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In part I of this trilogy, Karsten Giese describes the emergence and background of the most recent anti-Japanese protests in China. He explains what ignited the protests and how they spread. He enumerates the political conflicts and the historical disputes that led to China's resentment. He further examines the Chinese government's role in the conflict and questions whether China could be called a nation of anti-Japanese nationalists. In part II, Dirk Nabers takes a look at Japan's territorial conflict with China and Taiwan regarding the Diaoyu-Islands that are in Japanese possession. The author concludes that the symbolic battle over these rocks in the Eastern Chinese Sea is primarily a conflict over resources that ultimately will lead to political strife. In part III, Iris Wieczorek deals with two topics that for years have led to tensions between China and Japan, namely the school book debate and the Yasukuni-shrine problem. She highlights the reasons and the inner-Japanese effects, addresses the trend within the political establishment to embellish Japanese war history, and identifies an increase in nationalist tendencies.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1 Introduction: Analyzing the Nexus Between Populism and International Relations -- Populism Research and IR: The Missing Link -- The Case for Increased Dialogue -- Plan of the Book -- References -- Part I Theoretical Issues in Global Populism Research -- Chapter 2 Populism Beyond the Nation -- Populism: Extremely Popular -- The Mainstream (Media) Discourse: When in Doubt, Call It Populist -- The Academic Discourse: A Highly Ambiguous Concept -- Contemporary Definitions of Populism and Their Notion of the Nation -- Populism as the Logic of the Political -- The Possibility, the Perils and the Promises of a Global Populist Movement -- References -- Chapter 3 How to Become a Leader: Identifying Global Repertoires for Populist Leadership -- Introduction -- Populist Leadership and the Construction of "Outsider-Ness" -- The Patriotic Military Man -- The Social Leader -- The Successful Businessman -- The Strong Woman -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 Populism and Contemporary Global Media: Populist Communication Logics and the Co-construction of Transnational Identities -- Introduction -- Understanding Today's Global Media Ecology -- Understanding Populism and the Media -- Populist Communication Logics-Three Case Studies -- Legacy Media Evolution: The Emergence of the Indy100 -- Grassroots Campaign Organisations: The Case of the Syrian Opposition -- International Broadcasting: The RT Network -- Conclusions -- References -- Part II Populism and Foreign Policy -- Chapter 5 Sedimented Practices and American Identity in Donald J. Trump's Election Campaign -- Introduction -- Sedimented Practices as an Analytical Tool -- Sedimented Practices in US Foreign Policy -- Sedimented Practices in Trump's Campaign Speeches -- Conclusions -- References.

This volume is the first to analyze populism's international dimension: its impact on, and interaction with, foreign policy and international politics. The contributions to this volume engage conceptual theoretical issues and overarching questions such as the still under-specified concept of populism or the importance of leadership and the mass media for populism's global rise. They zoom in on populism's effect on both different countries' foreign policies and core international concerns, including the future of the liberal world order and the chances for international conflict and cooperation more generally. Frank A. Stengel is Research Fellow at the Research Group on International Political Sociology, Kiel University, Germany. David B. MacDonald is Professor of Political Science and Research Leadership Chair, College of Social and Applied Human Sciences, at the University of Guelph, Canada. Dirk Nabers is Professor of International Political Sociology at Kiel University, Germany.--

This volume explores the relationship between President George W. Bush's leadership, the administration's stated belief in the power of ideas (and the ideas of power) and its approach to the war on terror. Drawing on the international expertise of ten American foreign policy and security specialists, this incisive and timely book combines theoretical perspectives on political leadership with rigorous empirical analysis of selected aspects of the Bush administration's post 9/11 foreign policy.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Framing the Question -- 1.2 The Puzzle of Global Normative Order(s) -- 1.3 An Ontological Inquiry -- 1.4 Structure of the Argument -- References -- 2 Order: From Social Cohesion to Global Disorder -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Question of Social Cohesion -- 2.2.1 Possible Foundations for Social Order -- 2.2.2 Two Traditions of Theories of Social Order -- 2.2.3 The Problem of Foundationalist Explanations of Social Order -- 2.2.4 Question of Disorder -- 2.3 Question of Global Society -- 2.3.1 Meaning of 'the Global' -- 2.3.2 Limits of IR Theory: Global Cohesion or Global Disorder -- 2.4 Dimensions of the Problem of Global Normative Order(s) -- References -- 3 Difference: Metaphysics of the Social -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Question of Difference -- 3.3 Postfoundational Political Thought -- 3.3.1 Ontological Difference: The Heideggerian Approach -- 3.3.1.1 Difference, Being, and Nothing -- 3.3.1.2 Being and Ground -- 3.3.2 Political Difference: The Laclauian Approach -- 3.3.2.1 Difference, Antagonism, and Identity -- 3.3.2.2 The Political and Ground -- 3.4 Politicization of the Social -- 3.4.1 Sedimentation of the Social and Reactivation of the Political -- 3.4.2 Undecidable Decision and the Limits of Change -- References -- 4 Hauntology of Global Normative Order(s) -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Ordering and Global Order(s): Universal Investment of the Particular -- 4.3 Antagonistic Global Identity: Radical Negativity and Symbolic Global Order -- 4.4 Global Normative Order: The Imperative of the Abyssal Ground -- References -- 5 Conclusion: The (Im)Possibility of Global Normative Order(s) -- Bibliography -- Index.

Introduction -- The field of intervention : crisis, hegemony, and subjectivity -- Studying regional interventions -- Regional forces in Burundi : "we are able to act!" -- Regional forces in Zimbabwe : "will we become like them?" -- Regional interventions in Africa and beyond

The CFA-zone is basically composed of two sub-zones, characterised by significant structural economic and political differences within and between its member countries: the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU/UEMOA) and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (EMCCA/CEMAC). The growing structural divergences between UEMOA and CEMAC have been intensified by the recent development of world oil markets, booming production in Equatorial Guinea and the arrival of Chad in the club of oil producers. Nevertheless the CFA-zone in general, and the UEMOA in particular, have been considered as model case for economic and monetary integration in Africa. Yet, neither of these sub-zones meets the classical criteria of the Optimum Currency Area (OCA). In contrast, they show a low degree of diversification of production and exports, low factor mobility (except of labour in some countries) and price and wage flexibility, different levels of infrastructure and of inflation, low intra-regional trade and a strong exposure to asymmetrical external shocks (e.g. violent political conflicts, different terms of trade development for oil- and agricultural exports). The rules of the informal sector, are more important in structuring the CFA-zone than the institutions and policies of the formal economic sector, including its monetary institutions. For decades, prices of French imports were overpriced, due to protection by tied aid and other political and cultural non-tariff barriers. The cost of this rent-seeking was carried not only by the French Treasury, who guarantees the peg, but by the French and EU-taxpayers, who financed budgetary bail-outs and development aid, and finally by the poorer member countries and social strata (cf. the free-rider thesis). This article analyses the aims and structures of the WAEMU and its future development prospects.