The aim of this work is to show that, in relation to problems about which the author raises the question of the theory of interpretation, an answer can be suggested that is rooted in Kantian thinking & that represents a radicalization of it. The thesis of this paper is that an answer of this type is found in the hermeneutics of Hans Gadamer, though, schematically, using the Kantian mode of raising the problem.
The argument of this paper is that the emergence of military dictatorships, such as the Brazilian regime of 1964, is not caused by an economic crisis of dependent capitalist development. Rather, it results from a polarization and radicalization of the democratic regime by which it is preceded. Democracies handed down from above, like that in Brazil and other South American countries, favor the emergence of modern forms of autocracy
The results of the 1984 Knesset elections are summarized in seven points, followed by a conclusive discussion: the trend of growing support for the Likud was arrested; the entire "right-wing" bloc lost strength; radicalization among "right-wing" voters; the Alignment was not victorious; the "left-wing" parties maintained their strength; the strength of the religious parties did not increase; absence of a "pivot party". (DÜI-Hns)
Denne artikel undersøger, hvordan radikaliseringen og mobiliseringen af danske foreign fighters foregår, og hvad der motiverer unge danske muslimer til at drage i krig for en voldelig, revolutionær bevægelse som Islamisk Stat. Den offentlige danske debat om foreign fighters tegner et billede af unge, som via bestemte moskémiljøer, studiekredse i Danmark samt internettet radikaliseres til at tro, at væbnet kamp for kalifatet er en religiøs pligt. I kontrast til dette argumenterer artiklen for, at mange foreign fighters i høj grad motiveres af personlige udfordringer, fremmedgørelse og søgen efter mening med tilværelsen snarere end af dybt forankrede og reflekterede politiske og religiøse overbevisninger. I deres søgen efter et tilhørsforhold og mening kommer de unge på forskellig vis i kontakt med radikaliserende miljøer, hvor ensidig deliberation polariserer de unges holdninger. Artiklen præsenterer en interdisciplinær teoretisk model af radikalisering, hvis frugtbarhed diskuteres via analyse af illustrative casestudier af danske foreign fighters, som er rejst ud for at kæmpe for Islamisk Stat. Ved at stille skarpt på mobiliseringen af foreign fighters og tilbyde en forklarende ramme herfor, bidrager artiklen til teori om sociale bevægelser, som alt for ofte alene beskæftiger sig med mobilisering af progressive, pro-demokratiske og ikkevoldelige bevægelser.
ENGELSK ABSTRACT:
Lasse Lindekilde and Preben Bertelsen: Violent Transnational Activism: Islamic State, Foreign Fighters and Radicalization
The purpose of this article is to investigate the process of radicalization and mobilization of Danish foreign fighters, and the motivation of young Danish Muslims to go to war and fight for an ultra-violent, revolutionary movement like Islamic State. The public debate on foreign fighting in Denmark suggests that young Danish Muslims are radicalized through certain mosque milieus, study circles and the internet to believe that violent fighting for the caliphate is a religious obligation. In contrast to this picture, this article argues that many foreign fighters are rather motivated more by a quest for meaning and belonging, individual challenges and a sense of alienation than by deeply rooted political or religious convictions. In their search for belonging and meaning, these young Muslims come in contact with radicalizing milieus, where one-sided deliberation is unfolding and where attitudes polarize, motivation forms and is sustained. The article presents an interdisciplinary theory of radicalization, and discusses it in relation to case studies of Danish foreign fighters who have left for, or were on their way to fight, for Islamic State. By emphasizing the mobilization of foreign fighters and offering an explanatory framework for this empirical phenomenon, the article contributes to the theorization of social movements, which has too often focused solely on mobilization to progressive, pro-democratic and non-violent movements.
El trabajo trata sobre el proceso de radicalización política y masificación de Juventud Peronista de La Plata y su articulación con Montoneros. Abarcando el intenso período que puede extenderse desde mediados de 1970 hasta la vuelta de Perón a fines de 1972. Durante el mismo, la agrupación platense creció desarrollando una importante actividad política, sobre todo estudiantil y barrial, para formar parte hacia fines del '72 de la estrategia de masas de la organización Montoneros. En base a material periodístico y testimonial se busca reconstruir el 'escenario platense de la radicalización'. Es decir, por un lado las características demográficas, sociales, políticas, ideológicas locales que coadyuvaron a las movilizaciones. Por otra parte, se aborda la dinámica política. En primer término, la partidaria impulsada por la apertura electoral. Y luego, la revolucionaria acelerada por las organizaciones armadas. En ambas la JP platense se consolidó y terminó el proceso articulada con Montoneros para desarrollar posteriormente un importante 'trabajo de masas' ; This article deals with the process of political radicalization and popularization of the Juventud Peronista of La Plata and its articulation with Montoneros. It covers the intense period between mid 1970's and the return of Perón at the end of 1972. During that span, the group of La Plata experienced growth and a development of a significant political activity, especially in student and local terms, and was included at the end of 1972 in Montoneros's 'mass strategy'. Based on joumalistic and testimo¬nial sources, the aim is to reconstruct the 'radicalization scenario of La Plata'. By this we mean the local demographic, social, political, ideological features that contribu¬ted to the mobilizations. On the other hand, we deal with political dynamics : first, the panty politics encouraged by the electoral opening, and then the revolutionary politics speeded up by the armed organizations. In both, the Juventud Peronista of La Plata consolidated and, at the end of the process, it ended up articulated with Montoneros to later develop an important 'mass work' ; Fil: Robles, Horacio Baltazar. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
El trabajo trata sobre el proceso de radicalización política y masificación de Juventud Peronista de La Plata y su articulación con Montoneros. Abarcando el intenso período que puede extenderse desde mediados de 1970 hasta la vuelta de Perón a fines de 1972. Durante el mismo, la agrupación platense creció desarrollando una importante actividad política, sobre todo estudiantil y barrial, para formar parte hacia fines del '72 de la estrategia de masas de la organización Montoneros. En base a material periodístico y testimonial se busca reconstruir el 'escenario platense de la radicalización'. Es decir, por un lado las características demográficas, sociales, políticas, ideológicas locales que coadyuvaron a las movilizaciones. Por otra parte, se aborda la dinámica política. En primer término, la partidaria impulsada por la apertura electoral. Y luego, la revolucionaria acelerada por las organizaciones armadas. En ambas la JP platense se consolidó y terminó el proceso articulada con Montoneros para desarrollar posteriormente un importante 'trabajo de masas' ; This article deals with the process of political radicalization and popularization of the Juventud Peronista of La Plata and its articulation with Montoneros. It covers the intense period between mid 1970's and the return of Perón at the end of 1972. During that span, the group of La Plata experienced growth and a development of a significant political activity, especially in student and local terms, and was included at the end of 1972 in Montoneros's 'mass strategy'. Based on joumalistic and testimo¬nial sources, the aim is to reconstruct the 'radicalization scenario of La Plata'. By this we mean the local demographic, social, political, ideological features that contribu¬ted to the mobilizations. On the other hand, we deal with political dynamics : first, the panty politics encouraged by the electoral opening, and then the revolutionary politics speeded up by the armed organizations. In both, the Juventud Peronista of La Plata consolidated and, at the end of the process, it ended up articulated with Montoneros to later develop an important 'mass work' ; Fil: Robles, Horacio Baltazar. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
El trabajo trata sobre el proceso de radicalización política y masificación de Juventud Peronista de La Plata y su articulación con Montoneros. Abarcando el intenso período que puede extenderse desde mediados de 1970 hasta la vuelta de Perón a fines de 1972. Durante el mismo, la agrupación platense creció desarrollando una importante actividad política, sobre todo estudiantil y barrial, para formar parte hacia fines del '72 de la estrategia de masas de la organización Montoneros. En base a material periodístico y testimonial se busca reconstruir el 'escenario platense de la radicalización'. Es decir, por un lado las características demográficas, sociales, políticas, ideológicas locales que coadyuvaron a las movilizaciones. Por otra parte, se aborda la dinámica política. En primer término, la partidaria impulsada por la apertura electoral. Y luego, la revolucionaria acelerada por las organizaciones armadas. En ambas la JP platense se consolidó y terminó el proceso articulada con Montoneros para desarrollar posteriormente un importante 'trabajo de masas' ; This article deals with the process of political radicalization and popularization of the Juventud Peronista of La Plata and its articulation with Montoneros. It covers the intense period between mid 1970's and the return of Perón at the end of 1972. During that span, the group of La Plata experienced growth and a development of a significant political activity, especially in student and local terms, and was included at the end of 1972 in Montoneros's 'mass strategy'. Based on joumalistic and testimo¬nial sources, the aim is to reconstruct the 'radicalization scenario of La Plata'. By this we mean the local demographic, social, political, ideological features that contribu¬ted to the mobilizations. On the other hand, we deal with political dynamics : first, the panty politics encouraged by the electoral opening, and then the revolutionary politics speeded up by the armed organizations. In both, the Juventud Peronista of La Plata consolidated and, at the end of the process, it ended up articulated with Montoneros to later develop an important 'mass work' ; Fil: Robles, Horacio Baltazar. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
The book offers an examination of issues, institutions and actors that have become central to Muslim life in the region. Focusing on leadership, authority, law, gender, media, aesthetics, radicalization and cooperation, it offers insights into processes that reshape power structures and the experience of being Muslim. It makes room for perspectives from the region in an academic world shaped by scholarship mostly from Europe and America. parcel of such social conflicts and transformations, its role being neither one of resistance against power nor of guidance towards norms, but rather one of open-ended complicity.
Introduction José Pedro Zúquete North-America -- 17. Anarchist Violence in the United States: 1900 to the Present Richard Bach Jensen -- 18. Antifa: Anatomy of a Movement George Michael -- 19. Are Right-Wing Americans Really More Tolerant of Political Violence? George Hawley -- 20. Examining Equity, Extremism, and Left-Right Reciprocal Radicalization Jacob Zenn -- 21. The Revolutionary Left in Central America Alberto Martín Álvarez -- South-America -- 22. Colombia Juan Federico Pino-Uribe and Andrea Marcela Cely Forero -- 23. Peru Martin Tanaka -- 24. Venezuela Margarita Lopez Maya and Neller Ochoa Hernandez -- Asia-Pacific -- 25. China Barbara Mittler -- 26. Southeast Asia Matthew Galway -- 27. India Niranjan Saho -- 28. Australia Kristy Campion -- Africa -- 29. Left-Wing Revolutionary Violence in Africa John LeJeune -- GLOBE -- 30. Left-Wing Extremism and the War on Civilization José Pedro Zúquete -- 31. Eco-Extremism and Apocalypticism Miroslav Mareš -- PART III CONTENTIOUS ISSUES – THE MAINSTREAMING OF LEFT-WING EXTREMISM -- 32. Left-Modernism Extremism Eric Kaufmann -- 33. The Woke Phenomenon: Its Impact and Different Responses Pierre Valentin -- 34. Ideological Corruption of Science: Is the Right always wrong? John Staddon -- 35. The Radicalization of the American Academy Lee Jussim, Nathan Honeycutt, Pamela Paresky, Akeela Careem, Danica Finkelstein, Joel Finkelstein.
Zugriffsoptionen:
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The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) gained control over large swathes of Iraq in the summer of 2014 at a breathtaking rate. At the time many rightly wondered how ISIS was able to claim so much territory in the Sunni-dominated portion of Iraq so quickly. Just as unexpected, however, was the downfall of ISIS; by 2017, their hold on the region had crumbed with ISIS focusing on avoiding complete annihilation. This book explores the social and psychological factors behind how ISIS was able to rise in Iraq, control most of it, and why most of that population eventually turned on it. Synthesized by some of the foremost experts on terrorism, the analysis is based on a unique array of public opinion data from surveys, focus groups, and interviews. The authors explain why some Iraqis acquiesced to ISIS while others opposed it, why ISIS lost the hearts and minds of Iraqi Sunni Arabs, and ultimately how this contributed to its battlefield defeats. The in-depth face-to-face interviews with ISIS members are a particularly rich source of data, supplementing empirical findings to draw lessons as to what individual and societal-level factors contribute to radicalization and what can be done to counter radicalization and support deradicalization.
In common with many other parts of the world, the region of South Eastern Europe (SEE) faces a significant terrorist threat. Countering this threat represents a major security challenge for government agencies in the region and their partners, and although important counterterrorism advances have been made by NATO nations over the past decade, the complex history, geography, culture, socio-economic and political dynamics of the area mean that these advances need to be contextualized and modified to suit the regional situation. This book presents the contributions to the NATO Advanced Training Course (ATC) 'Countering Terrorism in South Eastern Europe' held over five days at Lake Ohrid, Macedonia, in February 2016. The conference hosted presenters from 15 different countries, and government representatives from the nations of the Balkan region, including Macedonia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, and Kosovo. The course consisted of five central priorities: contemporary global terrorist practices, radicalization processes and recruitment techniques; terrorist use of cyberspace; legal aspects of countering terrorism; building resilient societies; with the final priority concentrating on SEE counterterrorism. Presenters discussed a wide range of topics, including radicalization and cyberterrorism, all aimed at countering the real and evolving threat of terrorism in the region
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1. Radical Visual Propaganda in theOnline Environment: An Introduction / Cori E. Dauber and Carol K. Winkler 1. - Section I: Perspectives on the Re-Circulation of Online Visual Images 31. - 2. Gathering Data Through Court Cases: Implications for Understanding Visual Messaging / Anne Stenersen 33. - 3. Visual Reconciliation as Strategy of Response to Offending Images Online / Carol K. Winkler 55. - Section II: Perspectives on Message Strategies of Online Extremists 81. - 4. Teaching Hate: The Role of Internet Visual Imagery in the Radicalization of White Ethno-terrorists in the United States / Michael S. Waltman 83. - 5. "Counter" or "Alternative": Contesting Video Narratives of Violent Islamist Extremism / Scott W. Ruston and Jeffry R. Halverson 105. - Section III: Perspectives on Audiences and Images in Online Environments 135. - 6. The Branding of Violent Jihadism / Cori E. Dauber 137. - 7. Conceptualizing Radicalization in a Market for Loyalties / Shawn Powers and Matt Armstrong 165. - 8. Semantic Processing of Visual Propaganda in the Online Environment / Saeid Balkesim 193. - 9. Big Pictures and Visual Propaganda: The Lessons of Research on the "Effects" of Photojournalistic Icons / Natalia Mielczarek and David D. Perlmutter 215. - 10. Responses and Recommendations / Cori E. Dauber and Louis H. Jordan, Jr. 233
The UK Prevent strategy is strongly criticized: accused of racism, human rights violations, and demonization of the (Muslim) other. Outlining an original interpretation of these problems, the article draws on political theory to identify parallels between this controversy and Stanley Cavell's critique of John Rawls' Theory of Justice. Although aiming to avoid violence, Rawls limited the "conversation of justice" in advance such that a democratic community could be deemed above reproach. Cavell claimed that this situation is detrimental in that it leaves the resentful other with no outlet to voice their grievance(s). The article argues that Prevent is problematic because it assumes the same premise as Rawls. Prevent restricts engagement between its participants through the requirement to adhere to "British values," which excludes sectors of the UK population a priori and undermines the very democracy that Prevent purports to defend. The article rejects the Prevent strategy on these grounds. It then proposes an alternative model for counter-radicalization based on a Cavellian theorization of democracy as "Emersonian conversation"—comprising the virtues of listening, responsiveness, and a willingness to change on all sides. The article argues that Emersonian conversation provides a more effective basis for future UK counter-radicalization policy.
As a consequence of numerous extreme‐right terror attacks in which the perpetrators posted their manifestos and attack life streams on online platforms adjacent to the video gaming community, as well as radicalized within that environment to a significant degree (e.g., Christchurch, New Zealand; Halle, Germany), increasing scholarly and policymaker interest is focusing on far‐right radicalization and recruitment within online video game environments. Yet little empirical insights exist about the specific engagement between right‐wing extremists and their potential recruits on these platforms. This study presents findings from a qualitative exploration of German police‐investigation files for two children who radicalized on gaming platforms to become involved in extreme‐right criminal behavior, including the plotting of a terrorist attack. The study demonstrates the importance of online and offline factor interaction, especially regarding the role of familiar criminogenic factors, as well as the social–emotional bonding between potential recruits and extremist gamers created through shared gaming experiences that lead to high‐intensity extremist radicalization aimed at offline behavioral changes. The study did not find evidence for strategic organizational far‐right recruitment campaigns, but rather multidirectional social‐networking processes which were also initiated by the potential recruits.
