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Introduces an edited volume exploring the effects of the media on US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. New geopolitical realities & changes in international communications have altered media behavior, changed public opinion, & affected foreign policy making in the US & Europe. The host of problems now faced by policymakers is not conducive to consensus, as were the bipolar issues of the Cold War. CNN coverage informs the public instantly & forces decisionmakers to respond rapidly, often without sufficient time to deliberate. Public access to the Internet makes it difficult for governments to control the information the public receives. Articles in this volume explore the extent to which shifts in news reporting & global communications have provided information to the mass public & the resulting impact on national leaders & decisionmakers. Also explored is the extent to which national leaders have used the media to form & lead public opinion. The 21st-century foreign policy process may be more transparent, making it essentially "decision making in a glass house." The contributions & thought of each contributor is explored. L. A. Hoffman

Social Security has emerged as a pillar of the US social welfare system during the sixty years that have passed since the program was established, but the strength & perceived stability of public support for Social Security pose a crucial problem for those interested in tracking support for various aspects of the program: consensus is not usually deemed as newsworthy or pollworthy as subjects that involve controversy & rapidly changing opinions. Survey data compiled from published & unpublished sources, including the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research's on-line Public Opinion Location Library & the Inter-University Consortium for Political & Social Research, are therefore reported. 1 Appendix, 5 References. M. Maguire

"How did the United States of America, the oldest continuous democracy, arrive at January 6, 2021? Following years of rising partisan conflict, the mass media's amplification of the Tea Party movement and their embrace of anti-Obama conspiracy theories were crucial building blocks in the rise of Donald Trump. In 2019, President Trump told an interviewer, "The Tea Party was a very important event in the history of our country...The Tea Party still exists-except now it is called Make America Great Again." As Trump became the leader of what was, in effect, a merging of the Tea Party and Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, his aggressive rhetoric and outright hate speech helped to increase the existing political divisions to hyper-polarization. This book argues that American political communication began a continuous toxic spin after the founding of the Tea Party merely a month after Barack Obama was inaugurated. It argues that the interconnectivity of political communication facilitated and even promoted the Tea Party during its formative first years along with anti-Obama conspiracy theories that were embraced by its supporters. In the early stage of Tea Party, the movement's activists organized mass protest rallies, often with the assistance and participation of FOX News political talk show hosts, who highlighted the anti-Obama and anti-Washington outrage of rank-and-file members and supporters. "Contemporary politics is primarily media politics," and this book argues that Tea Partiers and anti-Obama conspiracy theorists exploited the off-line and online mass media power-making space and paved the way for Donald Trump's unorthodox candidacy and presidency. Through textual analysis of thousands of tweets, speeches, and public opinion data, the authors demonstrate how the inflammatory rhetoric of the Tea Party and Trump era expanded the earlier partisan and demographic divisions in the United States into a hyper-polarized conflict that sometimes led to real-world violence"--

While we've long known that the strategies of terrorism rely heavily on media coverage of attacks, Selling Fear is the first detailed look at the role played by media in counterterrorism—and the ways that, in the wake of 9/11, the Bush administration manipulated coverage to maintain a climate of fear. Drawing on in-depth analysis of counterterrorism in the years after 9/11—including the issuance of terror alerts and the decision to invade Iraq—the authors present a compelling case that the Bush administration hyped fear, while obscuring civil liberties abuses and concrete issues of preparedness. The media, meanwhile, largely abdicated its watchdog role, choosing to amplify the administration's message while downplaying issues that might have called the administration's statements and strategies into question. The book extends through Hurricane Katrina, and the more skeptical coverage that followed, then the first year of the Obama administration, when an increasingly partisan political environment presented the media, and the public, with new problems of reporting and interpretation. Selling Fear is a hard-hitting analysis of the intertwined failures of government and media—and their costs to our nation

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contributors -- 1. Introduction: Presidential Power -- PART 1 Richard Neustadt's Presidential Power and American Political Science -- 2. Neustadt's Power Approach to the Presidency -- 3. Richard Neustadt in the History of American Political Science -- PART 2 Presidents as Persuaders and the Personalization of Power -- 4. Personal Power and Presidents -- 5. Bargaining and Presidential Power -- 6. The Timing of Presidential Speeches: Can the President Be an Effective Teacher -- 7. The President's Inner Circle: Personality and Leadership Style in Foreign Policy Decision-making -- PART 3 Organizing and Institutionalizing the Presidency -- 8. Staffing and Organizing the Presidency -- 9. The Institutionalization of Power -- 10. Staffing the White House, 1937-96: The Institutional Implications of Neustadt's Bargaining Paradigm -- 11. The Presidential Kaleidoscope: Advisory Networks in Action -- PART 4 The President in the Political System -- 12. The President in the Political System: In Neustadt's Shadow -- 13. Political Time and Policy Coalitions: Structure and Agency in Presidential Power -- 14. The Institutional Face of Presidential Power: Congressional Delegation of Authority to the President -- 15. Hitting the Ground Running: The Politics of Presidential Appointments in Transition -- PART 5 The Potential for Leadership -- 16. Presidential Power and the Potential for Leadership -- 17. Presidential Polling and the Potential for Leadership -- 18. The President as Message and Messenger: Personal Style and Presidential Communications -- 19. The Limits of the Transformational Presidency -- PART 6 Conclusion: Forging the Presidency for the 21st Century -- 20. A Preachment from Retirement -- 21. The Impeachment of President Bill Clinton: Background.

While we've long known that the strategies of terrorism rely heavily on media coverage of attacks, Selling Fear is the first detailed look at the role played by media in counter terrorism-and the ways that, in the wake of 9/11, the Bush administration manipulated coverage to maintain a climate of fear. Drawing on in-depth analysis of counterterrorism in the years after 9/11-including the issuance of terror alerts and the decision to invade Iraq-the authors present a compelling case that the Bush administration hyped fear, while obscuring civil liberties abuses and concrete issues of preparedness. The media, meanwhile, largely abdicated its watchdog role, choosing to amplify the administration's message while downplaying issues that might have called the administration's statements and strategies into question. The book extends through Hurricane Katrina, and the more skeptical coverage that followed, then the first year of the Obama administration, when an increasingly partisan political environment presented the media, and the public, with new problems of reporting and interpretation. Selling Fear is a hard-hitting analysis of the intertwined failures of government and media-and their costs to our nation.

We investigate how support for President Donald Trump, beyond partisanship, guided Americans' attitudes toward COVID-19. This speaks to not just how "Trumpism" and the Trump administration's handling of the pandemic influenced public attitudes but to the larger issue of how Trump's hold on voters within and beyond the Republican Party provides further evidence that leaders surpass the role of parties in influencing public opinion. Using longitudinal data with individual fixed-effects, we find that from the start of the pandemic, support for Trump above and beyond partisanship drove public attitudes capturing skepticism toward COVID-19, fears of personal vulnerability, compliance with public-safety measures, and viewing the pandemic in racist terms. Between March and August 2020, this gulf in attitudes between Trump voters and non-supporters, and between Republicans and Democrats, widened; the widening was more pronounced between Trump voters and non-supporters. Trump's influence on Independents and non-voters also grew over the same period. While the use of terms like "China virus" was related to partisanship and support for Trump, we find an increase in awareness across groups that these terms were racist.

What are the dynamics of partisan conflict in the mass public in the United States? Has this conflict been driven by Republicans moving to the right across a wide range of issues, or have Democrats contributed to this as well? Have these changes been symmetric, occurring for both sides, or asymmetric, occurring for just one side? Understanding how the partisan gaps have widened may shed light on potential prospects for reversing extreme political conflict in public opinion. This paper examines this question with an analysis of opinion trend data over the last 40 years. It includes an original analysis of these trends among racial and ethnic groups. We find that symmetric partisan changes have only occurred among whites. Overall partisan differences have been less for Blacks and Hispanics than for whites.