slavery and slave trade still exist today under various pseudonyms: servants, nannies, prostitutes, indentured servants, extremely low paid workers. The examination here is confined to the Atlantic Slave Trade and its implications to Africa and its people, both in Africa and in Diaspora. Various aspects and instruments of law, particularly, international and inter-temporal law were examined to justify or repudiate the demand for compensation vis-à-vis reparation. The Atlantic Slavery, which began in the year 1440 was first abolished in 1787 throughout British Empire and in 1833, the British parliament abolished slavery in its colonies. In 1838, the slaves were emancipated and by 1880, slavery had been abolished in southern United States and across the world an estimated figure of over 14 million blacks was forcibly transported to overseas countries. This figure does not include those who died before they arrived to their various destinations. The thesis that slavery and slave trade contributed to the development of capitalism because slave trade constituted an essential element in the early mercantilist stage of capitalist development and abolition, which was a reflex of the resulting industrialism and its free commercial policies may have adherence here and there. Apparently, the increased demand for slaves not only reallocated resources, but also produced externalities thought to impede long-time development in Africa. These impediments were constraints on the growth of African states, increase in ethnic and socio stratification and sustained a culture of political violence. The history of West Africa will be used as a model for the economic marginalisation and depopulation of Africa. While most scholars agree that the depopulation of Africa was a consequence of Atlantic Slave Trade and must have reduced the aggregate population between 1700 and 1850, nevertheless it is problematic to assess the causal impact of slave population growth and development. The regular slave raiding was a constraint to production, social life obscured the ethnic boundaries and the inability to distinguish insider from outsider as the people scattered to escape the risk of being caught. Between the 16th and 19th centuries more than 14 million slaves were produced in Africa and transported to overseas. Book one Chapter I addresses the term "Slavery" and its concepts in all its ramifications. The instruments of semantics, philology and biology e.t.c. were used to arrive at an acceptable definition of slavery. Chapter II have as its priority the examination of slavery as an ancient institution of all cultures and the subsequent break of this culture by the Europeans. Enough evidence were advanced to prove that almost every continent and country practiced one form or another of slavery and slave trade, but this seemingly established culture and norm were put to question by the Europeans. The practice of the Atlantic triangular slave trade and the colonial Plantation economy with the attendant exploitation of the slave workers were extensively discussed in this chapter. Chapter III have as its priority racism, cultural differences, and above all, economics as the motives for Atlantic slave trade vis-à-vis triangular slave trade. The roles and the works of intellectuals, movies, newspapers, and physical contacts with the Africans contributed to slavery and also to the Atlantic slave trade. Book Two Chapter IV dealt with the examination and analysis of the motives of Atlantic slavery and slave trade using the economic, social and political yardstick as the most compelling factors. Mathematical calculations and economic diagrams were used here to describe the demand and supply of slaves and its effect on African economies. In Book Two, the implications of Atlantic slave trade to Africa and its people in strictly economic and demographical terms were examined. Chapter V presented various definitions of natural law and present its prominent progenitors and contributors. The role of natural law in the examination of the atrocities of the Atlantic slave trade cannot be underestimated considering the fact that during this period, international law or positive law as we understand it today, had hardly existed therefore, the only appropriate yardstick open for the examination of the treatment and trade of the Africans appear to be the instrument of natural law vis-à-vis moral law. Chapter VI examined in detail the merits and demerits of the concept of "Pacta sunt servanda" as applied by the Europeans in trade with his African partners. The unfolding implications that resulted because of the failure of adherence to "Pacta sunt servanda" to the contracting persons, nations, villages also featured here prominently. It is on record that the European expansion over other parts of the world was undertaken by the acts of states and governments and later also private business partners participated in the slave trade. Therefore, the implication of this under international law was evaluated. Chapter VII combined the extent and influence of the Radbruch's Formula of Ratio Juris, its logicality and the nature of legal theory and Robert Alexy's conceptual analysis and the theory about the nature of law to determine the degree of morality and justice embodied in the slave laws enacted in the United States during the Atlantic Slave Trade. For example, Radbruch postulated that the objective of legal philosophy is to appraise the law in terms of congruency with its ultimate goal, i.e. to realize the ideas of law. Chapter VIII highlighted the abolition and emancipation of slavery and emphasized the role of Quakers, Anglicans and most importantly anti-slavery campaigners, like Granville Sharp and Thomas Clarkson. They initiated, campaigned and fought for the abolition and emancipation of African slavery, without which the history of Africa and its people would have being hitherto be rewritten today. Just as the instruments of publications, sermon, pamphlets, treatise, poems, narratives, newspaper articles, reports and petitions were used to promote and aggravate Atlantic slave trade and slavery so also were these instruments used to fight for the emancipation of slavery. Though the cause of reparation for Africans and Africans in Diaspora cannot be seriously questioned, particularly under natural law and the laws of morality, the conceptual, legal, moral and historical issues were discussed extensively in Chapter IX. The normative arguments for and against reparations and the identity of beneficiaries and those sued for reparations were the object of analysis. Causation and attenuation arguments of reparations, particularly in tort liability, for example, act attenuation, victim attenuation and wrongdoer attenuation will help to determine culpability. Tort law analogy in slavery reparations and more so lawsuits for Jim Crow, constitutional requirements and unjust enrichment are all indispensable legal instruments to ascertain the merits and demerits of reparations. The concepts of restitution and genealogical determinism are also essential parts of this chapter. And finally, the philosophy of Libertarianism also constituted to the evaluation of the case for reparations. Reparation has been a common feature or idea in public international law before the emergence of international human rights law. The various international courts have defined the notion of reparation in relation to the notion of international responsibility of the state in • Art. 31: ILC (s. pages 238, 241) • Art. 3: ILC • Art. 13 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) • Art. 11(2) • Art. 7(1) The international law advances that any conduct, which is attributable to the state and which constitutes a breach of an international obligation of the state is an international wrongful act and comes under the state responsibility. The international law that adjudicates on state responsibility stipulates that there must be a link between a past wrong and present claim, consequently any legal claim for reparation at the international level will be confronted with the problem of proving that the present day western countries caused the injury inflicted on slaves. Other bodies of law like restitution, which deals with benefit-based liability or benefit-based recovery, has become an increasingly powerful tool in the case of reparation, particularly for mass wrongs. The merits and demerits were done justice to in this Dissertation. Natural Law has played an important role in the affairs of men through the ages because it entails basic principles of moral law and legislation and is in some cases objective, accessible to reason and based on human nature. Though, the concept of natural law is controversial, however, the Nuremberg War-Crimes trials after World War II, had no foundation in written laws. The prosecutors and judges justified their sentences on the assumption of natural laws binding all human beings and the present insistence on human rights also implies the affirmation of a kind of natural law. Natural law is therefore, a reflection of morality and consequently, legally valid if they conform to morality. He appraised human rights as surpassing all written laws and advanced that the law of nature should be sufficient to address the issue of restitution. Therefore, the kidnappings, the involuntary enslavement, the killings or murder of protesting or rebellious African slaves were an offence and a crime that needed to be addressed. Africa and the Africans in Diaspora can seek for justice albeit post mortem of the slaves.

Social movements are not only remembered in personal experience, but also through cultural carriers that shape how later movements see themselves and are seen by others. The present collection zooms in on the role of photography in this memory-activism nexus. How do iconographic conventions shape images of protest? Why do some images keep movements in the public eye, while others are quickly forgotten? What role do images play in linking different protests, movements, and generations of activists? Have the affordances of digital media made it easier for activists to use images in their memory politics, or has the digital production and massive online exchange of images made it harder to identify and remember a movement via a single powerful image? Bringing together experts in visual culture, cultural memory, social movements, and digital humanities, this collection presents new empirical, theoretical, and methodological insights into the visual memory of protest

"Examining Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's Büyük Nutuk (The Great Public Address), this book identifies the five founding political myths of Turkey: the First Duty, the Internal Enemy, the Encirclement, the Ancestor, and Modernity. Offering a comprehensive rhetorical analysis of Nutuk in its entirety, the book reveals how Atatürk crafted these myths, traces their discursive roots back to the Orkhon Inscriptions, epic tales, and ancient stories of Turkish culture, and critiques their long-term effects on Turkish political culture. In so doing, it advances the argument that these myths have become permanent fixtures of Turkish political discourse since the establishment of Turkey and have been used by both supporters and detractors of Atatürk. Providing examples of how past and present leaders, including Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a vocal critic of Atatürk, have deployed these myths in their discourses, the book offers an entirely new way to read and understand Turkish political culture and contributes to the heated debate on Kemalism by responding to the need to go back to the original sources - his own speeches and statements - to understand him. Contributing to emerging discourse-based approaches, this book is ideal for scholars and students of Turkish Studies, History, Nationalism Studies, Political Science, Rhetorical Studies, and International Studies"--

"The financial crisis of 2008 prompted a renewed critical interest in the moral limits and the sense of justice inherent in the market economy. But while the valuable pursuits of political theorists have enabled them to speak more directly to the economic dimension of our lives, they only rarely touch on the political roots of the central institution of all market economies-money. In The Currency of Politics, political theorist Stefan Eich responds to this blind-spot by offering an intellectual history of money, as the concept was developed over time through the insight of some key political philosophers. Showing the ways in which money is an inherently political institution, Eich examines six key moments of monetary crisis and the political reflection they elicited, from Aristotle and the invention of coinage to the "Great Inflation" of the 1970s and the subsequent disappearance of discussions of money from political theory. What ties the moments together, he argues, is a set of recurring concerns with monetary politics that unfold as a conversation across time, constantly offering revisionist assessments of prior crises. Whether we know it or not, these layers of crisis have come to define the way we look at money, and they continue to reverberate today. In surveying the history Eich responds to the most pressing political questions about money which arise from within the long history of political thought and maps out several possible paths for thinking politically about the governance of money"--

In der Wissenschaft sind Erkenntnisziele, aber auch ein spezieller Weltaufschluss angelegt. Diesen zu vermitteln, ist Aufgabe der Wissenschaftsdidaktik. Was aber bedeutet es, Wissenschaft institutionell zu einem Gegenstand des Lehrens und Lernens zu machen? Die Beitragenden des Bandes liefern eine disziplinenübergreifende Einführung in die Wissenschaftsdidaktik, die sich mit grundlegenden konzeptionellen Fragen sowie Einordnungs- und Deutungsversuchen aus verschiedenen Perspektiven befasst. Hochschullehrende sowie praktisch und forschend tätige Personen in der Bildungswissenschaft finden hier leichten Zugang zur Wissenschaftsdidaktik und ihren innovativen Erkenntnispotenzialen.

"Police killings of unarmed Black people have ignited a national and international response unlike any in decades. But differing from their civil rights-oriented predecessors, today's activists do not think that the institutions and values of liberal democracy can eradicate structural racism. They draw instead on a Black radical tradition that, Terrence L. Johnson argues, derives its force from its unacknowledged ethical and religious dimensions. We Testify with Our Lives traces Black religion's sustained influence from SNCC to the present, reconstructing a radical lived ethics of freedom and justice. Johnson demonstrates that Black Power fundamentally contests liberalism's abstract understanding of democracy, calling instead for new embodied frameworks to achieve human flourishing and dignity. Black bodies represent the primary form of resistance against violent and oppressive regimes of white supremacy and exploitation, and the individual and collective struggles of Black life bear witness to the dogged determination to cultivate beauty, rage, and joy. Considering the writings of Audre Lorde, Toni Cade Bambara, Stokely Carmichael, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, and James Baldwin, We Testify with Our Lives makes its case through a new narrative of the evolution of Black radicalism from the civil rights movement through the Movement for Black Lives. It forges new insights into Black Power's vital contributions to debates on ethics, transnational politics, democracy, political solidarity, and freedom-and its potent resources for the ongoing struggle to build democratic possibilities for all"--

Die vielfältigen Äußerungsformen der jüngsten Wirtschaftskrisen und die derzeitigen Herausforderungen in Europa machen die Notwendigkeit deutlich, die nach wie vor als rational geltende Ökonomie auf ihre parallel ausgebildete "stark spezialisierte emotionale Kultur" (Eva Illouz) hin zu untersuchen. Diese äußert sich vor allem in Krisendiskursen in Politik, Presse, Wirtschaft oder Literatur, in denen Emotionen besonders deutlich als kollektive "Form der Geisteshaltung bzw. der Einstellung zur Welt" (Richard Wollheim) sichtbar werden. Die Beiträger*innen des Bandes gehen den emotionalen Dimensionen dieser Krisendiskurse in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart aus den Perspektiven von Soziologie, Ökonomik, Kultur-, Geschichts- und Literaturwissenschaft nach.

Reinhold Niebuhr's ideas about ethics, social justice, and foreign policy have been hugely influential for American political thought, and this has been true across the political spectrum, from progressive social justice activists to neo-conservatives. A one-time leader in the Socialist party, Niebuhr worked with Eleanor Roosevelt to found Americans for Democratic Action. Jimmy Carter took inspiration from his ideas about love and justice, and Barack Obama has praised him as one of his favorite philosophers. His theories have also influenced neoconservatives, many of whom cited his work to support the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Yet, Niebuhr never published a single, comprehensive book on his approach to international relations, and, because he was so prolific, one would have to sift through volumes of his work to try to construct such a unified vision. This book distills Niebuhr's disparate and heretofore difficult-to-access work on international relations into one concise and accessible volume. Drawing from the well-springs of Niebuhr's Christian social thought, the volume explores the depths of Niebuhr's views on human nature, race, collective life, U.S. foreign policy, Just War Theory, Cold War era containment, globalization, and the U.N. It then applies his approach to contemporary foreign policy issues such as the 2003 Iraq War, the Responsibility to Protect, and the rise of China. The book also considers Niebuhr's contribution to IR theory and contextualizes it in the present day revival of classical Realism with a multivariate, existentialist twist. Ultimately, the book asserts that Niebuhr's notion of a fallible, self-interested view of human nature, his dialectical approach, and a related moral dualism run throughout his work on politics and international relations as they did through the rest of his work.