Suchergebnisse

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.

Having reached the mark of 2,118 delegates, Barack Obama has gone from candidate in the closest head-to-head primary ever to presumptive nominee. Appropriately, he will accept the nomination at the August convention in Denver, on the 45th anniversary of Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" speech. This is political history in the making: he is the first African-American to be the head of the presidential ticket of a major party. After years of angst and self doubt, there is a renewed optimism on the street, and a whole new group of voters has been mobilized. However, Obama, who has run on a message of hope and change, faces an extremely difficult path ahead. His vulnerabilities have become apparent in the succession of events over the last few weeks of this long primary season.He lost nine of the last fourteen primaries, including South Dakota, where he was favored (55% to 45%), and Puerto Rico (68% to 42%); he has had to cut ties with his Church due to its radicalism and anti-establishment stance, and, one day after Obama claimed the nomination, one of his top fund-raisers was found guilty of wire fraud and money laundering in a federal court in Chicago. Now his campaign will have to overcome this dry patch and move forward to the greater challenge, that of defeating McCain. His next task at hand is to choose a vice-president, and this, too, poses a serious dilemma.In the first place, Hillary Rodham-Clinton took five days to acknowledge defeat, giving cause for some speculation that she is pressing for the vice-presidential spot with the implied threat that she will continue fighting all the way to the convention. She has the right to do so, if we consider the fact that she has won all of the big states and probably a larger number of the popular vote (around 18 million). And, as she not so humbly claims, she is the more experienced candidate who could better stand up to McCain. On the other hand, there is great concern that Barack's image as the unconventional, charismatic, post-modern Washington outsider will be damaged if he chooses her. So the decision will require reflection, pondering and a lot of vetting interviews of alternative candidates.Much ink will be spent in speculating why Hillary lost the primary. Here, I will just offer a few reflections, leaving the second guessing of the way her campaign was run to those who will manically analyze every decision taken, every tactic used, every gesture, every word, and will have their eureka moments when finding the flaw, the error, the underestimation that brought her down. And yet, quite often fate, luck and other imponderables irrevocably determine the outcome of a narrow race, regardless of the brilliant strategies of the campaign managers, advisers and other experts. It has already been said that Rodham Clinton started her campaign as the inevitable candidate, as the incumbent, and that her sense of entitlement turned many voters away. At the same time, her main message was one of change, of moving forward, of undoing the Bush legacy, but Obama co-opted that message, and he was much more convincing as an agent of change. Hillary began her campaign running not as a woman, but as the most hardened and experienced, candidate that would deliver both peace and prosperity to all Americans. Obama ran from the beginning as the post-racial candidate and this theme remained constant throughout his campaign. She was trying to woo independents and disaffected Republicans and had thus to prove that she was as tough as John McCain. Obama had no intention of treading down that path, which he derided as part of the Washington game. Instead, he stuck fearlessly to his convictions. It was this independent streak, his absolute confidence in the soundness of his cool, post-modern world vision that was irresistible to the young voters. This should not obfuscate the fact that both ran historic campaigns and have unremittingly shattered the barriers of gender and race in American politics at the highest level. Still, the promise of change was more credible when pledged by the young unknown than by the seasoned insider. With no substantial philosophical differences between the two, the richer contrast was all inspiration and charisma versus politics as usual.First of all, we need to consider a fundamental fact: even if the media and their respective campaigns have played up the differences between the two candidates, their basic policy choices and ideologies are one and the same. From health care to fiscal policy, from education to foreign policy, there may be some minimal disagreements but they both share the basic ideology of more equitable economic distribution, protection of civil rights and overall tolerance toward others that typify Democrats in the United States. Some observers may bring up Hillary's vote in favor of the Iraqi invasion of 2003 as evidence of an important disagreement, and also a cause of her loss of popularity in the early stages of the campaign. That certainly did her harm, which is ironic because, in academic and political circles alike, few believe it represents her real conviction. As a Senator for New York and a future presidential candidate, she carefully chose to vote in favor of a war that, in October 2002, had a high rate of approval among the population, who had clearly bought the Republican idea that the invasion "over there" would make us safer "over here". At the time, she hedged that gamble against the fact that "there was enough evidence" Saddam was piling up WMDs, which had little to do with 9-11 and Al Qaeda. But a scared populace is an easy target for deception and false reassurances. Intent on proving her masculine toughness on security issues, she fell into the Republican trap. Five years down the road, this carefully measured decision came back to haunt her, and the controversy over that vote generated an enormous surge of support for Obama that might have created the momentum that helped him win the early contests, namely, the Iowa caucuses and the wins of February 5th. This momentum, coupled with the televised debates, proved he was a worthy, viable candidate; it brought the media to his side and attracted new voters. He irradiated a cool self-assurance, a subdued charm, an understated intelligence that was indeed enchanting to young voters, to black voters and to hard core Democrats tired of the vitriol of Washington. The country, it seemed, was ready for Obama. His timing was impeccable and had the effect of making Rodham-Clinton look tired, strident and blasé. The media had found its golden boy and started treating Hillary as the intruder, who would do anything to prevent a new Camelot.After his initial sweep, Hillary slowly started to recover and as the campaign progressed, her message became more focused and she found her voice. She switched strategies and, from being the more experienced candidate that would deliver peace and prosperity to all Americans, she turned back to her traditional constituencies, namely, women and blue-collar workers. Speaking to her strengths, namely, her devotion to public service and her familiarity with the intricacies of policy-making, she became a great communicator that invariably connected with her audiences. And she started winning again.Even those that dislike her have to acknowledge her skills as a campaigner, her endurance and poise under tremendous pressure and, more importantly, her dramatic recovery of the popular vote towards the end of the campaign, which made her claim to bring this battle to the convention quite legitimate. Her wins in Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Virginia, as well as her immense support in the Hispanic community as shown by the Puerto Rican vote, cannot be discounted by the party when it looks ahead to the national election in November.One should bear in mind that these primaries were the closest contest in primary history, and in spite of having the whole media establishment against her from the beginning, Hillary did not at any time show signs of faltering or self-doubt and never allowed herself to make the road easier for Obama. She stayed on message, speaking to the issues, proving she was ready to become the first woman president. Both her competency and her warmth gained her a huge following. But once she lost the media she also started losing the super-delegates from inside the party. One after the other, the big names in the party started lining up behind Obama: Tom Daschle, Ted and Caroline Kennedy, Christopher Dodd, Bill Richardson, and towards the end, even John Edwards.This took many by surprise, and is related to another phenomenon that very few had perceived before: the animosity that the Clintons, especially Bill, provoke from within the party itself. Although Bill and Hillary are the most powerful brand name in the Democratic Party, there is a surprising amount of anger against them that had remained latent till now. Bill Clinton's harsh remarks in South Carolina primary astonished many and may have hurt her campaign, reinforcing the perception that the Clintons would do anything, even play the race card, in order to win the White House.Then there was the question of demographics and identity politics. Although Rodham-Clinton attempted to run as the candidate for all, after the first losses and as she increasingly won the vote of women and blue collar workers, she turned to her natural constituencies. She started running as a woman and as the champion of the working class. In her new more populist persona, she also won among Jews, Catholics and rural workers. Obama did best among college educated youth, intellectuals and black voters. In other words, they both win the identity vote. Identity has come up often during the campaign, and not in a positive way. Irate at the way the media were treating Hillary and indulging Obama especially in interviews (there was even a sketch in Saturday Night Live that parodied this noticeable difference), Geraldine Ferraro accused the media of sexism and went as far as saying that Obama would not be treated with so much deference if he was a white man. After disproportionate outcry by the media and the public, Clinton had to fire Ferraro as her advisor. Thus, bringing up sexism completely backfired for Hillary.The irony once again, is that Identity Politics is most likely the prism through which both Hillary and Obama, see America: as a society divided by categories of class, gender, race, ethnicity and sexual preference. His as well as her policies are informed by this view. But Obama skillfully downplays it and tries to portray himself as the candidate for all Americans who want change and are tired of Washington politics. He does not deny that race and gender play a role in politics but prefers not to bring it up since it is "not productive". His strategy has paid off so far, but this topic will certainly be revisited in the national election. Due to his background and life experience, McCain has a very different view based on patriotism and service to the country, on individual responsibility and a common civic culture. He will find a way to turn the notion of Identity Politics against Obama, who, in spite of his unifying message, often speaks about redressing balances and ending injustice.Finally, the closeness of the race and the resilience of these two formidable candidates were again in display towards its end, and led to a new critical stage. The momentum that had carried Obama through the early and middle stages started to weaken. As time went by, more scrutiny brought up the issue of his membership in a radical Black Liberation Theology Church, the (inane) fact that he did not wear a US flag pin on his lapel (a symbol of patriotism that became particularly important after 9-11, when even academics came under no small degree of peer pressure to wear one), and this past week, the conviction by a Chicago federal jury of former fund-raiser and friend, Antoin Retzko.As momentum weakened, and as Clinton seemed to resurrect and come closer to Obama in the delegate count, party rules regarding delegate selection became more important . Because in most primaries there has been an early front-runner, and because the last primary contest that had to be taken all the way to the convention without a presumptive nominee was in 1976, very few party leaders and even fewer journalists are aware of the rules. As they began to play out, we were all submitted to a crash course on these intra-party rules. The Democratic Party has a centralized structure, so all states play by the same rules, and its selection system is based on proportional representation, the most democratic form of representation: within each state, any candidate that reaches a threshold of 15% of votes is allocated delegates proportionally to the vote. This, while it is better for representation, tends to prolong the race and make it closer. While Clinton was recovering and making important gains, Obama still continued to pick up a few delegates here and there, and the media kept its constant drum roll in his favor. Super-delegates were swayed to his side, irrevocably. In contrast, Republicans have a decentralized structure so that each state establishes its own rules, and most choose a winner-take-all selection system. This system, while less democratic and representative, enabled them to have a clear winner by March, with all the advantages that that entails.This year a very peculiar situation arose out of Michigan and Florida, where the state governments scheduled the primaries too early, in breach of the Democratic Party rules, so the Democratic National Committee determined they would not seat their delegates. There were 313 delegates at stake. Obama withdrew his name from the ballot in Michigan, and did not campaign in Florida. Clinton won both. At that time nobody thought this issue would become decisive for the nomination, but in such a close race, it certainly did. Last weekend the DNC met with representative so both sides and settled on a formula that allocated delegates to both in a very non-scientific way. It gave each of those delegated half a vote at the convention. While the formula was accepted by both sides, it has been perceived as a bonus for Obama, whose name was not even on the ballot in Michigan and yet he still got delegates allocated. This may still come up again at the National Convention in August. Many factors have thus combined to make Obama the presumptive nominee of the Democratic Party. In addition to momentum and rules we should also consider the fortunate pairing of Obama to the spirit of the times. The timing for an unconventional candidate could not have been better, and he emerged as the prophetic leader the times demanded. His demeanor, his background, and his non-assuming attitude, all make for the perfect post-modern candidate. The public embraced him and the media anointed him. Now, the question still remains, is his "gift of grace" strong enough to unify America? Can he summon the support he needs to win a national election? Given the complex electoral system based on state votes and an electoral college, and not on the popular vote, can he win the major states and the swing states?Here is where the selection of a vice-president becomes crucial.There is a big movement both from the grassroots and from Clintonites inside the party (yes, there are still some left!) to pressure Obama to pick Hillary as running mate. There are of course, both huge advantages and dismal disadvantages for Obama to ponder in his selection. His first consideration must be to win the election, but he also needs to be able to govern, once he wins.Hillary would bring in those votes that have eluded Obama: mature women, blue collar, rural. Seventy-six of her supporters want her to be Vice-president. She energizes audiences and has won the hearts of all those groups above-mentioned. They feel very strongly about her place in History and demand respect for their candidate. Some may not even come out to vote if Obama's ticket does not include her. She would also help win the big states (she won them all, among them California, Texas and New York) and the swing states, noticeable among them, Ohio, that determined Bush's victory in 04. On the other hand, she does evoke the past in the minds of many voters, and she is now undoubtedly a Washington insider (in fact, her experience has been counted as both an asset and a liability in this sense). She would distort Obama's image as the unconventional candidate, and his message of change and hope may be, if not lost, at least diminished.Insofar as governing, their ideologies and policy positions are perfectly compatible, if not identical, so that would not constitute a problem. She has been studying the intricacies of policy and politics since she was a university student at Wellesley College. She is capable, efficient, convincing and tireless. She is experienced in navigating the meandering straits of policy making, and can muster bipartisan support with her well-reasoned arguments.Another often-mentioned handicap is Bill Clinton himself. With his larger than life personality, can he play prince consort? Or would he be the one that governs behind the scenes, and have his own shadow cabinet, Cheney-style? His reputation has suffered a lot lately, not any more because of that infamous blue dress but because he has not disclosed the list of donors to his library, among which there allegedly are several Middle Eastern governments. There is real vitriol against him, and that is directly transferred to Hillary.For now, both candidates seem to be catching their breaths.Hillary postponed her concession speech for as long as possible, some say to put pressure on Obama to include her in the ticket. Barack, on his part, has quietly named a vetting team for a vice-presidential search. Caroline Kennedy is among its members, as is Eric Holden, President Clinton's former attorney- general. It is headed by Jim Johnson, former Chairman of Fannie Mae, who vetted VPs for John Kerry and Walter Mondale. After exhaustive interviews and background checks, Obama will decide.In the last two months of the campaign, the pundits were prone to repeating that the "math" was against Hillary. This was a gross oversimplification of a race that was characterized by peculiar circumstances and surprises at every turn, and one which was less about math than about intangibles: momentum, media frenzy, rules, emotions, charisma and zeitgeist . In the end, however, it may all very well come down to the "math": if Barack can be convinced that he needs Hillary to win against McCain, then he will pick her as his VP and put the rest of his concerns aside. This will also heal party wounds and bring into the fold her loyal constituencies. But public opinion is fickle, politics is an inexact science and many times emotions can trump the best thought- out and scientifically devised plans. Like Sisyphus rolling the boulder up the mountain, Obama may find he has to prove himself all over again and then come out empty-handed in November.In the meantime, and just for good measure, Obama, the "transformative candidate" is now wearing a US flag pin on his lapel.Puerto Ricans do not have the right to vote in national elections due to the "associated state "status, but they can vote in primary elections.This dynamic in the relationship between momentum and rules has been pointed out in a recent article by Jason Bello and Robert Shapiro, published in the Political Science Quarterly, vol. 123 No.1 Spring 08.Super delegates are unpledged party leaders who do not have to declare their presidential preferences until balloting takes place at the ConventionSenior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

Fragestellung In zahlreichen, sowohl wissenschaftlichen als auch politischen Veröffentlichungen, wird die "Energiewende" als Transformationsprojekt eingeordnet. Zweifelsohne birgt eine Umstellung auf ein erneuerbares Energiesystem transformative Potenziale. Die Bedeutungsbestimmung von "Energiewende" oder auch Transformation bleibt in Politik und Forschung aber häufig unklar. Um dem zu begegnen, wird in der vorliegenden Studie die Bedeutung von "Energiewende", wie sie im Bundestag verhandelt wird, untersucht. Darauf aufbauend wird analysiert, ob und inwiefern die "Energiewende" einem Anspruch als Transformationsprojekt gerecht werden kann, bzw. wie sich die Wirkrichtung der mit "Energiewende" verbundenen Politiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verorten lässt. Forschungsgegenstand Die besondere gesellschaftliche Bedeutung der Bundestags-Debatten um "Energiewende" leitet sich diskurstheoretisch unter anderem aus der ihnen zukommenden' Schaufensterfunktion' ab, wonach die Debatten strategisch auf eine außerparlamentarische Öffentlichkeit ausgerichtet sind. Hinzu kommt, dass sich der hier stattfindende Diskurs, bspw. in Gesetzen, unmittelbar materialisiert. Als Startpunkt der Untersuchung wird der Beginn der rot-grünen Regierungszeit gewählt (1998), da diese – u.a. wegen der Verabschiedung des Erneuerbaren-Energien-Gesetzes (EEG) und dem politischen Beschluss zum Atomausstieg – in besonderer Weise mit der "Energiewende" in Verbindung gebracht wird. Als Endpunkt dient die letzte vollständige Wahlperiode zum Zeitpunkt der Untersuchung. Die Diskursanalyse bezieht sich demnach auf die Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" zwischen der 14. und 18. Legislaturperiode (1998-2017). Theorie Die Studie basiert auf einer Verknüpfung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) mit dem Konzept des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens, das die transformationstheoretische Positionierung der Arbeit konkretisiert. Die Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zeichnet sich insbesondere durch ihre Bedeutung als politische Theorie und Hegemonietheorie sowie durch ihren Diskursbegriff aus, der die Dichotomie zwischen sprachlich/geistig versus nicht-sprachlich/materiell subvertiert, indem er die materielle Welt als Teil des Diskurses betrachtet – ohne deren Materialität zu bestreiten. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften versteht sich als "kritischer Ansatz", der die herrschaftliche Prägung gesellschaftlicher Natur- und Geschlechterverhältnisse zu einem Ausgangspunkt der eigenen Arbeit macht (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). Es basiert auf drei Handlungsprinzipien: Vorsorge, Kooperation und Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen. Mit der Verknüpfung von Diskurs- und Transformationstheorie leistet die Studie einen Beitrag zu deren gemeinsamer theoretischer und methodischer Weiterentwicklung. So gelingt mit dem Vorsorgenden Wirtschaften eine normative Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie, welche die politische Ökonomie in den Blick holt. Gleichzeitig wird das Potenzial des materiellen Diskursbegriffes nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) für die sozial-ökologische Forschung deutlich. Ausgehend von der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens ist die Studie innerhalb einer kritischen, feministischen Nachhaltigkeits- und Transformationsforschung zu verorten. Methodik Das methodische Innovationspotenzial der Arbeit liegt insbesondere in der Verbindung aus einem Verfahren quantitativer, computerbasierter Diskursanalyse mit einer qualitativen Analyse. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Diskursanalyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. Zunächst erfolgt eine Operationalisierung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) in einem quantitativ und zwei qualitativ ausgerichteten Verfahrensschritten. Die quantitative Auswertung aller Plenarprotokolle im Betrachtungszeitraum erfolgt mit PolmineR, einem Tool zur Analyse von Plenarprotokollen in der Programmiersprache R (www.polmine.github.io). Auf der obersten Dekonstruktions-Ebene der lexikalischen Elemente werden so zeitliche Entwicklungen des Diskurses (z.B.: Häufigkeitsentwicklungen) um "Energiewende" nachvollzogen und regelmäßige Differenzbeziehungen (Kollokationen) herausgearbeitet. Die 30 Plenarprotokolle und Dokumente, die sich dabei als besonders relevant für den Diskurs erweisen, werden im nächsten Schritt qualitativ analysiert und der Diskurs wird somit auf zwei weiteren Dekonstruktions-Ebenen analysiert. In einem kodierenden Verfahren werden zunächst komplexitätsreduzierende Erzählungen, sogenannte Story-Lines, identifiziert. Daraufhin werden den Erzählungen zugrundeliegende fantasmatische Narrative herausgearbeitet. Die diskurstheoretische Analyse auf diesen drei Dekonstruktions-Ebenen wird schließlich in einer hegemonietheoretisch fundierten Diskussion zusammengeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Diskursanalyse werden anschließend auf einer vierten Dekonstruktions-Ebene aus der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens reflektiert. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften wird dabei anhand seiner Handlungsprinzipien (Vorsorge, Kooperation, Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen) sowie der aus der Literatur entnommenen Kriterien "Externalisierung als Prinzip" und "Potenziale für eine herrschaftsärmere Zukunftsgestaltung" (vgl. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015) operationalisiert. Es wird eine Analyseheuristik generiert, mit Hilfe derer schließlich die Wirkrichtung von mit "Energiewende" verbundenen politischen Praktiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verortet wird. Die Grundlage dieser Klassifikation leitet sich aus der im Theorieteil erfolgten Verortung in der kritisch-feministischen Transformationsforschung ab. Im Sinne des retroduktiven Forschungsdesigns dieser Studie nach Glynos/Howarth (2007) wird die empirische Anwendbarkeit des Konzeptes Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften gegenstandsbezogen entwickelt und erweitert. Beispielsweise zeigen sich in der Analyse der Debatten zur Energiepolitik in einem deutlichen Umfang neokoloniale Artikulationsmuster und nationale Erzählungen, weshalb das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften hier im Hinblick auf nationale und neokoloniale Machtstrukturen analytisch konkretisiert wird. Ergebnisteil Die Ergebnisse der Dekonstruktion des "Energiewende"-Diskurses werden in zwei Teilen präsentiert. Der erste bezieht sich auf die Diskursanalyse der Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" nach der Diskurstheorie von Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Hier verweisen die Ergebnisse darauf, dass sich in den Bundestagsdebatten nach der Reaktorkatastrophe von Fukushima ein Post-Politisierungsprozess identifizieren lässt. Dieser manifestiert sich in einer überwiegend marktökonomischen Einordnung von "Energiewende" sowie einer diskursiven Loslösung von sozial-ökologischen Problemlagen. Im zweiten Teil der Dekonstruktion liegt der Fokus auf dem Sichtbarmachen von hierarchischen Externalisierungsstrukturen unter Anwendung einer kritisch-emanzipatorischen Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens. Materielle Wirkweisen politischer Praktiken in Verbindung mit "Energiewende" werden ebenso wie die damit verbundenen Machtverhältnisse entschlüsselt. Die feministische Perspektive der Arbeit leistet einen innovativen und in bisherigen Forschungsarbeiten marginalisierten Einblick in die Debatten um "Energiewende" im Bundestag. Die (geschlechtshierarchische) Strukturierung dieser Debatten manifestiert sich zum einen darin worüber überhaupt diskutiert wird, nämlich überwiegend über ökonomische und technologische Fragen, die dem Öffentlichen zugewiesen werden, während soziale Themen dem Privaten zugeordnet bleiben und kaum vorkommen. Zum anderen werden gegenhegemoniale Forderungen über die Abwertung des sozial Weiblichen (z.B.: als "hysterisch" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)) delegitimiert und aus dem politischen Raum gedrängt. Fazit In den Bedeutungskämpfen um "Energiewende" ist im zeitlichen Ablauf mit "Fukushima" ein Bruch festzustellen. Vor "Fukushima" wird "Energiewende" im Bundestag – auch unter rot-grün – nur selten artikuliert und kann in der Diskursbewertung nicht als Transformationsprojekt bundespolitischer Gesetzgebung klassifiziert werden. Nach "Fukushima" lassen sich in der Analyse überwiegend energiepolitische Praktiken identifizieren, die vor dem Hintergrund einer Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens in ihrer Wirkrichtung im Spannungsfeld reformistisch-beharrend zu verorten sind, bzw. in einigen Fällen sogar reaktionäre Elemente aufweisen. So lässt sich insbesondere nach "Fukushima" eine Reduktion von "Energiewende" auf verfahrenspolitische, technokratische sowie managementorientierte politische Praktiken nachzeichnen, die auf einer Naturalisierung marktwirtschaftlicher Strukturen basieren und gesellschaftliche Naturverhältnisse nicht adressieren. Es wird zudem aufgezeigt, wie vor "Fukushima" marginalisierte energiepolitische Forderungen danach von einer hegemonialen Diskursformation angeeignet werden. Das Narrativ, das sich in diesem Zusammenhang etabliert, wird hier als 'technokratisch-managementorientierter Ökokonsens'bezeichnet. Die zentralen Ergebnisse der Arbeit verweisen darauf, dass mit der "Energiewende" ein großes, potenziell auf Transformation ausgerichtetes Projekt, aus sozial-ökologisch orientierten zivilgesellschaftlichen Bewegungen für verfahrenspolitische Prozesse im Bundestag mobilisiert und gleichzeitig sozial-ökologisch und politisch an Bedeutung entleert wurde. Reflexion und Ausblick Der "Energiewende"-Diskurs konnte gerade durch die Kombination von Diskurstheorie mit einer Perspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens umfangreich dekonstruiert werden. Die Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie um ein normatives Konzept, welches wie das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften, den Blick auf politisch ökonomische Strukturen richtet, leistet einen Beitrag dazu den materiellen Diskursbegriff nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zu operationalisieren und die Diskurstheorie somit für die sozial-ökologische Transformationsforschung empirisch noch stärker zu öffnen. Das Instrument der computerbasierten Datenerhebung hat sich insbesondere als Vorstrukturierung für die folgenden qualitativen Analyseschritte als wirksam erwiesen und dazu beigetragen, dass das Forschungsdesign im Sinne des retroduktiven Ansatzes angepasst werden konnte. Nach dem der Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Theorieverständnis ist das Erkennen von Externalisierungsstrukturen und Naturalisierungen eine Voraussetzung für eine emanzipatorische Politik und Praxis. Kritik erfüllt dabei keinen Selbstzweck, sondern aus ihr heraus scheinen immer wieder emanzipatorische, nicht-externalisierende Gestaltungsperspektiven auf. In diesem Sinne werden am Ende der Arbeit als Ausblick Strategien einer Repolitisierung von "Energiewende" genannt. ; Research question In numerous publications, both scientific and political, the "Energiewende" is classified as a transformation project. Undoubtedly, the change to a renewable energy system has transformative potential. However, the meaning of "Energiewende" or transformation in politics and research mostly remains vague. Therefore, the present study examines the meaning of "Energiewende", as negotiated in the federal German parliament (German: Bundestag). On this basis, it is analyzed whether and to what extent the "Energiewende" complies with the claim of being a transformation project – or rather where the associated policies can be placed within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. Object of research The particular social significance of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" derives, among other things, from their so-called 'showcase function', according to which the debates are strategically oriented towards an extra-parliamentary public. In addition, the discourse taking place here materializes directly, e.g. in laws. The starting point of the investigation is the beginning of the legislative period led by a coalition of the SPD (German Democratic Party) and the Green Party (1998). This government is generally associated with the "Energiewende" due to the adoption of the Renewable Energy Sources Act (German: Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG) and the political decision to phase out nuclear power. The discourse analysis therefore is applied to the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" of the 14th until the 18th legislative period (1998-2017), which is the last complete legislative period by the time of the study. Theoretical background The study is based on a combination of the discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) with the concept of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', which specifies the position of the present study within transformation theory. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is characterized in particular by its significance as a political theory and a theory of hegemony. Its concept of discourse 1 Energy transition is not a precise translation of "Energiewende", which is why the German word is used in the following. 2 As there is no precise translation of 'Vorsorge' into English, the word formation 'pre-caring', which has already been used in earlier translations of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', is used here. subverts the dichotomy between linguistic/spiritual versus non-linguistic/material by considering the material world as part of the discourse – without denying its materiality. 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is defined as a "critical approach" that takes the domination-shaped character of societal relations to nature and gender as a starting point for analysis and intervention (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). It is based on three principles: pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life. By linking discourse and transformation theory, the study contributes to their common theoretical and methodical development. Thus, by the combination with 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', a normative expansion of the discourse theory becomes possible, which brings political economy into view. At the same time, the potential of the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) for social-ecological research becomes explicit. Based on the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', the study is considered in the context of critical, feminist sustainability and transformation research. Methodology The innovative methodological potential of the study lies particularly in the mixed methods approach, combining a method of quantitative, computer assisted discourse analysis with a qualitative analysis. The link between transformation and discourse theory methodically results in a complex research design, which could also be valuable for other fields of political transformation research. The basis of this research design is an analysis of the "Energiewende" discourse over four levels of deconstruction. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Analyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is operationalized in one quantitative and two qualitative steps. Quantitative evaluation of all plenary protocols during the periods under review is carried out using PolmineR, a tool for analyzing plenary protocols in the programming language R (www.polmine.github.io). At the first level of deconstruction of the lexical elements, temporal developments in the discourse (e.g. frequency) are traced around "Energiewende" and regular difference-relations (collocations) are examined. 30 plenary protocols and documents, which prove to be particularly relevant for the discourse, are qualitatively analyzed in the next step. In doing so, the discourse is analyzed on two further levels of deconstruction. By means of a coding method, complexity-reducing narratives, so-called story lines, are identified. Thereupon, underlying fantasmatic narratives are explicated. The discourse-theoretical analysis on these three levels of deconstruction is finally brought together in a discussion based on theory of hegemony. As a next step, the results of the discourse analysis are reflected on a fourth level of deconstruction using the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften'. The concept is operationalized on the basis of its principles (pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life) and supplemented by two additional criteria from the literature – "externalization as a principle" and "potentials for shaping the future, less characterized by domination" (cf. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015). A heuristic for analysis is generated, with the help of which the effects of the policies associated with the "Energiewende" are classified within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. The basis of this classification derives from the positioning of the study in critical feminist transformation research, which is explicated in the theory part. As defined by the retroductive research design of this study according to Glynos/Howarth (2007), the empirical applicability of the concept 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is developed in a subject-related way and expanded. For example, the analysis of debates on energy policy clearly shows neocolonial articulation patterns and national narratives, which is why 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is analytically specified here in terms of national and neocolonial power structures. Results The results of the deconstruction of the "Energiewende" discourse are presented in two parts. The first part refers to the discourse analysis of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" according to the discourse theory by Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Here, results indicate that a post-politicization process has taken place in the debates after the reactor disaster of Fukushima. This becomes apparent through a predominantly market-economic integration of "Energiewende" as well as a discursive dissociation from social-ecological problems. In the second part of the deconstruction, the focus is on the elaboration of hierarchical externalization structures using a critical-emancipatory research perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirschaften'. Thus, material effects of political practices in connection with "Energiewende" and the associated power relations are decoded. The feminist perspective of the study provides an innovative insight into the debates, which has been marginalized in previous research. On the one hand, the (gender-hierarchical) structure of these debates manifests itself in what is being discussed – mainly economic and technological questions, which are assigned to the public sphere – while social issues remain assigned to the private sphere and hardly occur. On the other hand, counter-hegemonic demands are delegitimized and forced out of the political sphere by depreciating the socially feminine (e.g. as "hysterical" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)). Conclusion The analysis of the discourse on "Energiewende" shows a significant turning point with "Fukushima". Before "Fukushima" "Energiewende" is rarely articulated in the Bundestag – even under the red-green government – and thus cannot be classified as a transformation project of federal legislation. After "Fukushima", energy policy practices are identified, which – on the basis of the research perspective "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften" – can be classified between reform and persistence, regarding their effects; in some cases they even show reactionary elements. Thus, especially after "Fukushima", a reduction of "Energiewende" to procedural, technocratic and management-oriented political practices can be illustrated, which are based on a naturalization of market-economic structures and do not address societal relations to nature. Moreover, it is shown that energy policy demands, that were marginalized before "Fukushima" are appropriated by a hegemonic discourse formation afterwards. The study identifies the narrative that is established in this context as 'technocratic-management-oriented ecoconsensus'. The central results of the study point out that with the "Energiewende" a large, potentially transformation-oriented project, which was originally promoted by social-ecologically oriented civil societal movements, is mobilized for procedural oriented political processes in the Bundestag and at the same time emptied of social-ecological and political meaning. Reflection and outlook The discourse on "Energiewende" was deconstructed extensively with the help of the combination of discourse theory with a perspective of "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften". The extension of the discourse theory by integrating a normative concept focusing on political economic structures contributes to operationalizing the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) and thus opens discourse theory empirically for social-ecological transformation research. In particular, the computer assisted data analysis tool has proven to be effective in pre-structuring the material for the following qualitative analytical steps and has helped to adapt the research design to the retroductive research approach. The underlying theory of this study implies that understanding and recognizing externalization structures and naturalizations is necessary for an emancipatory policy and practice. However, critique does not fulfill an end in itself, but can open up emancipatory, non-externalizing perspectives. In this sense, at the end of the study, some strategies for a re-politicization of "Energiewende" are outlined.

Preface Table of ContentsKeynote and Featured SpeakersMixed Media Art in Thailand: The Case Study of Vichoke Mukdamanee; V. MUKDAMANEEArt Framework for The Industrial Revolution 4.0; M. MOKHTARDigital Knowledge Improvement for Indonesian Small and Medium Enterprises: Cultural Change in Digital Mental; I. WIRASARIA. Creative Technology, Data, and Creative IndustryBoard Game as a Tool for Developing Character of Independence in Malang Regency; C.U.C. NURSYIFANI, L.T. ATMAJI, G. FEBRIANIBranding of Muslim Scuba Dress: Rizka Haristi in Bandung; S.M.B. HASWATI & S.M. RIDJANADigital Comic Design of Food Waste for Teen; S. HIDAYAT & D.E. HERYADIDesigning Verbal Message and Visual Media of Tourism Destination Curug Putri;S. NURBANI, J. HAIBA, Y.A. BARLIAN, A.R. RAMADHANMeasurement Method to Test Strength of Peg and Tie Joints Against Tensile Strength and Press on Simple Bamboo Structure; A.N.S. GUNAWAN & S. MOHAMADPeriodization of Development Local Fashion Brand in Bandung in 1994-2018; W.N.U. BASTAMAN, A.S.H. SHAFII, R. FEBRIANIB. Digital Transformation of EnvironmentPlanning Private Spaces of Design Students in Supporting Optimization of Online Learning; A. FARIDA, M.S. HANAFI, W. LIRITANTRIDigital Data Storage in Office Space Optimization for BULOG Head Office Jakarta; W. LIRITANTRI, A.D. HANDOYO, G.I. MAHODIMRedesign of Interior HVAC System in Order to Limit the Spread of COVID Virus; A.D. HANDOYO & E. WICAKSONOFinding Lighting Balance within Ecosystem of Taman Teras Cikapundung; R.H.W. ABDULHADI, M.T.M. RAJA, M. AKKAYAEffects of Early Adolescent Characteristics in Circulation Design for Junior High School Building; K. AMELIA, I. HANOM, W. LUKITO, S.N. SIREGARTemporary Spatial Transformations in Residential Area Corridors Due to the Impact of Tourism. Case Study: Jalan Jaksa, Jakarta; V. HARISTIANTI & W.D. PRATIWIData Digging for Heritage Evaluation in Indonesia Built Heritage; R. WULANDARI & W.A. RAHMYStudy of Controlling the Layout and Construction on Pedestrian Bridge Based on Regulation; N.A. HAPSORO, H.F.S. RUSYDA, C.N. BRAMIANAC. Digital Technology Transformation and Cultural Evolution in Time of PandemicDigital Technology cultural evolution: COVID-19 and digital culture -- Featured Animation Design for Cultural Respect and Understanding in Tjap Go Meh's Narration; I. WIRASARI, D.K. ADITYA, N.D. NUGRAHA, A. ERDINA, S. FATHIANIVirtual Experiences in Tourism during Covid-19 Pandemic; A. FADILLA & P. ADITIABreaking Logo's Rule: Promoting Social Distancing to Prevent COVID-19 from Spreading by Changing Brand's Logo; R.A. SISWANTO, J. DOLAH, I. RESMADIHome Interior Wall Treatment to Support Sensory Games of Toddler in Indonesia during Pandemic Situation; R. RACHMAWATI, I. HANOM, A. SIDARTALiterature Study on Ventilation and Air Conditioning (AC) Systems Associated with SARS-CoV-2 Pandemic; I. SUDARISMAN, M.B. MUSTAFA, M.H.B.M. ISA, F.A. BIRWAZWorking Virtually, Exhausting in Reality: Virtual Cause Burnout in the Age of Pandemic; W.T.G. PUTRA, A.L. HAKIM, T. KARTASUDJANAOnline Engagement Instagram Account Warung Kopi Imah Babaturan During the Pandemic Period COVID-19; R.Y. ARUMSARI & D. SETIAWAND. Innovation of Products, Creative Industries Management and MarketingOpportunities for Utilization of Natural Fibre Fabrics in Home Living Textile Products with Lifestyle Trends "Back to Nature"; R. FEBRIANI, W.N.U. BASTAMAN, M. SUTANTIOKansei Analysis: Motorcycle of Choice Based on User Preferences in the Main Commercial Market Area of Gedebage, Bandung; D. YUNIDAR, A.Z.A. MAJID, T.Z. MUTTAQIENApplication of Natural Soga Tingi Coloring (Ceriops Tagal) as an Alternative Eco-Friendly Textile Color; A. HENDRAWAN, S. MOHAMAD, W. LISTIANINGRUMSocial Media Branding on Instagram Account @recharge.id; M. HIDAYATTULOH & F. MAHARANIThe Innovation Application on Batik Crafts Product in the New Normal Era in Indonesia, Does It Have an Impact?; F. CIPTANDI & M.S. RAMADHANPackage Design Colour Preference Using Eye-Tracking Technology: Does Gender Make Any Differences?; W. SWASTY, E. RAHMAWATI, A. MUSTIKAWAN, M.I.P. KOESOEMADINATATheory of Consumption Value in Identifying the Role of Colour in Product Labelling; W. SWASTY & M. MUSTAFADigital Board Game Design for English Vocabulary's Learning Tool During Studying from Home; D.K. ADITYA, I.N. KUSMAYANTI, R. HENDRYANTI, P.F. ALAMEngineered Print for Zero Waste Fashion Design; F. NURSARI & A. NABILAFabric Effectiveness on a Batik Shirt Through Design Motifs; S. YUNINGSIH, E.P. HOKIANTI, C. PUSPITASARIReplacement of Public Area with Service Area as a COVID19 Safety House Design; S. RAHARDJO, M.K.A. RAHMAN, A. SAFINATUJANNAHElectric Kick Bike Design for Recreational Vehicle; T.S. PAMBUDI, A.W. HERU, A. DEEFINPRAMASYA, V.R. RAMDHANMahogany Fruit Material Exploration for Essential Oil Nebulizer in the New Normal Adaptation; H. AZHAR, A.S.M. ATAMTAJANI, A. ANDRIANTOErgonomy Of User Comfort In Portable Hand Wash Multifunction As A Facility To Prevent Covid-19 Spreading In The Public Service Office (Case Study Of Lengkong Bandung); S. SALAYANTI, W. PRIHANTORO, L.H. PENTAThe Potential to Revitalize Sasirangan Fabric Uses Natural Dyes; A. SALSABILLAH & A. ARUMSARIWood Waste's Role on Increasing the Product Selling Value Calligraphy Craft Small Industry in the Online Business; M.N. HADIANSYAH, P.S.T. DEWI, P. ADINATA, F. SYABANThe Packaging Structure Exploration of Ready-To-Eat Kebab Products for Street Vendors; S.A. PUTRI, A.S. PAWESTRI, A.N. HUTAMIMusculoskeletal Analysis of Stand Screen Printing Table Design Using Nordic Body Map Questionnaire; Y. HERLAMBANGProtector Pants Design for Skaters be Analyzed by Divergent and Convergent Thinking Concept; D. YUDIARTI & I. KHOFIANIDesigning Advertising Strategies for Armenti Coffee House; I. SUMARGONO & A.P. AYUDecorative Elements in Muslim Fashion Product: A Case Study Using Macrame Technique; C. PUSPITASARI, A.S. PAKPAHAN, J. DOLAH, S. YUNINGSIHE. Aesthetic Evolution in Digital EraIndonesian Gestures on The Cover of Fashion Magazines; D.W. SOEWARDIKOEN & M. TOHIRThe Value of Heterotopia Space Constructed by Hybridity of Physical and Digital Interior Design; J. HIDAYAT & C. DHARMAWANThe Metaphor of Micin Generation in MSG Product Commercial; R. BELASUNDA, M. TOHIR, T. HENDIAWANGarudayana Comic Adaptation of the Mahabharata Story Series in the Millennial Era; ID. A.D. PUTRADefamiliarization of Video Clip and Aesthetic Value in 'Lathi' Song from Weird Genius; T. HENDIAWAN & Y.A. BARLIANExpression and Message Style in Indonesian Television Advertising During Ramadhan Month in the Covid-19 Pandemic Period ; M. TOHIR, T. HENDIAWAN, R. BELASUNDAMotion Graphic as First Aid Information for Early Childhood Diseases; Z. RAHMALLAH & Y. RAHMANExploring Sumba Woven Textile Motifs Trough Digital Technique with Escher Method; M. ROSANDINI & J. SAMUELThe Issue of Wayfinding Concept in the Museum Interior; T. SARIHATI, R. FIRMANSYAH, S. SALAYANTI, N.H.A. ROSYADThe Influence of Digital Technology to Cultural Evolution on City's Monumental Icons; G.A. PRAHARA & Y. SUHAIRIPrincess Characters Visualization in the Wayang Comics of Teguh Santosa for Digital Graphics Development; M.I.P. KOESOEMADINATA & A.Z. MANSOORF. Digital Education for Creative IndustriesDisrupted but Interactive: How Online Learning Works in the Age of Pandemic; A. ANGGRAENI, S. PUTRA, A. NURHUDATIANAPop Up Book Design of the West Sumatra Endemic Primates; S. SOEDEWI & K.K. ADHADigital Learning Innovation on Concept Development Course. A study in Visual Communication Program at Universitas Ciputra; L. INDRIATIOnline Learning of Design Lectures During Covid-19 Pandemic: A Student's Experience; A.R. ADRIYANTO, I. SANTOSA, A. SYARIEFMeeting the Needs of Children in Islamic Boarding School with Monitoring Child Growth; F.E. NAUFALINA & M. HISYAMG. Digital Technology and Cultural EvolutionEffect of speciality Japanese Restaurant: Investigating the Zen Concept through interior design with Customer satisfaction (Case study of Shabu Kojo Restaurant); D.

 As I travel from one conference (Humboldt) to another (ERGOMAS), I have some time to think about the belated decision to name Lt. General Jennie Carignan as the next Chief of the Defence Staff, the CHOD as they say (chief of defence) in Canada.  The CDS in Canada has far, far more power relative to their military than the Chairman does in the US for a number of reasons, including many that will eventually be sketched out in our edited volume on Canadian civil-military relations:unlike the US Chairman, the CDS has command of the entire military, so Carignan will be able to order all of her subordinates to do what she wants.  Getting them to follow through?  That is a bit more complicated.the Minister of Defence traditionally has a light hand except in a crisis.  Indeed, a recent MinDef didn't think it was his job to oversee the CDS.  The current one is a former cop, so I assumed he would largely stay out of things and I haven't heard much to dissuade me.there is no parliamentary oversight over the CDS since the parliamentarians don't think that is their job.The Department of National Defence thinks its job is to support the military, not oversee it.  There have been reforms that have reduced some of the CDS's power as promotion of generals and admirals is now much more vetted than in the past by the Minister and by DND.  Still, the CDS has far more influence than a deputy minister at another agency (yes, the military is a government agency, just one with a bigger budget, unlimited liability, and guns), and can and does speak out more. To be honest, I was rooting for Carignan to get the job because, well, she was the only candidate that I had interacted with.  Carignan had been on our second podcast although it was Stéfanie von Hlatky who did the interviewing. I did meet her at that time as she had just returned from commanding Canadian ops in Iraq and was speaking at the Kingston Consortium on International Security.  I then bumped into her at various events in Ottawa.  Once she became Chief of Professional Conduct and Culture (more on that below), I had the chance to have a long conversation with her as her former staffer was our Visiting Defence Fellow.  So, I respect her and wish her well.  Of course, I used to respect Jon Vance as I had met him several times and was impressed until... I wasn't.  Carginan was reportedly headed to be Chief of the Army before the GOFO crisis of 2021 (where generals and admirals were disgraced due to past abuses of power) and then she was charged with setting up a new command with the responsibility for addressing the culture crisis that facilitated so much abuse of power over the years.  It was and is an incredibly tough job, where there is much resistance, no obvious path forward, and no simple metrics for success.  And while she set up this command, she had to cooperate with a competing effort--the review by retired Supreme Court Justice Louise Arbour--AND she had to deal with a new Minister of Defence who had her own ideas for this stuff.  Throughout, Carignan consulted widely (including my sharp friends), built a very good team quickly, and had to contend with stepping on the turf of pretty much every other general and admiral in the CAF.  The jury is still out on whether CPCC has been successful--again, metrics are hard in this area.  But that it didn't fail despite all the pressure is something.  Anyhow, there are at least three things here that matter most about that experienceCarignan has experience setting up an organization from scratch.Carignan is deeply wedded to culture change and knows the file very, very well.  Given all that I have written and what we (a team of scholars) have found about the impact of discrimination scandals on trust in the military, support for defence spending, and support for recruitment, I am glad to see the next CDS committed to such stuff. Because CPCC reaches into every part of the military, I think she has a better background than someone who had served as the head of one service--that a chief of the army might not know as much about the strengths and weaknesses and ways of the Air Force or the Navy.  Of course, a big question is whether this is a matter of "add woman and stir" approach to fixing the military or looking like one is doing something.  Is she being set up to fail?  Well, I wondered about the same stuff when Anita Anand was appointed Minister of Defence.  In retrospect, she didn't have enough support from the government--neither in budget or in experienced staff for her office--but she was allowed to lead and make a difference.  I wish she had served longer in that spot.  Will Carignan be the same?  Be given the authority to make the decisions?  Probably.  Will she have the budget to do so?  Maybe not.  Will the Minister both support her and oversee her?  Yes and no.  I am sure her gender mattered in this decision as did her background as a Francophone.  This is a good look for the Liberal government.  That does not mean she isn't qualified.  Carignan is quite qualified--she had operational command, she served very well in a challenging three star position, and she has a well-rounded background.  Sure, I am rooting for Carignan to be successful.  The Canadian military is in a hard place--underbudgeted, overcommitted, deep in a personnel crisis (something like 15% short of targets), emerging from a series of scandals that involved a multitude of senior officers, a backlash to culture change that is being fed by retired generals who benefited from the permissive environment of the past and by the Conservative Party that seeks to politicize the military with accusations that it is too woke, and more.  Carignan may not be set up to fail, but she will have an incredibly tough job.As July 1st is near, I am reminded of how new immigrants can be very patriotic, so, yes, I root for Canada to succeed.  As a civil-military relations scholar, I root for better oversight.  I think Carignan will have a better attitude towards civilian control of the CAF, compared those that got the CAF into the mess that required the setting up of the culture and conduct command.  Maybe we can have both a better military and a better controlled military?  I don't think these things are contradictions, but there are those out there who do.  So, let's keep an eye on Carignan, what she tries to do, and who resists. 

Maybe not genocide, almostcertainly a war crime. I have been reluctant to call what Israel is doing in Gaza genocide.  I am not an international lawyer so my hesitance is less about the fine points of international law and more about how fraught the word is--that it is a very inflammatory accusation, that it turns people's minds off, that it ends conversations.  It is pretty much the worst thing you can accuse someone of doing, especially an Israeli given the history of the Jews.  It also raises in some people's minds a false equivalency between this event or that event and the Holocaust.  For the legal beagles, the question is of intent--is the aim to kill in part (the in part thing is important) or entirely a group of people because of their race, religion, language, or some other ethnic marker.*  For an excellent discussion of much of this, see Page Fortna's op-ed.And then I got into a conversation with a family member about ethnic cleansing versus genocide.  I am far more confident that what is happening in Gaza is ethnic cleansing.  We have had a variety of statements from Israeli officials referring to this as a/the nabka--a repeat of something that had long been denied--that the new Israelis expelled the Palestinians from contested territories in 1948.  Reports that Netanyahu has been looking for other places to settle the Palestinians are very disturbing. The level of violence and its targeting, as this WP analysis illustrates only too clearly, is suggestive.  Israel has more done more damage to civilians and civilian infrastructure in a couple of months than other contemporary campaigns and it is not close. Remember, the 21k civilian casualties in Gaza is almost certainly an undercount that will get worse as the destruction of the health care system and the shortages of food and water kick in.Israel and its fans will claim that they need to eradicate Hamas because it has genocidal intent.  I sympathize with that, but genocide is partly about power.  One cannot engage in mass killing unless one has the powers of a state or something close to it.  So, in the genocide conversation, one can argue that one side might have intent, but it is the other side that has the ability to engage in large scale destruction and is doing so.  Hamas may present a threat to engage in genocide, but it is Israel that is actually killing large numbers of people, mostly civilians including many, many children.I need to mention one dynamic here: conflating all Palestinians with Hamas and arguing Hamas needs to be eradicated leads to the conclusion, intentionally or not, implicit or explicit, that to destroy Hamas, one needs to eliminate the Palestinians.  Which leads to the biq question:Is the intent of Israeli leaders to eliminate all Palestinians?  Just those living in Gaza? Not so clear, so one could argue it is not genocide.  But that is really a quibble.  Israel is forcing Gazans to move south, and so-called safe zones are not so safe (which reminds me of Bosnia).  Israels and its supporters can argue about genocide/not genocide, and maybe that is a conversation that could be more comfortable than addressing the contemporary situation--Israel is killing large numbers of innocents out of revenge, rage, and/or a misconception that hitting much, much harder will ultimately lead to deterrence.  I included the bluesky post because it illustrates something very, very powerful--that Israel is engaged in a variety of horrific tactics and no strategy (if Israel had one) could justify it.  Attacking hospitals and refugee camps is simply wrong--it is immoral and it is also bad strategy.  Netanyahu recently said he was seeking to destroy Hamas,** demilitarize
Gaza, and deradicalize the Palestinians.  This campaign may be
temporarily successful at the second, but it will not destroy Hamas, and
it will do the opposite of deradicalizing the Palestinians.  I remarked that when Israel had hit the 20,000 casualty figure, was that
disproportionate enough, given that something less than 2,000 Israelis
died on or after October 7th? It is quite clear that Israel has violated
international humanitarian law repeatedly and intentionally.  I get that Israelis think international relations is gamed against them--all the UN votes by countries that have deplorable human rights records, etc.  That international law is less important than survival, but some of this is a self-fulfilling prophecy--that Israel burned whatever goodwill it received in the aftermath of October 7th by engaging in a campaign of revenge and collective punishment. One of thing that has been so disturbing is the realization that there are two meanings to Never Again--never again will Jews be victims or never again will we let mass killings take place.  It is clear now that Israeli leaders and their supporters believe that Never Again means that Jews will never be victims again, even if it means victimizing others.  The lesson I thought I had learned growing up was that Never Again meant fighting against oppression, persecution, victimization, regardless of the targeted group.  I can't help but think that all of this is a betrayal of what we were supposed to learn from the Holocaust.All of this is awful.  Hamas is awful, Netanyahu is awful, terrorism is awful, collective punishment is awful.  Whether one wants to call it genocide or not, what Israel is doing is awful--it is counterproductive and it is immoral.  So, from a strategic perspective, Israel's campaign is bad.  From a moral perspective, it is wrong.  Hamas's gross violations of human rights do not justify violating international humanitarian law, even if it were producing a successful outcome, and it is certainly not doing that.Thus, I avoid using genocide as a label for all of this because it is largely superfluous--one can condemn what Israel has been doing without it.  * The term politicide was invented to cover the attempt to kill many/all people of the same party or movement that is ethnically heterogeneous.** None of this justifies Hamas or legitimates what Hamas has done.  The recent story about the systemic gender violence committed by Hamas makes abundantly clear that Hamas is an awful, awful organization.  That they deliberately use their own people as shield not to protect the organization but to raise the hypocrisy costs for Israel--that is, they are deliberately getting Palestinians killed--makes them utterly deplorable.  They should be defeated and destroyed.  But Israel is actually empowering Hamas by walking into the traps it has set.

Mit dem charakteristischen Löwen-Logo ist Ordo Iuris als Teil des Netzwerks um TFP (Tradition, Familie und Privateigentum) mit Wurzeln in Brasilien erkennbar Eigentlich betreibt Karol Modzelewski einen erfolgreichen YouTube-Kanal mit knapp 150 Tausend Abonnenten und dem Hauptformat "Newsy bez wirusa" (Nachrichten ohne Virus). Auf seine spöttische Weise präsentiert der Stand-Up-Künstler und Satiriker dort ausgewählte Ereignisse aus Politik, Gesellschaft und Showbiz. Zu seinem neuerlichen Bekanntheitsschub hat jedoch sein Rechtsstreit mit dem einflussreichen fundamentalistisch-katholischen Juristen-Think-Tank Ordo Iuris, zu Deutsch "Rechtsordnung", geführt. In einem vorgerichtlichen Unterlassungsschreiben, verbunden mit einer finanziellen Forderung an Modzelewski, verlangt jener die Entfernung eines YouTube-Films, der die außerehelichen Affären der Ordo Iuris-Mitarbeiter thematisiert und somit ihre Doppelmoral offenlegt.Angesichts der legislativen Durchsetzungsfähigkeit von Ordo Iuris und des Einflusses seiner Juristen in Regierungskreisen erscheint dies wie ein ungleicher Kampf zwischen David und Goliath. Umso beeindruckender ist die Entschlossenheit des Satirikers, sich von dem Juristenverband nicht einschüchtern zu lassen, sondern in die Offensive zu gehen. Modzelewski nutzte dabei die Instrumente der sozialen Medien und antwortete öffentlichkeitswirksam, dass er nicht beabsichtige, den Film zu entfernen. Zudem kündigte er an, eine ganze Reihe von Filmen unter dem Motto "So wie bei Ordo Iuris" zu produzieren, in denen es um Heuchelei und Doppelmoral im öffentlichen Leben gehen soll. Durch dieses Vorgehen erlangte das Thema der Seitensprünge der Ordo Iuris-Mitarbeiter eine weitaus größere Bekanntheit, als es wohl ohne den Rechtsstreit der Fall gewesen wäre.Die Strategie der Einschüchterung über den juristischen Weg, die in diesem Fall nicht ansatzweise aufgegangen ist, ist nicht neu und nur eine von vielen Methoden des fundamentalistisch-katholischen Juristen-Think-Tanks. Ob in kleinen polnischen Städten, in Warschau, Brüssel oder Genf – wo immer der Kampf zwischen einer vermeintlichen natürlichen Ordnung und gesellschaftlichem Fortschritt auftritt - die Anwälte von Ordo Iuris sind präsent. Sie beschreiben sich selbst auf ihrer Webseite als "Think Tank von Anwälten, die konservative Werte in der praktischen Rechtsanwendung verteidigen".Es hat sich schnell gezeigt, dass Ordo Iuris, das diesen August sein 10-jähriges Gründungsjubiläum feierte, keine gewöhnliche Nichtregierungsorganisation ist. Die Ziele des Netzwerks sind zu ehrgeizig: Es geht um nicht weniger als um Deutungshoheit und kulturelle Hegemonie im Namen der vermeintlichen Mehrheit, die das Netzwerk zu repräsentieren beansprucht – das national-katholische Polen mit einem traditionellen Rollenverständnis innerhalb der Familie als Bund zwischen Mann und Frau mit mehreren Kindern. Um diese im Kern antipluralistische Agenda durchzusetzen, bedient sich das Netzwerk bewusst einer Kombination aus rechtlichen, politischen, medialen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten.Der Direktor und Anwalt Jerzy Kwaśniewski, gerade einmal 40 Jahre alt, wurde bereits 2021 im Ranking des US-amerikanischen Magazins Politico zu den 28 einflussreichsten Menschen in Europa gezählt. Er, sein Team und mit Ordo Iuris verbundene Experten haben sich in den letzten Jahren erfolgreich Machtpositionen in Regierungskreisen erarbeitet. So sind aus ihren Reihen bereits zwei Richter des Obersten Gerichtshofs hervorgegangen - darunter der Erste Vorsitzende des Obersten Gerichtshofs und zugleich der Gründer des Think-Tanks und dessen erster Direktor Aleksander Stępkowski -, außerdem ein stellvertretender Außenminister, ein Mitglied des Beirates des Nationalen Instituts für Freiheit (Narodowy Instytut Wolności) und ein Mitglied des Nationalen Entwicklungsbeirats beim Präsidenten der Republik Polen.Ordo Iuris hatte einen wesentlichen Anteil an der Durchsetzung einer der strengsten Abtreibungsregelungen in Europa. Im Jahr 2020 führte politischer Druck von Ordo Iuris und anderen konservativen Gruppen zur Verabschiedung eines Gesetzes, das Abtreibungen nahezu vollständig verbot, selbst in Fällen schwerwiegender fetaler Anomalien. Auch die Verbreitung der sogenannten "LGBT-freien Zonen" geht auf das Konto der Organisation. Die Anwälte von Ordo Iuris tourten monatelang durch die Kreis- und Gemeinderäte des Landes, um den ehrenamtlichen Kommunalpolitikern in Workshops den fertigen Antrag "Kommunale Charta der Polnischen Familien" schmackhaft zu machen. Sie verfassen kommunale Verordnungsentwürfe und verteidigen diese vor Gericht, falls es zu Konflikten mit nationalem und europäischem Recht kommt. Mittlerweile ziehen immer mehr Gemeinden und Landkreise ihre "Anti-LGBT"-Beschlüsse zurück. Dabei spielte die Perspektive des Entzugs von EU-Geldern eine entscheidende Rolle. Die Herausgeber des "Atlas des Hasses" (Atlas nienawiści) zählen derzeit über 30 solcher Orte, wo explizite Anti-LGBT-Beschlüsse oder die von Ordo Iuris entwickelte Kommunale Charta der Polnischen Familien gelten. Noch vor Kurzem waren es über 100.Trotz einiger verlorener Schlachten, wozu der Rückzug der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung aus Anti-LGBT-Beschlüssen oder die aktuelle Kündigung des Mietvertrags durch den Vermieter in der Hauptgeschäftsstelle in Warschau zählt[1], spielen die Juristen rund um Ordo Iuris aufgrund ihres juristischen Fachwissens und ihrer Positionen im politischen Gefüge weiterhin eine wichtige Rolle. Der deutsche Politikwissenschaftler Karl Rohe hat den Begriff der "Deutungseliten" geprägt. Darunter verstand er bestimmte Gruppen von Personen, die über besondere Fähigkeiten, Wissen oder Autorität verfügen, um die Bedeutung von sozialen Ereignissen, Phänomenen und Veränderungen zu interpretieren und zu erklären.[2] Rohe argumentierte, dass die Komplexität der sozialen Strukturen und Prozesse in modernen Gesellschaften dazu führt, dass nicht jeder Einzelne in der Lage ist, alle Ereignisse und Entwicklungen zu verstehen und zu interpretieren. Daher bilden sich Gruppen von Deutungseliten heraus, denen man die Kompetenz zuspricht, Bedeutungen zu vermitteln. Dabei seien besonders Anwälte und Juristenverbände befähigt, eine Deutungskultur zu formen, indem sie Diskussionen über rechtliche Leerstellen, Grauzonen und Konflikte anstoßen und so die Rechtsprechung beeinflussen. Dies könne sowohl durch schriftliche Abhandlungen, Kommentare zu aktuellen Fällen als auch durch die Teilnahme an öffentlichen Diskussionen und Medien geschehen. 2020 protestierten Tausende gegen das verschärfte Abtreibungsverbot vor dem Hauptsitze von Ordo Iuris in der Zielna-Straße 39 in Warschau. Das Symbol der polnischen Widerstandsbewegung, der vergoldete P-Anker, mit den Buchstaben P und W für Polska Walcząca ("Kämpfendes Polen") erinnert an den Warschauer Aufstand. Letzten Monat wurden Ordo Iuris die Räumlichkeiten gekündigt. Bild: Adam Borkowski über UnsplashAll dies sind Strategien, die Mitarbeiter von Ordo Iuris in Polen, einem Land mit vergleichsweise schwächeren Institutionen als im Westen, bewusst und recht erfolgreich anwenden. Deutlich sichtbar war dies bei den Angriffen auf den Bürgerrechtsbeauftragten Adam Bodnar während und auch nach seiner Amtszeit. Die Organisation kann Gesetzesentwürfe erarbeiten, wie das im Sejm nach den Schwarzen Protesten 2016 im ersten Anlauf gescheiterte Abtreibungsverbot, oder Änderungen an bestehenden Gesetzen vorschlagen, um fundamentalistisch-katholische Werte zu fördern. Durch Lobbyarbeit und direkte Zusammenarbeit mit politischen Parteien wie PiS, aber auch Konfederacja, versucht die Organisation, ihre Prioritäten gezielt in die politische Agenda einzubringen. Die Anwälte von Ordo Iuris übernehmen zudem strategisch wichtige Rechtsverfahren, etwa bei der disziplinarischen Entlassung einer Professorin aufgrund von homophoben Äußerungen oder im Fall einer rechtsradikalen jungen Aktivistin, die zusammen mit drei jungen Männern eine Frau mit einer Tasche in Regenbogenfarben überfallen hat. Solche Verfahren bieten nicht zuletzt eine Plattform, um die eigene Sichtweise der Gesellschaft zu präsentieren und die öffentliche Debatte zu beeinflussen.Ein wichtiger Bestandteil des kulturhegemonialen Projekts ist die ideologische Prägung einer nächsten Generation von konservativen Juristen und Journalisten an der 2021 eigens durch Ordo Iuris in Warschau gegründeten Hochschule Collegium Intermarium. Hierbei ist jedoch anzumerken, dass die Anzahl der Studienbewerber beim Studienfach Rechtswissenschaften an dieser Hochschule sehr gering ausfällt. Das Netzwerk um Ordo Iuris erweitert kontinuierlich seine Aktivitäten und hat zuletzt ein Fact-Checking-Portal und eine Petitionsplattform gegründet. Es intensiviert die Zusammenarbeit mit rechten und katholisch-fundamentalistischen Journalisten in Polen und im Ausland. Auf ihren Internetseiten bewirbt Ordo Iuris den neuen Studiengang "Journalismus" am Collegium Intermarium mit mehreren Prominenten des rechten polnischen Journalismus: Paweł Lisicki, Rafał Ziemkiewicz und Łukasz Warzecha.Die außerhalb Polens wenig bekannte Organisation Ordo Iuris ist auch auf internationaler Ebene durchaus aktiv: Ähnlich wie andere Gruppen dieses Typus, die sich dem Kampf gegen die liberale Gesellschaft verschrieben haben, engagiert sie sich als Lobby- und Beraterorganisation bei den Vereinten Nationen, der EU, dem Europarat und der OSZE.Unterstützt vom polnischen Justizminister Zbigniew Ziobro hat die Organisation eine Kampagne angeführt, um die EU-Ratifizierung der Istanbul-Konvention zur Bekämpfung von häuslicher Gewalt zu blockieren. An ihrer Stelle sollte ein Abkommen über "Familienrechte" verabschiedet werden, das heterosexuelle Ehen und traditionelle Geschlechterrollen fördern würde, für die sie in Brüssel Lobbying betrieben hat. Die EU-Kommissarin Vera Jourova thematisierte, dass sie gerade von polnischen Protesten überhäuft wurde, was im Wesentlichen auf das Wirken von Ordo Iuris und seines Umfeldes zurückgeführt wurde. Die Organisation nutzt die in Teilen der Gesellschaft Anklang findende Anti-Gender-Rhetorik, um das politische Klima weiter zu formen und eine politische Agenda zu radikalisieren.Ordo Iuris betont, dass man bewusst auf staatliche Fördergelder verzichtet, um sich die Unabhängigkeit zu wahren. Die Organisation stützt sich vor allem auf einen sogenannten "Freundeskreis", der durch monatliche Spenden den Haushalt über einige Jahre finanziell stabilisiert hat. Doch bereits 2022 war in dieser Hinsicht ein außergewöhnlich schwieriges Jahr für Kwaśniewskis Think-Tank. Journalisten wiesen darauf hin, dass Ordo Iuris gerade in dem Moment in finanzielle Schwierigkeiten geraten sei, als die Sanktionen gegen Russland in Kraft traten. Dies nährte zusätzlich Spekulationen über Verbindungen nach Moskau (was von Ordo Iuris bisher stets scharf bestritten wird). Im Jahr 2013 unterzeichnete Ordo Iuris zusammen mit sechs anderen polnischen Organisationen eine Unterstützungsliste für das russische Gesetz zum Verbot der Propaganda von Homosexualität. Ordo Iuris arbeitete auch mit dem World Congress of Families zusammen, der von dem russischen Oligarchen und ehemaligen Präsidenten der Russischen Eisenbahnen, Wladimir Jakunin, gegründet worden ist.Um die Wurzeln von Ordo Iuris zu verstehen, muss man bis ins Jahr 1960 nach Brasilien zurückschauen. Dort gründete der katholische Publizist und Politiker Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira die TFP (Tradition, Familie und Privateigentum), die sich für eine antiegalitäre, antiliberale und fundamentalkatholische Kultur und Politik einsetzte. Die TFP war sowohl eine religiöse als auch eine soziale Bewegung und pflegte Verbindungen zu südamerikanischen Diktaturen und rechtsextremen Akteuren. Ihr Name steht gleichzeitig für eine bestimmte Lehre: Sie strebt eine idealisierte Rückkehr zur mittelalterlichen Ordnung an.In dem katholisch geprägten Polen fand das TFP-Netzwerk Ende der 90er Jahre ideale Bedingungen für seine Aktivitäten. Berichten zufolge war das Fundraising der Non-Profit-Organisation, das auf Massenversand religiöser Medaillons, Marienbilder und christlicher Publikationen basierte, so erfolgreich, dass es die Einrichtung weiterer Filialen ermöglichte. Im Jahr 2013 gründete einer der beiden polnischen TFP-Ableger die Denkfabrik Ordo Iuris. Das europäische Netzwerk der TFP, das NGOs in mindestens zehn europäischen Ländern umfasst, wird derzeit weiter ausgebaut. Die unterschiedlichen Filialen sind nicht immer durch denselben Namen oder das charakteristische Löwen-Logo als Teil desselben Verbands erkennbar. Recherchen eines internationalen Journalistennetzwerks legen nahe, dass Polen längst zum regionalen Zentrum dieser internationalen Bewegung geworden ist. Angesichts dieses Sachverhalts erscheint es durchaus berechtigt zu hinterfragen, wie viel nationale Souveränität und genuin polnische Willensbildungsprozesse nun wirklich hinter der betont polnisch-nationalpopulistischen und wertkonservativen Regierungsagenda stecken – da wird der Bock zum Gärtner.

[1] Erst letzten Monat wurden Ordo Iuris die Räumlichkeiten in der Zielna-Straße 39 gekündigt. Das Haus, in dem die Organisation Einzug gehalten hatte, ist ein geschichtsträchtiger Ort: Während des Warschauer Aufstands im Jahr 1944 wurde der Bau Austragungsort von Kämpfen. Das Symbol der polnischen Widerstandsbewegung - vergoldete P-Anker, mit den Buchstaben P und W für Polska Walcząca ("Kämpfendes Polen") ziert bis heute das Dach des Gebäudes.


[2] Rohe, K. (1987). Politische Kultur und der kulturelle Aspekt von politischer Wirklichkeit, in: Politische Vierteljahresschrift Politische Kultur in Deutschland Bilanz und Perspektiven der Forschung, S. 39 47.

Editorial I am delighted to announce the successful publication of Volume 26, 2020 of our esteemed journal, Lagos Notes and Records. This current edition is made up of thirteen well-researched articles across the various disciplines of the Humanities and Social Sciences namely History, Philosophy, Creative Arts, Language Studies, Literature, Communication Studies, and Linguistics. Lynn Schler in the first article, 'The Local and the Global in African Studies: An Essay in Honour of Prof. Ayodeji Olukoju @ 60', argues that in every geographic context, African studies evolved as an intersection between local and global flows of ideas, politics and capital. She concludes that the future of African studies requires scholars to view Africa as both a singular idea and a conglomeration of vastly diverse cultural contexts. Scholars must be aware of what is distinctive in local contexts and also take cognizance of global solutions. In the second article, 'Identity and Ideological Positioning in Popular Nigerian Ethnic Jokes', 'Rotimi Taiwo and David Dontele examine the discursive constructions of selected jokes to determine their expression of attitudinal and ideological dispositions of the ethnic groups within the multilingual/multicultural context of Nigeria. They argue that ethnic jokes in Nigeria construct stereotypes about linguo-cultural signs, and that the jokes have been stripped of their stigmatizing effects owing to the ability of Nigerians to laugh collectively at their perceived prejudices and stereotypes. In a related article, 'Impression Management and Face Sensitivities in Delta State Courtroom Interactions', Olasimbo Takpor and Felix Ogoanah investigate impression management and courtroom interactions in High Court proceedings in DeltaState of Nigeria within the theoretical framework of Rapport Management Model (Spencer Oatey). They conclude that to manage face sensitivities, courtroom interactions create diverse impressions of themselves or others by deploying impression management strategies such as self-promotion, intimidation, apologies, ingratiation and conformity as determined by the peculiarities of legal procedures and cultural norms, which mediate judicial proceedings, interpretations and decisions. Felix Ajiola's 'Colonial Capitalism and the Structure of the Nigerian Cocoa Marketing Board, 1947-1960' examines the origin, structure and impact of the Nigerian Cocoa Marketing Board (NCMB) from its inauguration in 1947 up to 1960. The author argues that the NCMB served various interests and purposes, which hardly benefitted cocoa producers, but rather exploited them through intolerable taxes, harmful price regulations and unfavourable grading policies. In another article, 'The Language Factor and Internet Penetration in Nigeria: A Practical Assessment', Olushola Are examines all the unstated assumptions behind quests for more language options on the internet with specific reference to Nigeria. The author concludes that the provision of Nigerian language options online would not significantly enhance internet penetration in the country without broader adjustments to the roles and status of indigenous languages as well as greater socio-economic and political reforms to fight general social exclusion for which linguistic exclusion of any form may be merely symptomatic. In the sixth article, 'Theatrical Intervention towards "Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness"', Oluwatoyin Olokodana-James examines Birth Preparedness and Complication Readiness (BPCR) strategies. She argues that BPCR reduces the risks of complications in that it helps health practitioners to detect danger signs from both mother and the newborn early enough. Using qualitative research approach, the author employs theatre and dance as interventionist tools to educate women within Ifako-Ijaye LGA in Lagos State on the usefulness of BPCR. In a different article on 'Stress Patterning in Polysyllabic Words among Educated Yoruba Speakers of English in Lagos', Emmanuel Osifeso investigates one hundred (100) undergraduate and post-graduate students across Lagos State to underscore the role of stress patterning of polysyllabic words among educated Yoruba speakers of English in Lagos (EYSEL). He concludes that EYSEL have a propensity for shifting the main stress in English polysyllabic words rightward. Victor Ariole's article, 'Peul (Fulani) Worldview as seen in Ba's Work: A Critique', identifies the cultural integration constraints in Africa using Ba's discussion of the Peul/Fulani as a case study. He concludes that Ba's thought patterns are quite relevant in understanding the Peul's worldview which sees probity and constituents' responsibilities as inalienable with peaceful living or existence. Babatunji Adepoju in the ninth article, 'Cohesion in English Biblical Narratives: A Study of "The Prodigal Son"', examines the different methods that writers/speakers employ in making English narratives coherent. He discusses the reasons why many texts are considered disjointed/disorganised thereby making such texts lose the desired radiance. He concludes that the unity of a text is enhanced by adherence to the appropriate usage of grammatical and lexical ties in English narratives. Ayọdele Shotunde in 'A Discourse on the Nature of Crime and Punishment in the Administration of Social Justice in an African Culture' evaluates the nature of crime and punishment among the Yoruba of Nigeria. Adopting the critical and prescriptive methodology, he concludes that it is important to take an insightful look at the traditional Yoruba conception of crime and punishment given its embedded spirit of forgiveness because such has the potential of fostering better social ethics in contemporary Nigeria. In the next article, 'China-Hong Kong Dual System: Twenty-Three Years of Uncertainty and Broken Promises', Henry Ogunjewo argues that the relationship between China and Hong Kong in the last twenty-three years have been characterised by broken promises, failed covenants, unnecessary political meddling, judicial undercutting, press gagging and restrictions on freedom of expressions, leading to protests and political tension in Hong Kong. He concludes that the United Kingdom, former colonial administrator of Hong Kong, needed to bring international pressure on China to protect the interests of Hong Kong. Bisoye Eleshin's 'High-Toned Vowel Prefix in Yoruba' examines prefixation as it relates to gerund derivation in Yoruba. He uses the morpho-syntactic approach to establish the claim that there actually exists a high-toned vowel prefix i- in Yoruba and that the class of noun it derives is gerund. The last paper by Mosunmola Ogunmolaji and Oyinade Adekunle ''Madam Due Process': The Public Life of Obiageli Ezekwesili' is a biography of Obiageli Ezekwesili. The authors analyse the public life of Obiageli Ezekwesili providing insights into her lifestyle, especially the major forces that spurred her interest in politics and public administration. They conclude that Ezekwesili is an intellectual who has broken gender barriers in Nigeria. She possesses pragmatic understanding of the yearnings of Nigerians through deliberate identification of their problems, acquisition of necessary problem-solving tools, and swift responses to the problems whether or not she stepped on toes in the process. I hereby warmly recommend these articles to the academic community with the hope that scholars will find them interesting and useful. I congratulate the Editorial Team for a job well done despite the constraints of the COVID era! Professor Olufunkẹ Adeboye Dean, Faculty of Arts Editor-in-Chief

PENGARUH PICTORIAL HEALTH WARNING TERHADAP EVOKED FEAR DAN INTENSITAS BERHENTI MEROKOK BERDASARKAN TIPE PEROKOK RINGAN, SEDANG, DAN BERAT DI KOTA PONTIANAK ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji dan menganalisis pengaruh Pictorial Health Warning terhadap Evoked Fear dan Intensitas Berhenti Merokok bagi perokok ringan, sedang, dan berat di Kota Pontianak. Responden dalam penelitian ini adalah masyarakat yang berdomisili di Kota Pontianak dari berbagai profesi. Sampel dalam penelitian ini berjumlah 150 responden tarbagi dalam tiga kelompok sampel, yaitu perokok ringan 50 responden, perokok sedang 50 responden, perokok berat 50 responden dengan teknik non probability sampling dan model analisis data yang digunakan adalah uji beda dan analisis jalur (path analysis). Pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini dilakukan dengan membagikan kuesioner secara online. 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With hypothyroidism (HТ) there is a change in homeostasis in tissues sensitive to thyroidhormones, which in its turn leads to a violation of fat metabolism. HT induces a significantincrease in lipid peroxidation and reduces the activity of antioxidant enzymes, oxidativestress, which is formed in HT, can play a key role in the progression of pancreaticdysfunction (PD).Purpose – to study the indicators of the lipid profile and the level of thyroid hormones inpatients with CP and CP, combined with HT.Material and methods 107 people were examined, including 29 patients with CP (group1), 30 patients with HT (group 2), 28 patients with CP on the associated with HT (group3), 20 almost healthy individuals (AHI) (group 4). The age of the examined patientsranged from 44 to 72 years, the main percentage (53%) was dominated by people ofworking age from 49 to 58 years (mean age - 54.26 ± 1.87). The gender distribution wascomparable across all groups. According to the local ethics committees for biomedicalresearch, guided by Ukrainian health legislation and the 2000 a. declaration of Helsinki,all patients and AHI surveyed gave written informed consent to participate in the study.All patients were hospitalized at the Chernivtsi Regional Clinical Hospital and theChernivtsi Regional Endocrinology Center.The results. According to the results of the study of the lipid profile in all groups of patientsthere were manifestations of dyslipidemia, but they were more pronounced in patientswith combined pathology: total cholesterol increased 36.04% (p <0.05) compared withAHI; 21.37% compared with the group of patients with CP and by 15.06% compared withthe group of patients with CP. The level of triglycerides increased in the group of patientswith CP, associated with HT in 2.2 times compared with AHI group, in comparison ofthe groups of the combined pathology with CP patients and with HT patients it is higher 34.51% and 9.4% (p <0, 05). Patients in all 3 groups had an increase in very low-densitylipoprotein cholesterol compared with AHI, with a tendency to increase in patients inwhom CP was combined with HT.Conclusion. The most pronounced signs of dyslipidemia were found in patients with CPcombined with HT, which confirms the close pathogenetic link between these nosologies- a marker of thyroid insufficiency (increased TSH levels, decreased T4), manifestationsof dyslipidemia, which is a predictor of pancreatic lesions. The study of comorbidity ofthese nosologies is a promising area of clinical gastroenterology and endocrinology. Theresults prove the need for more detailed and in-depth study of the clinical course andinteraction of these diseases, in order to optimize the therapeutic treatment regimens, thatwill allow to avoid the development of complications and disability. ; При гипотиреозе (ГЗ) происходит изменение гомеостаза в чувствительных ктиреоидных гормонов тканях, что в дальнейшем ведет к нарушению жировогообмена. ГЗ индуцирует значительное повышение ПОЛ и снижает активностьантиоксидантных ферментов; окислительный стресс, который образуется приГЗ, может играть ключевую роль в прогрессировании дисфункции поджелудочнойжелезы (ПЖ).Цель работы – исследовать показатели липидного профиля и уровня тиреоидныхгормонов у пациентов с ХП и ХП, совмещенным с ГЗ.Материалы и методы. Обследовано 107 человек, из них 29 больных ХП (группа 1), 30 больных ГЗ (группа 2), 28 больных ХП на фоне ГЗ (группа 3), 20 практическиздоровых лиц (ПЗЛ) (группа 4). Возраст обследованных больных колебался от 44до 72 лет, основной процент (53%) составили лица трудоспособного возрастаот 49 до 58 лет (средний возраст – 54,26 ± 1,87). Гендерный распределение былосопоставимым во всех группах. Согласно установок местных этических комитетовпо вопросам биомедицинских исследований, руководствуясь законодательствомУкраины об охране здоровья и Хельсинкской декларации 2000 г., обследованныепациенты и ПЗЛ дали письменное информированное согласие на участие висследовании. Все пациенты находились на стационарном лечении в Черновицкойобластной клинической больнице и в Черновицком областном эндокринологическомцентре.Результаты. По результатам исследования липидного профиля во всех группахпациентов наблюдались проявления дислипидемии, однако более выраженнымиони были у пациентов при сочетанной патологии: показатели общего холестеринаувеличены на 36,04% (р <0,05) по сравнению с ПЗЛ; на 21,37% по сравнению сгруппой больных ХП и на 15,06% по сравнению с группой больных ГЗ. Показательуровня триглицеридов увеличен в группе больных ХП, сочетанным с ГЗ в 2,2 раза посравнению с группой ПЗЛ, при сравнении группы сочетанной патологии с больнымиХП и с больными ГЗ выше на 34,51% и 9,4% (р < 0,05). Больным всех 3 групп былоприсуще увеличение холестерина липопротеидов очень низкой плотности посравнению с ПЗЛ, с тенденцией к большему росту у пациентов, у которых ХПсочетался с ГЗ.Вывод. Наиболее выраженные признаки дислипидемии обнаружены у больных с ХП,совмещенным с ГЗ, что подтверждает тесную патогенетическая связь междуданными нозологиям – маркером тиреоидной недостаточности (повышениеуровня ТТГ, снижение показателей свободного Т4), проявлениями дислипидемии,что является предиктором поражения ПЖ. Исследование коморбидности этихнозологий является перспективным направлением клинической гастроэнтерологиии эндокринологии. Результаты доказывают необходимость более детально иуглубленно исследовать особенности течения и взаимовлияния этих болезнейс целью оптимизации терапевтических схем лечения, что позволит избежатьосложнений и инвалидизации. ; При гіпотиреозі (ГЗ) відбувається зміна гомеостазу в чутливих до тиреоїднихгормонів тканинах, що у наслідку призводить до порушення жирового обміну.ГЗ індукує значне підвищення пероксидації ліпідів та знижує активністьантиоксидантних ферментів; окиснювальний стрес, який утворюється при ГЗ,може відігравати ключову роль у прогресуванні дисфункції підшлункової залози(ПЗ).Мета роботи – дослідити показники ліпідного профілю та рівня тиреоїднихгормонів у пацієнтів із ронічним панкреатитом (ХП) та ХП, поєднаним із ГЗ.Матеріали та методи. Обстежено 107 осіб, із них 29 хворих на ХП (група 1),30 хворих на ГЗ (група 2), 28 хворих на ХП на тлі ГЗ (група 3), 20 практичноздорових осіб (ПЗО) (група 4). Вік обстежених хворих коливався від 44 до 72 років,основний відсоток (53%) становили особи працездатного віку від 49 до 58 років(середній вік – 54,26±1,87). Гендерний розподіл був порівняний у всіх групах. Згідноз настановами місцевих етичних комітетів із питань біомедичних досліджень,керуючись законодавством України про охорону здоров'я та Гельсінської декларації2000 р., обстежені пацієнти та ПЗО дали письмову інформовану згоду на участьу дослідженні. Усі пацієнти перебували на стаціонарному лікуванні в Чернівецькійобласній клінічній лікарні та в Чернівецькому обласному ендокринологічномуцентрі.Результати. За результатами дослідження ліпідного профілю у всіх групахпацієнтів спостерігались прояви дисліпідемії, однак більш вираженими вони булиу пацієнтів при поєднаній патології: показники загального холестерину збільшеніна 36,04 % (р<0,05) порівняно з ПЗО; на 21,37 % порівняно з групою хворих наХП та на 15,06 % порівняно з групою хворих на ГЗ. Показник рівня тригліцеридівзбільшений у групі хворих на ХП, поєднаний із ГЗ у 2,2 раза порівняно з групоюПЗО, при порівнянні групи поєднаної патології із хворими на ХП та з хворими наГЗ вищий на 34,51 % (р<0,05) та 9,4%(р<0,05). Для хворих усіх 3 груп властивезбільшення холестерину ліпопротеїдів дуже низької щільності, порівняно з ПЗО,з тенденцією до більшого зростання у пацієнтів, у яких ХП поєднувався з ГЗ.Висновок. Найбільш виражені ознаки дисліпідемії виявлено у хворих із ХП,поєднаним із ГЗ, що підтверджує тісний патогенетичний зв'язок міжцими нозологіями – маркером тиреоїдної недостатності (підвищення рівнятиреотропного гормону, зниження показників вільного тироксину), проявамидисліпідемії, що є предиктором ураженням ПЗ. Дослідження коморбідностіцих нозологій є досить перспективним напрямком клінічної гастроентерологіїта ендокринології. Результати доводять необхідність більш детально тапоглиблено дослідити особливості перебігу та взаємовпливу цих хвороб із метоюоптимізації терапевтичних схем лікування, що дасть змогу уникнути ускладненьта інвалідизації.

In the sprawling megalopolis of Metro Manila, the failure or inability of centralized public and privatized water service utilities to connect outlying and poor communities within their service areas led to the emergence of community-owned water providers run by cooperatives and neighborhood associations, often led and initiated by women. Born out of necessity and daily struggles to provide water for their households, communities organize themselves as water service cooperatives or associative water systems that assume the traditional role of the state as duty-bearers in ensuring universal access and human rights to water. Employing long-term ethnographic fieldwork, participant observation, key informant interviews and literature review, this paper critically examines urban poor communities' experimentations of water service provisioning whereby women have taken on the cudgels to effectively deliver water to their own people and in the process, practice self-governance and autonomy. Using neo-institutionalist (Ostrom and Cox, 2010) and critical socio-institutionalist frameworks (Cleaver, 2002), we critically interrogate the praxes of women-led associative water systems, a model whereby water consumers both control and own the service in their capacity as consumers, using the cases of Bagong Silang and Recomville Two water service cooperatives located in Caloocan City. By illustrating on-the-ground experiences, we stress the crucial role that waterless citizens and communities play in bridging the gap in the country's water service provision, thereby expanding the private/public dichotomies that often dominate water governance debates. Through these case studies, we argue that associative water systems were borne out of collective desire to have safe, clean, and affordable water to flow to waterless communities. As Metro Manila remains under a privatized water set up, these community-owned initiatives are legitimate expressions of social transformation. We problematize how these women-led associative water systems progress in the face of neoliberal governance marked by hegemonic power of private and public actors. We also investigate how democracy is exercised —or not— within these systems as well as surface the various contestations they face. This paper therefore scrutinizes the principles and pitfalls of, the ups and downs and lessons learnt from associative water systems in providing piped connections to waterless communities. Our aim is to shed light on the reconstruction of public services anchored on collective action. We find that the political possibility for collective self-organization and bottom-up social governance are facilitated or constrained by a combination of political, socioeconomic factors such as access to technical inputs and financing, social acceptability and legitimacy of the cooperative, sustained social organizing, and understanding of micro-politics and power in the community. Afterall, community-led initiatives operate in a highly contentious local politics marked by clientelism and heterogeneity. We posit that the successes of associative water systems lie on their ability to practice democracy, transparency, and accountability as well as mobilize social capital, trust, and cooperation. However, the experiences of urban poor communities in Caloocan City reveal a more complicated picture in which water service cooperatives are plagued by multiple governance issues, internal corruption, power struggles, and affordability issues. The process of building cooperatives is tension-laden, revealing the challenges of creating the commons through sociopolitical and institutional arrangements on the ground. The paper further reveals how state and market institutions successfully managed to define the terms of engagement with the urban poor communities that constrain the latter's capability to expand water service in their areas, on one hand. On the other, private and public actors have distanced themselves from the people and obscured their objectives and economic interests from the communities they are supposed to serve. This generated a situation where dissatisfaction and capitalistic exploitation are directed toward cooperatives, instead, further redefining social relations within communities (Cheng, 2014; Chng, 2008). The paper is organized into six sections. The first parts provide a short introduction of the topic as well as a brief overview of the history and socio-political underpinnings of Metro Manila's water privatization and neoliberal undercurrents that gave way to the rise of associative water systems. The second section outlines methodological considerations that detail our general approach in gathering empirical material. The third part offers a conceptual and literature review of associative water systems in theory and practice, outlining the positive and promising principles as well as the pitfalls of the model as commons or bottom-up social governance. Examples from Bolivia and the Philippines are mentioned that offered inspiration for urban poor communities in Caloocan City to embark on their own cooperative-building and water service provisioning. The fourth part narrates the dynamics, history, and experiences of Bagong Silang and Recomville Two water service cooperatives, underlining the similarities in the contexts where they operate as well as the various tensions and challenges they faced in the process of creating cooperatives and delivering quality and safe water to the urban poor households. We pay special attention to the role of women as leaders and changemakers amid a generally masculinized culture. The part played by two NGOs as wayfinders and supporters that accompanied the cooperatives accentuate the importance of having allies and partners in the process. We also detail how the uneven and inequitable relationship between Maynilad and the cooperatives produced a culture of payment for water which partially contributed to strained social relationships in the community. This culture restructured the roles and responsibilities among community, state, and market actors. The fifth part sketches the lessons learnt from these experiences, underlining the communities' struggle for self-governance and autonomy to remake public services through collective action and participation in water service provision and stressing the crucial role that women played in the process. This section also identifies three challenges around issues of non-participation, power, and outcomes/impacts, underscoring the dangers of fetishizing communities (Cleaver, 2002) as homogenous, idealized forms or sources of social innovation. Divided along the lines of gender and class, women empowerment facilitated by the cooperative through trainings and skills enhancement did not sit well with some men in the communities. Further, the capacity to pay for water of the urban poor that is greatly tied to precarity of work and informality affects the operations and management of the system. We conclude by reiterating the pivotal role played by communities in enabling water to flow to their homes. But associative water systems are far from perfect. As on-going works-in-progress, the urban poor's desired water services can only be discovered and constructed through daily —democratic— political struggles, collective action, and contestations. The praxes of associative water systems accentuate what Dahl and Soss (2012, as mentioned in McDonald, 2016) argue that "democratic conceptions of the common good will always be partial and provisional, never universal or static" (p. 4).

Objetivo Este estudio busca describir conocimientos y pr?cticas sobre disposici?n final de medicamentos posconsumo en las familias de la comuna 3 de la ciudad de Medell?n, en el a?o 2019. M?todo Estudio descriptivo transversal con enfoque cuantitativo con 60 familias, utilizando un cuestionario. Resultados del total de personas seleccionadas como representantes del conjunto familiar, un 65 % son mayores de 50 a?os, predominando claramente el g?nero femenino con un 75%. El 50% cuenta con estudio de primaria y el 38.3% secundaria. La tipolog?a familiar que predomina es la amplia con un 56.7 %, un 30% nuclear y un 11.67% monoparental. El n?mero de persona que predomina por hogar es de m?nimo cuatro personas con el 76.7 %, destac?ndose el 26.7% donde conviven seis o m?s. La HTA es la patolog?a que m?s predomina en las familias con un 40%. A un 75% de las familias le sobran medicamentos y casi todos por falta de adherencia. Se destacan los analg?sicos-AINES, como el ibuprofeno y el diclofenaco, con un 30% de los medicamentos que sobran en los hogares, 23.3% de antihipertensivos y el 18.3% antibi?ticos. En cuanto a las pr?cticas un 38.3% botan a la basura corriente los medicamentos que les sobran, un 23.3% los arrojan al ba?o-alcantarillado, un 13.3% los dona. Con los vencidos, un 48,3% lo arroja a la basura y un 41.7% al ba?o-alcantarillado. En cuanto a creencias, un 30% creen que los medicamentos sobrantes se deben botar a la basura corriente y el mismo porcentaje que se deben donar; un 25% que se deben devolver a la farmacia-droguer?a y tan s?lo un 8.3% devolverlo a un sitio especializado. No cambian mucho las cifras con los vencidos, en cuanto arrojarlos a la basura. Eso s?, una buena cantidad expresan que estos ?ltimos se deber?an devolver a la farmacia y un 13.3% a un punto especializado. A un 88.3% de los encuestados, nadie les ha informado que hacer con los medicamentos posconsumo. Un 75% creen que no est? bien botar los medicamentos a la basura; un 76.7% que no est? bien echarlos al ba?o-alcantarillado; un 68.3% creen que se deben devolver a la farmacia-droguer?a; un 50% creen que est? bien donarlos. un 85% no conoce ni a escuchado de programas de devoluci?n de medicamentos. Tan s?lo un 31.7% consideran los medicamentos residuos peligrosos. Un 51.7% considera que los medicamentos que bota son perjudiciales para la salud y el medio ambiente. Un 86.7% desconoce la normatividad que rige el manejo de los desechos de los medicamentos en Colombia. Conclusiones La principal raz?n por las que estas familias generan medicamentos posconsumo, es la falta de adherencia seguido del problema de la automedicaci?n. Definitivamente los conocimientos que se tienen referentes a la disposici?n final de los medicamentos posconsumo, son m?nimos y en contrav?a del uso racional de estos. Creen que arrojarlos a la basura, al alcantarillado es algo normal e inocuo para la salud. En cuanto a las pr?cticas, son totalmente nefastas para la salud p?blica en general y sobre todo para el ecosistema. Efectivamente lo arrojan en la basura o por el alcantarillado, inclusive hasta en el reciclable. Al comparar el conocimiento y las pr?cticas del manejo de los residuos con los fundamentos te?ricos y lo expuesto en las normas, resultan ser totalmente opuestos. El desconocimiento de la legislaci?n es elocuente y la desinformaci?n total. ; Objective This study seeks to specify knowledge and practices on the final disposition of post-consumer medicines in the families of community 3 of the city of Medell?n, in the year 2019. Method Cross-sectional descriptive study with a quantitative approach with 60 families, using a questionnaire. Results of the total number of people selected as representatives of the family as a whole, 65% are over 50 years old, the female gender clearly prevailing with 75%. 50% have primary school and 38.3% secondary. The predominant family typology is the broad one with 56.7%, 30% nuclear and 11.67% single parent. The number of people predominant per household is at least four people with 76.7%, standing out 26.7% where six or more coexist. HTA is the most prevalent pathology in families with 40%. 75% of families have plenty of medications and almost all due to lack of adherence. The analgesics-NSAIDs, such as ibuprofen and diclofenac, stand out, with 30% of the medicines left over in homes, 23.3% of antihypertensives and 18.3% of antibiotics. As for the practices, 38.3% dispose of the medicines that are left over in the trash, 23.3% throw them into the sewer, 13.3% donate them. With the defeated, 48.3% throw it in the trash and 41.7% into the sewer. In terms of beliefs, 30% believe that surplus drugs should be thrown into the ordinary trash and the same percentage that should be donated; 25% must be returned to the pharmacy-drugstore and only 8.3% return it to a specialized site. The figures do not change much with the defeated, as soon as they throw them in the trash. Of course, a good amount express that the latter should be returned to the pharmacy and 13.3% to a specialized point. 88.3% of respondents have not been told what to do with post-consumer medications. 75% believe it is not right to throw drugs away; 76.7% that it is not right to throw them into the sewer-bath; 68.3% believe they should be returned to the pharmacy-drugstore; 50% believe it is okay to donate them. 85% do not know or have heard of medication return programs. Only 31.7% consider drugs hazardous waste. 51.7% consider that the medications they boot are harmful to health and the environment. 86.7% are unaware of the regulations governing the management of drug waste in Colombia. Conclusions The main reason why these families generate post-consumer medications is the lack of adherence followed by the problem of self-medication. Definitely the knowledge about the final disposition of post-consumer medicines is minimal and contrary to the rational use of these. They believe that throwing them in the trash, the sewer is normal and harmless to health. As for practices, they are totally harmful for public health in general and especially for the ecosystem. They effectively throw it in the trash or sewer, even in the recyclable. When comparing the knowledge and practices of waste management with the theoretical foundations and what is stated in the rules, they turn out to be totally opposite. Ignorance of the legislation is eloquent and total misinformation. ; Medell?n

Introduction: the urinary tract infection is one of the most common bacterial infections in children (representing 7%), and it´s early diagnosis and treatment could impact in complications. That is the reason why the empirical antibiotic used for treatment, is directed to the most frequent microorganisms. In the antibiogram revision, Escherichia coli (E. coli) sensibility reported in 2002 in The Military Central Hospital was satisfactory (86%) to continue the same first line of treatment (cephalotin) in children with febrile urinary tract infections. In many national and international studies has been reported an increase in the resistance to first level cephalosporins, with consequent changes in first line treatment. However, the changes in the sensibility in the last years in our hospital is unknown, also, if there are hostage factors that affect this changes in the sensibility.Objective: determine the changes in bacterial sensibility in urinary infections and it´s relation with hostage factors in the pediatric patients of The Central Military Hospital between the years 2006-2012.Materials and methods: retrospective cross-section study, including children between 0 and 14 years since January 2006 and December 2012, with confirmed diagnosis of urinary tract infection with positive urine culture depending on the recollection method. Were excluded those with incomplete information, immune-compromised, with onco­logic or neurologic diseases. The data recollection included microorganism, sensibility and resistance to common antibiotics and hostage factors (age, gender, presence of fever, previous antibiotic treatment, obstructive diseases and urinary reflux).Results: there were 271 infections, 79,9% by E. coli whose resistance to first level cephalosporins was low (18%) and moderate to TMP-SMX and ampicillin. For E. coli infections, the risk factors with more probability of presenting urinary tract infections resistant to first level cephalosporins are: fever (OR: 3.2), below 1 year of age (OR: 2.6), previous antibiotic treatment (OR: 1.2), urinary reflux (OR 1.5); and the risk factors related to multi-restistant urinary tract infections are: fever (OR: 10), recurrent urinary tract infection (OR: 1.4), below 1 year of age (OR: 2), previous antibiotic treatment (OR: 2.2), obstructive uropathy (OR: 2.2) and urinary reflux (OR: 2).Conclusions: the global sensibility to first level cephalosporins is 82%, which is high. And following the risk factors analized we recomend: for febrile urinary tract infection we recommend first level cephalosporins. For unfebrile in­fections we recommend nitrofurantoin or nalidixic acid. If risk factors are present, program clinical control with urine culture to change or continue the treatment, because they have more risk for resistance. ; Introducción: La infección urinaria es la infección bacteriana más frecuente en los niños (representando el 7%), su diagnóstico y tratamiento temprano impactan en las complicaciones. Por esta razón, la escogencia empírica del antibiótico con el que se inicia el tratamiento, va dirigida a los microorganismos que más frecuentemente la producen. En la revisión de los antibiogramas, en 2002 en el Hospital Militar Central, se concluyó que la sensibilidad de la Escherichia coli (E. coli) a la cefalotina fue del 86% por lo cual continuó siendo la primera línea de manejo para los niños con infecciones urinarias febriles. En múltiples estudios a nivel nacional e internacional se ha reportado un aumento en la resistencia a las cefalosporinas de primera generación en los últimos años, lo que ha llevado a modificaciones en el manejo empírico. Los cambios en la sensibilidad bacteriana en los últimos años son desconocidos en el Hospital Militar Central, de la misma manera si existe algún factor del huésped que pueda afectar dichos cambios.Objetivos: determinar la sensibilidad bacteriana en la infección urinaria y su relación con los factores del huésped en la población pediátrica del Hospital Militar Central en el período 2006-2012.Materiales y métodos: se condujo un estudio retrospectivo de corte transversal, que incluyó todos los niños de 0-14 años (ambulatorios y hospitalizados), desde enero de 2006 a diciembre de 2012 con diagnóstico confirmado de infección urinaria por urocultivo positivo según la técnica de recolección. Se excluyeron aquellos con información incompleta, inmunocomprometidos, oncológicos o con enfermedades neurológicas. La recolección de datos incluye: el microorganismo, la sensibilidad a los antibióticos analizados en el antibiograma y los factores del huésped (edad, género, presencia de fiebre, tratamiento antibiótico previo, presencia de uropatía obstructiva o reflujo vesicoureteral).Resultados: De 271 infecciones urinarias el 79,9% se produjo por E.coli; la resistencia a las cefalosporinas de primera generación fue baja (18%). Para infecciones urinarias por E. coli, los factores de riesgo relacionados con el huésped que aumentan la probabilidad de presentar infecciones urinarias resistentes a cefalosporinas de primera generación son: fiebre (OR: 3.2), edad menor de 1 año (OR: 2.6), tratamiento antibiótico previo (OR: 1.2), reflujo vesicoureteral (OR 1.5); y los factores de riesgo para infecciones urinarias multirresistentes son: fiebre (OR: 10), infección urinaria recurrente (OR: 1.4), edad menor de 1 año (OR: 2), tratamiento antibiótico previo (OR: 2.2), uropatía obstructiva (OR: 2.2) y reflujo vesicoureteral (OR: 2).Conclusiones: La sensibilidad global para las cefalosporinas de primera generación es del 82%, continúa siendo alta y según los factores de riesgo analizados se realizan los siguientes lineamientos en el protocolo de manejo: en infecciones urinarias febriles, recomendamos las cefalosporinas de primera generación. En infecciones afebriles, recomendamos nitrofurantoina o ácido nalidíxico. Ante factores de riesgo, iniciar con cefalosporinas de primera generación, pero se recomienda realizar urocultivo a las 48 horas por mayor riesgo de resistencia. ; Introdução: A infecção do trato urinário é uma das infecções bacterianas mais comuns em crianças (representando 7%), é diagnóstico precoce e tratamento poderia ter impacto em complicações. Essa é a razão pela qual o antibiótico empírico é utilizado para o tratamento, é dirigida para os microorganismos mais freqüentes. Na revisão do antibio­grama, a sensibilidade de Escherichia coli (E. coli) relatada em 2002 no Hospital Militar Central foi satisfatória (86%) para continuar a mesma linha de tratamento (cefalotina) em crianças com infecções febris do tracto urinário. Em muitos estudos nacionais e internacionais tem sido relatado um aumento na resistência a cefalosporinas de primeiro nível, com as conseqüentes mudanças no tratamento de primeira linha. No entanto, as mudanças na sensibilidade nos últimos anos em nosso Hospital Militar Central é desconhecida também,Objetivo: Determinar as alterações na sensibilidade bacteriana em infecções urinárias e sua relação com fatores de reféns em pacientes pediátricos do Hospital Militar Central entre os anos 2006-2012.Materiais e métodos: Estudo retrospectivo de corte transversal, incluindo crianças entre 0 e 14 anos desde janeiro de 2006 e dezembro de 2012, com diagnóstico confirmado de infecção do trato urinário com cultivo de urina pos­itiva, dependendo do método de recolhimento. A recolha de dados incluiu microorganismo, sensibilidade e foram excluídos aqueles com informações incompletas, imunocomprometidos, com doenças oncológicas ou neurológicas. Resistência a antibióticos comuns e fatores residentes (idade, sexo, presença de febre, tratamento antibiótico prévio, doenças obstrutivas e refluxo urinário).Conclusões: A sensibilidade global para cefalosporinas de primeiro nível é de 82%, o que é alto. e seguindo os fatores de risco analisados recomendamos: para infecção febril do tracto urinário recomendamos cefalosporinas de primeiro nível. Para infecções não febris recomendamos nitrofurantoína ou ácido nalidíxico. Se houver fatores de risco, programe o controle clínico com cultura de urina para mudar ou continuar o tratamento, porque eles têm mais risco de resistência.

Digital transformations help to activate not only professional media agents but also ordinary consumers. Due to the expansion of the field of media, a situation arises where control over the media comes into conflict with the realization of the human right to freedom of expression and thought. Thus, the question of inventing ways to self-regulate the processes of media creation and media consumption becomes actual. In order to form public opinion on the demand for responsible media production and media consumption, there is a need to combine human rights and non-discrimination education with the practice of media education. Public activists are often the only ones in the field of media who disseminate knowledge on human rights, non-discrimination but use media technology without considering the possible positive or negative effects. Professional information producers, in particular the mass media, do not always communicate with members of the public to the extent necessary for accurate, balanced, and impartial coverage of complex human rights issues. Therefore, one of the societal problems is the lack of effective interaction between social activists as providers of human rights and non-discrimination values and media educators, as well as journalists as providers of media literacy and professional information producers. From 2016 to 2020, we, in cooperation with public organizations and individual activists, implemented a number of projects to identify ways to solve the problems arising from this communication gap. This study presents two illustrative cases. The first case presents the experience of educational pieces of training «Creative Journalism» for schoolchildren and «School of Media Volunteers» for adults, which were created within the project «Gender Culture Center as a platform for women's rights and youth», implemented with the support of the European Union. The second case presents the results of the information campaign of the human rights festival of accessibility of the city and culture «InclusiON» on the initiative of KRF «Public Alternative» with the support of crowdfunding, Ukrainian Culture Found, and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Ukraine. The obtained results allowed to define the roles of interaction agents (media educators, public activists, and journalists) and to describe three models of their communication interaction: 1) chain, where public activists are a source of information and the stakeholder in the distribution of certain content in certain topics; 2) dialogue, where public activists and media educators initiate a public event together in order to create a situation of communication between journalists, public activists and representatives of certain social groups. This study paved the way for an experiment on implementation of a third type of interaction – co-production, where a journalist, a public activist and a media educator work together to create a tool for teaching media literacy. ; Цифровые трансформации способствуют активизации не только профессиональных агентов медиа, но и обычных потребителей. Вследствие расширения поля медиа возникает ситуация, когда контроль над медиа вступает в коллизию с реализацией права человека на свободу выражения мысли и слова. Таким образом, возникает вопрос изыскания путей саморегулирования процессов медиатворчества и медиапотребления. Для формирования общественного мнения относительно требований ответственного медиапроизводства и потребления медиа возникает необходимость сочетания просвещения по тематике прав человека и недискриминации с практикой медиаобразования. Часто общественные активисты являются единственными в поле медиа, кто распространяет знания по тематике прав человека, недискриминации, однако используют медиатехнологии, не учитывая возможные положительные или отрицательные эффекты. Профессиональные производители информации, в частности СМИ, не всегда общаются с представителями общественности в том объеме, который необходим для достоверного, сбалансированного и беспристрастного освещения сложных тем правозащитной деятельности. Поэтому одной из общественных проблем является отсутствие эффективного взаимодействия между общественными активистами как провайдерами ценностей прав человека и недискриминации и медиапросветителями, а также журналистами как провайдерами медиаграмотности и профессиональными производителями информации. С 2016 по 2020 год нами в сотрудничестве с общественными организациями и отдельными активистами был реализован ряд проектов, которые позволили наметить пути решения проблем, возникающих в результате этого коммуникационного разрыва. В данном исследовании представлены два показательных кейса. Первый кейс представляет опыт просветительских тренингов «Креативная журналистика» для школьников и «Школа медиаволонтеров» для взрослых, которые были созданы в рамках проекта «Центр гендерной культуры как платформа для расширения прав женщин и молодежи», реализуемого при поддержке Европейского Союза. Второй кейс представляет результаты информационной кампании правозащитного фестиваля доступности города и культуры «ИнклюзиON» по инициативе ХОФ «Общественная Альтернатива» при поддержке краудфандинга, УКФ и Фонда Эберта в Украине. Полученные результаты позволили определить роли агентов взаимодействия (медиаобразователей, общественных активистов и журналистов) и описать три модели их коммуникационного взаимодействия: 1) цепная, где общественные активисты являются источником информации и заинтересованной стороной в распространении определенного контента, а медиапедагоги обучают медиаграмотности потребителей медиаконтента по заданной тематике; 2) диалоговая, где общественные активисты и медиапедагоги вместе инициируют публичное событие с целью создания ситуации общения журналистов, общественных активистов и представителей определенных социальных групп. Это исследование открыло путь для эксперимента по реализации третьего типа взаимодействия – производственного, где журналист, общественный активист и медиапедагог работают вместе для создания инструмента обучения медиаграмотности. ; Цифрові трансформації сприяють активізації не тільки професійних агентів медіа, але й звичайних споживачів. Внаслідок розширення поля медіа виникає ситуація, коли контроль над медіа вступає в колізію із реалізації права людини на свободу вираження думок. Отже, постає питання винайдення шляхів саморегулювання процесів медіатворення і медіаспоживання. Задля формування громадської думки щодо вимог відповідального медіавиробництва і споживання медіа виникає необхідність поєднання просвітництва з тематики прав людини та недискримінації із практикою медіаосвіти. Часто громадські активісти стають єдиними, хто поширює знання з тематики прав людини, недискримінації, але використовують медіатехнології, не враховуючи можливі позитивні або негативні наслідки. Професійні виробники інформації, зокрема ЗМІ, не завжди комунікують із представниками громадськості в тому обсязі, який необхідний для достовірного, збалансованого та неупередженого висвітлення складних тем правозахисту. Тож, однією з проблем суспільства є відсутність ефективної взаємодії між громадськими активістами як провайдерами цінностей прав людини й недискримінації та медіаосвітянами й журналістами як провайдерами медіаграмотності і професійними виробниками інформації. З 2016 по 2020 рік нами у співпраці із громадськими організаціями і окремими активістами було реалізовано низку проєктів, що дозволили окреслити шляхи вирішення проблем, що виникають внаслідок цього комунікаційного розриву. В дослідженні представлено два показових кейси взаємодії громадських активістів, медіаосвітян і журналістів. Перший кейс представляє досвід просвітницьких тренінгів «Креативна журналістика» для школярів і «Школа медіаволонтерів» для дорослих, які було розроблено та проведено в рамках проєкту «Центр гендерної культури як платформа для розширення прав жінок та молоді», реалізованого за підтримки Європейського Союзу. У другому кейсі представлено результати інформаційної кампанії правозахисного фестивалю доступності міста та культури «ІнклюзіON» за ініціативи ХОФ «Громадська Альтернатива» за підтримки краудфандингу, УКФ і Фонда Еберта в Україні. В результаті нами визначено ролі агентів (медіаосвітян, громадських активістів і журналістів) і описано дві моделі комунікаційної взаємодії: 1) ланцюгова, де громадські активісти є джерелом інформації і зацікавленою стороною у поширенні певного контенту, а освітяни навчають медіаграмотності споживачів медіаконтенту із заданої тематики; 2) діалогова, де громадські активісти і медіаосвітяни разом ініціюють публічну подію з метою створення ситуації спілкування журналістів, громадських активістів та представників певних соціальних груп. Це дослідження відкрило шлях для експерименту щодо реалізації третього типу взаємодії – виробничого, де журналіст, громадський активіст і медіаосвітянин працюють разом задля створення інструменту навчання медіаграмотності.