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KURT JANISCH'S POWER AND SEXUALITY IN ELFRIEDE JELINEK'S GREED Annisa Firdausi English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University firdausi.annisa19@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Kekuasaan sering didefinisikan sebagai kemampuan seseorang yang kuat untuk mendapatkan keinginannya atas kehendak orang yang tidak berdaya. Orang-orang yang memiliki kekuasaan dapat menggunakan kekuasaan mereka untuk mengambil keuntungan untuk mereka sendiri, mengontrol orang lain dan dapat juga memanipulasi orang lain. Orang-orang yang memiliki kekuasaan juga seringkali menggunakan kekuasaan untuk memuaskan nafsu seksual mereka. Michel Foucault (1978: 83) berpendapat bahwa jika kekuasaan hanya dilihat sebagai kemampuan untuk memiliki keinginan, atau jika konstitutif pada keinginan sendiri , untuk afirmasi: anda akan selalu dan sudah terjebak. Skripsi ini difokuskan pada kekuasaan dan seksualitas Kurt Janisch di novel Greed oleh Elfriede Jelinek. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menggambarkan bagaimana kekuasaan Kurt Janisch yang digambarkan dalam Greed oleh Elfriede Jelinek, dan untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana kekuasaan Kurt Janisch mempengaruhi seksualitasnya. Skripsi ini menggunakan beberapa proses analisis, yaitu: (1) mengklasifikasikan kutipan yang relevan dan sesuai dengan rumusan masalah, (2) menggambarkan kekuasaan Kurt Janisch dengan menggunakan teori five bases of power oleh John RP French dan Bertram Raven , (3) mengungkapkan bagaimana seksualitas Kurt Janisch dipengaruhi oleh kekuasaannya dengan menggunakan circles of sexuality oleh Dr Dennis M. Dailey. Akhirnya, hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa dalam novel ini Kurt Janisch menyalahgunakan kekuasaannya. Dia menggunakan setiap kesempatan yang ada untuk memaksa orang dan mengintimidasi rekan-rekannya yang lebih muda. Dapat dikatakan bahwa ia menggunakan kekuasaannya secara paksa – itu termasuk dalam coercive power. Selain itu, perilaku Kurt Janisch dalam mengintimidasi rekan-rekannya yang lebih muda dapat diklasifikasikan sebagai legitimate power. Dia juga menggunakan jenis informational power karena ia menyembunyikan informasi yang dapat membahayakan dirinya. Dengan kekuatan yang dimilikinya, ia memaksa perempuan untuk berhubungan seks dengannya. Saat berhubungan seks dengan wanita, Kurt Janisch melakukan beberapa kekerasan seksual, pelecehan seksual kepada anak, dan perkosaan yang termasuk dalam lingkaran sexualization. Fakta-fakta tersebut adalah bukti bahwa Kurt Janisch menyalahgunakan kekuasaannya untuk mendapatkan kepuasan dalam hubungan seksual. Kata Kunci: Kekuasaan, Seksualitas, Greed, Circles of sexuality Abstract Power is often defined as the capability of someone strong to achieve his desires over the will of powerless people. Powerful people can use their power to take advantage for themselves, control people can even manipulate someone else. Powerful people also oftenly use power to satisfy their sexual appetite. Michel Foucault (1978: 83) argues that if power is seen as having only an external hold on desire, or, if it is constitutive of desire itself, to the affirmation: you are always-already trapped. This study focuses on Kurt Janisch's power and sexuality in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed. The purposes of this study are to describe how Kurt Janisch's power is depicted in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed, and to reveal how Kurt Janisch's power affects his sexuality. This study does some processes of analysis, they are: (1) classifying the relevant quotations which are in line with the problem of statements, (2) describing Kurt Janisch's power by using the theory of five bases of power by John R.P. French and Bertram Raven, (3) revealing how Kurt Janisch's sexuality is affected by his power by using Dr. Dennis M. Dailey's circles of sexuality. Eventually, the result of the analysis shows that Kurt Janisch power which is depicted in the novel is abusive. He uses every opportunity that he has to force people and intimidate his younger colleagues. It can be said that he uses his power coercively--it is the coercive power. Moreover, his behaviour in pressing his younger colleagues is classified as legitimate power. He also uses the kind of informational power because he hides informations that can harm him. With the power that he has, he forces women to have sex with him. While having sex with women, Kurt Janisch does some sexual violence, child abuse, rape and sexual harassment which are included in the sexualization circle. Those facts are proofs that Kurt Janisch is abusing his power to get his only satisfication in sexual intercourse. Keywords: Power, Sexuality, Greed, Circles of Sexuality INTRODUCTION Power is often conceptualised as the capacity of powerful agents to realise their will over the will of powerless people, and the ability to force them to do things which they do not wish to do. Power is also often seen as a possession, something which is held onto by those in power and which those who are powerless try to wrest from their control. In The History of Sexuality, Vol. I, Michel Foucault argue that if power is seen as having only an external hold on desire, or, if it is constitutive of desire itself, to the affirmation: you are always-already trapped. Moreover, one must not imagine that this representation is peculiar to those who are concerned with the problem of the relations of power with sex. (Foucault, 1978: 83). The act of using one's position of power in an abuse way is called power abuse. This can take many forms, such as taking advantage of someone, gaining access to information that shouldn'e be accesible to public, or just manipulating someone with the ability to punish them if they don't comply. Abuseis the improper usage or treatment of an entity, often to unfairlyor improperly gain benefit. Abuse can come in many forms, such as: physical or verbal maltreatment, injury, assault, violation, rape, unjust practices; crimes, or other types of aggression. Abuse of power is different from usurpation of power, which is an exercise of authority that the offender does not actually have. Sexuality is complex and spans a vast array of human experiences including family relationships, dating, sexual behavior, physical development, sensuality, sexualization, reproduction, gender, body image and more. It is a fundamental and natural part of being human, for people of all ages. Defining sexuality can be difficult, but it may help to think about Amy Schalet's description of sexuality as posted on medscape.com, "as the expression of an age-blind desire for meaningful intimacy and connection with others". Sexuality is much more than sexual feelings or sexual intercourse. It is an important part of who a person is and what she or he will become. It includes all the feelings, thoughts and behaviors of being female or male, being attractive and being in love, as well as being in relationships that include sexual intimacy and physical sexual activity. Jelinek's works are mostly concern on patriarchal hierarchies define the engines of commerce and commerce defines personal relationships, its individuals' sexuality. Besides The Piano Teacher and Women as Lovers, Greed is also regarded as one of her novels which concern on sexuality. So, this thesis will analyse Elfriede Jelinek's Greed in the terms of its sexuality. In Greed, Kurt Janisch has a big power over the country. Unfortunately, he uses his power to harm and threaten other people. Kurt Janisch is a greedy and ambitious man. He likes to have many properties. But the way he try to get it is so nasty. He uses his power as a country policeman to get properties. He is somehow uses his power abuse. At one time, he would like to have a drink without paying it. According to him, he does not need to pay the drink because he has an authority there. Kurt Janisch realizes that he has a big power. His power is, however, influence his sexuality. He would like to have sex with women in his country just to have their properties. The women, who realize that Kurt is a powerful man, can not reject his attitude. He sometimes stop a woman for speeding then have sex with her beside her car. After that, they went to her house and Kurt can have that woman's property. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How is Kurt Janisch's power depicted in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed? How does Kurt Janisch's power affect his sexuality in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed? This study will uses two theories which are in line with the statement of the problems. The first problem is how Kurt Janisch's power depicted in Greed. This statement will use the concept of power. This concept is originally introduced developed by social pschologists named French and Raven. This concept is united and merged with the bases of social power which people use in their daily life. There are five kinds of power in this concept, they are coercive power, reward power, legitimate power, referent power and expert power. There is also an additional kind of power, which is the informational power. Then the second problem is how Kurt Janisch's power affects his sexuality. This statement will apply the concept of sexuality, especially in the circles of sexuality. This concept is developed by a man known as the pornographic professor, Dr. Dennis M. Dailey. It is about the circles of sexuality which is experienced by every human being. There are five circles, they are sensuality, sexual intimacy, sexual identity, reproduction and sexualization. RESEARCH METHOD Research methodolgy that used in this analysis here must be qualified as an applying in literary appreciation. The thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and uses a library research. This study uses novel of Elfriede Jelinek entitled Greed that published Seven Stories Press, 140 Watts Street, New York in 2007 as the data source of this study. The datas are in the form of direct and indirect speech of the characters, dialogues, epilogues and quotations which indicate and represent aspect of power abuse and sexualization which is experienced by the main character. This thesis is using the library method in collecting the data. It does not use the statistic method. That is why it is not served in numbering or tables. Library research used an approach in analyzing this study. The kind of library research which is used here is intensive or closely reading to search quotations or phrases. It also used to analyze the literary elements both intrinsic and extrinsic. The references are taken from library and contributing ideas about this study from internet that support the idea of analyzing. The analysis is done by the following steps: (1) Classification based on the statement of the problems. This classification is used to avoid the broad discussion. There are two classifications in this study. They are the depiction of power and how it affects the sexuality. (2) Describing Kurt Janisch's power which is stated from the quotations or statements. (3) Describing how Kurt Janisch's sexuality which is stated from the quotations or statements. (4) Revealing the relations between power and sexuality. The quotations that showed how the character's sexuality is affected by his power are taken as data. (5) Drawing the conclusion based on the analysis which is in line with the problems. ANALYSIS The first section is about the describtion of Kurt Janisch's power as a country policeman. Kurt Janisch, the country policeman, is the main character in this story. For three generation, his whole family hold the power over the country. His father is a former police colonel while his son, Ernst Janisch, is employed by the Post Office as a telephone maintenance man. He attended a technical secondary school, whose graduates call themselves engineers. Being a country policeman makes Kurt Janisch hold a big power over his people. "Such a forceful, big man, who is capable of unleashing almost any kind of event." (Jelinek, 2007: 10). Kurt Janisch is described as a forceful man. This is deal with his job as a country policeman. He has quite an authority to control people in his country so he is also described as a 'big man'. He knew that he is the one who is more capable of making any decisions in his country and the people must live with his decisions. People mostly obey the figure of authority because they have been conditioned to do so. In this case, Kurt Janisch is in a position of power, so they are required to do so by law. Most citizens are afraid to disobey laws because they don't like the outcome or the embarrassment. The country policeman then uses his power to force his people. He forces everyone to get what he wants. From the way Kurt Janisch is described as a forceful man in using his power, it is shown that Kurt Janisch uses the kind of coercive power. As mentioned by French and Raven in the previous chapter, coercive power happens when a powerful man forces other people to do something they do not want to do (French and Raven, 1959: 87). In this case, Kurt Janisch forces his people (mostly women) to do sex and give him their properties. The behaviour of Kurt Janisch can be classified in coercive power because he is also 'capable of unleashing any kind of event'. It might be true that he is doing his job well by helping his people in any kind of situation. But on the other side, the word 'any kind of event' means that he can unleash people who is guilty by giving him somtehing in return. For Kurt Janisch, he only wants sex or properties. People are forced by him to do so, and they did it because they are powerless and have no other choices. Not only unleashing any kind of event, he could also 'create' event so that he would get what he wants. Kurt Janisch is sometimes also in charge of maintaining traffic order. Once in a while he stop the car and inspect it. He thinks, he will get a slight advantage from it. "The country policeman only has to take advantage of the opportunity, because in their own car everyone makes a mistake once." (Jelinek, 2007: 44). He believes that the termination of some cars, there will be some drivers who commit traffic offenses. They could be not carrying the driving license or they could even carrying drugs. If there is an offense, then he will offer them some choices. Such things like he will give him a ticket or they can give him a bribe. As a country policeman, Kurt Janisch may stop and search any person or vehicle for stolen or prohibited things. Generally weapons such as knives and guns that are made or adapted for use in accordance with certain offences which include fraud, criminal damage, theft, burglary and taking a motor vehicle without authority. But a police officer cannot simply stop and search anybody he likes. In this case, Kurt Janisch has proven that he is abusing his power. He stop and search without any reasonable grounds and he even take advantages from it. He can do this just because he has a warrant card which he shows them everytime he do stop and search. It makes people do not dare to reject him. Since Kurt Janisch has a greedy nature, he uses any ways to satisfy his ever-increasing demands. Because he is a country policeman, then he can use his power to fulfill his greediness. One of his ways is force women to give him properties. "His fingers are itching to angrily beat the woman if she doesn't want to give up her house voluntarily," (Jelinek, 2007: 278). There is no word 'to give up' in the Kurt Janisch's dictionary in getting properties. Therefore he does not hesitate to use violence to get it. In this sentence, it can be seen that Kurt Janisch had thought that he would hit the woman if she refused to give her home. However, he also forced her to hand it over voluntarily. It does not matter whether she is really voluntary or not. The important thing to him is that people know that she gave her house voluntarily. The forcing behaviour that Kurt Janisch did in getting a house can be classified in coercive power. He uses his power to force someone to do what he wants. He did not hesitate to commit coercion because he knew that he is powerful. Therefore, the people will not dare to report him. This action can also be called as an abuse of power. The effect of abuse of powerin the government is that the citizens suffer. When the government abuses their power, the society cannot benefit as it properly should because those in position to help are not staying within the realm of their job. Kurt Janisch is not only misusing his power to his people in his district. People in his office also admitted that he is quite powerful. "He is otherwise something of a disrespectful man, the country policeman, and so he demands all the more respect from the young recruits." (Jelinek, 2007: 195). Kurt Janisch is always look nice and warm in front of the women. But to his co-workers, he is described as a disrespectful man. He likes to putting someone down, trying to make them feel low and treating someone in a horrible manner. Sometimes he is also showing his co-workers that they mean less than nothing to him. He is both rude and ignorant towards another persons feeling. This behaviour is shown by Kurt Janisch mostly to the young recruits. He asked them to show him more respects. While in fact, he does not respect them as much as they do. He thinks that it should be the way, since he is a senior and they were just a young recruiter. What Kurt Janisch does to his young recruiters is included to legitimate power category. A leader who has ability to control other people's feeling by giving them rewards or punishment is a kind of leader in legitimate power. They can give them rewards or punishment to anyone. They also can do anything to them as punishment. The subordinates have no right to reject the rewards or punishments which the leader gives. According to French and Raven in this legitimate power theory, Kurt Janisch's subordinates will only obey him as a country policeman not spesifically in person. This power is therefore not strong enough to be Kurt Janisch's only form of influencing or persuading. Even so, he keeps doing it. For him, it is a matter of pride. "he will take every opportunity to press up against younger colleagues, to pass his hands over their hips and to let them properly feel his little fellow," (Jelinek, 2007: 298). From the sentence above, we can see that Kurt Janisch is sometimes does not hesitate to commit physical violence against his younger colleagues. Once his younger colleagues are making mistakes, he would give them some lessons rudely. He treated them that way in order to make sure that the will not do the same mistake twice. But somehow he became too far. It is shown that he would use every opportunity he has to press up his younger colleagues. However, he press up his colleagues violently. He put his hands around their hips and punch it. He punches them quite strong so they can feel how dissappointed he is. He thinks, if he do it that way, they will learn something. Kurt Janisch is granted many powers in order to keep the peace and protect the general public. There are, of course, limits on his behaviour and if people feel he has used unlawful practices, they should contact a lawyer for legal advice. But Kurt Janisch does not get any complaints for all his behaviors which are beyond the limits. "They have the power to make people disappear without trace forever." (Jelinek, 2007: 261). In addition to maintaining security and protecting the public, Kurt Janisch also sometimes assigned as an investigator. He admitted that policemen have a big power in almost everything. It is shown in the sentence above that they can make people disappear without any trace left. It means that he could kill people and no one will know that he is the culprit. He could use his power as an investigator to throw all the evidences. So people would not know how the victim died and who did it forever. For this, Kurt Janisch uses his power as informational power. He holds an information and he manipulated it to his people. Informational power is based on the potential to use information. Providing rational arguments, using information to persuade others, using facts and manipulating information can create a power base. In this case, Kurt Janisch is keeping the information secretly and even organizing it neatly as if nothing happened. Then, the second section will show the effects of power in Kurt Jansich's sexuality in the novel. Sexuality is also become the main idea in this novel. The country policeman is already married, but his sexual life with his wife does not appear much in this novel. However, his sexual life with other women is much exposed. It is so much easier for him to get any women when he comes in as a figure of authority. "These female proceedings have to be conducted and intimately handled, even if what the Janischs do is not described like that. They combine the pleasing with the useful." (Jelinek, 2007: 26). Everytime Kurt Janisch helps women, he proceeded them 'differently'. Not only him, but his son is also joining him in handling the women. People believed that both of them are treated them unfairly. However, the Janischs have their own argument. They think of it as give-and-take. Whenever they help women, those women have to please them. Kurt Janisch is the one who is quite influential here. He uses his power to manipulate women in his sexual experiences. His act of control and influence women unfairly means that he is in a sexualization cycle. In this cycle, people can do things like flirting or even rape to get what they want. It can cause the women to feel shame and humiliation, but since he is a country policeman, they can not do nothing about it. "What interests the country policeman about women also lies more below the waistline," (Jelinek, 2007: 199). Kurt Janisch is really do not care anything else when his lust is appearing. He's not interested in what she says. He's interested in what she has. More importantly, he is very interested in the women's organ right under their waistline. He thinks that if he can control their vagina, he can control her completely. He knows that once a lonely woman has been satisfied, he will get what he wants more easily. People in various professional and institutional settings endure many forms of unwanted sexual acts that are perpetrated against them by people in positions of power. These perpetrators abuse their power, authority, trust, influence, and dependence to obtain sexual intercourse. (Buchhandler and Raphael, 2010: 3). The act that Kurt Janish has been done is somewhat an act of disrespectful through women. Women needs to be taken care and be loved. Men are using sex instrumentally in order to obtain and retain power over women. An evolutionary perspective does not deny the linkage between power and sex but suggests that the direction of causation is misperceived. Rather than men using sex to obtain power, it is much more accurate to say that they use power to obtain sex. (Browne, 2006: 147). Even they are being treated harshly and disrespectful, these women did not protest or report. Most of them are even delighted that they can have sex with a country policeman. "Two legs spread, for him alone, just like that, and a whole house puts in an appearance right in the middle." (Jelinek, 2007: 117). It is easy for Kurt Janisch to get what he wants. With the power that he has, he only needs two legs spread, like it is stated on the sentence. It means that he can conquer and persuade women to have sex with him. Once the women were already conquered, then they will give him whatever he wants. This makes Kurt Janisch addicted. When he realized that he could get what he wants so easily, then he will do it continously. However, to get two legs spread, Kurt Janisch is forcing them to do so. This behaviour can be classified in the coercive power. It is so, because Kurt Janisch is forcing the women to act in an involuntary manner by use of intimidation and threats. Coercion is one method by which a powerful agent can exercise and maintain his dominance over another. When one has the power needed to credibly threaten another, one can use that power to impose one's will on her regarding many choices. In law, coercion is classified as a threat crime. Such actions are used as leverage, to force the victim to act in a way contrary to their own interests. Coercion may involve the actual infliction of physical pain or psychological harm. This act of coercion that has been done by Kurt Janisch in sex can also be called as the act of rape. Often those men who see women as sex objects and as inherently inferior to men are more likely to commit to rape. Men who hold these beliefs think that they are entitled to control women's sexuality, and to determine what a woman really wants. Such men also think they are entitled to shape women's sexual and nonsexual behavior, and to decide what is acceptable or unacceptable. Therefore, women should meet male needs on demand, men are entitled to force their desires onto women, and therefore, men are entitled to rape women. (Lowell, 2010: 160). Sexual abuse of power, like rape, constitutes serious harms to victims precisely because it typically violates these rights. The right to remain free from sexual coercion stands at the basis of these violations: sexual coercion occurs whenever a person engages in unilateral sexual acts with another person, by exploiting that other person's body for the purposes of his own gratification, arousal or one–sided sexual pleasure, against the will of that other person. A little blood is coming from her vagina. What has he stuck in there this time, bigger than a slap in the face, smaller than a tractor? Perhaps the neck of the beer bottle? (Jelinek, 2007: 82) Not only described as a forceful man when it comes to sex, but he is also described as a crude person. It is stated in the sentence above that after having sex with a girl, a little blood is coming from her vagina. She also feels a great painful when she woke up. She wonders why is that happen. It was not the first time she has sex, so it is obviously not a virgin blood. It can happen because of two things. Either she was on her period or Kurt Janisch was hardly forces his cock into her vagina. From the sentence, the right answer is the second one. She is wondering what he stuck in her vagina. The pain feels more painful than a slap in the face. She presumes that he inserted the neck of the beer bottle which is very hard and painful. This is also the act of sexual assault that has been done by Kurt Janisch. it is the act of having intercourse while doing a physical violence or using a tool. It can cause a great painful, a wound and even a fatal injury. Sexual assault can also included in case of rape because Kurt Janisch forces his cock that cause her to feel great pain in her vagina. This time, he uses his overpowering strength to the woman. It is classified in the sexualization cycle because he once again use his power to manipulate and harm his victim. Like the other victims, this woman is afraid to report him to the police officer. Eventhough she dares to report him, Kurt Janisch will take care of the case. He is also capable to remove all the evidences so that her accusation will not be proceed. As a figure of authority, Kurt Janisch has done too many crimes in his country. Not only raping, but he also done such act like sexual violence. He is surely has a sexual problem. "he's blowing his trumpet into such a young girl, she's no more than a child," (Jelinek, 2007: 83). Not enough with raping and sexual violence, he also dare to do a child abuse. It seems like his candidate for intercourse is not only adult women, but also a child. Through the statement above, we know that Kurt Janisch has an intercourse with a young girl who is described as no more than a child. This action can also be classified as raping. It was told in the story, an adult woman who has had sex with Kurt Janisch saw him having sex with a young girl. She was jealous and claimed that his trumpet is should be hers. Although Kurt Janisch has too many crimes, many women are still go after him. They all want to be treated by the country policeman. The fact that many women are after him, it makes him feels like he can own and control them. Moreover, he can control them because he is a country policeman. He did almost every crime in sexuality, like flirting, raping and even seduction. But his crimes are never been reported. His crimes are all covered by himself. He handles his own crime so nobody can jailed him. He is the one who can send people to jail and he obviously does not want to send himself. This is the power of authority, after one can control and manipulate someone, than everything can be done. Kurt Janisch has chosen to use his power to satisfy his need: sex. When his desire of sex is flaming, he would easily pick any woman to have sex with. His sexuality has become more complex lately. He would not care who the woman is, or does the woman wants it or not, he will just do it. "The age of the children is unimportant, they can be almost sixteen like Gabi," (Jelinek, 2007: 128). It gets worsen when he started to choose a young girl as a place to release his lust. It turns out that he did not do it once. He chose Gabi, who is almost sixteen to be his victim. Kurt Janisch admitted that he does not care about her age, evethough he knows that she was almost sixteen which means that she is still under age. All he cares about is just he has some place to release his lust, so any women will do. Kurt Janisch is now got into a serious problem. His act of raping a girl under age can be classified as child sexual abuse. Child sexual abuse is fundamentally an act of violation, power and domination. The sexual abuser's power, knowledge and resources are far greater thatn those of the child. So the abuser exploits this power difference to take advantage of the child. Children are dependent upon adults for their survival and for affection and understanding of the world. Kurt Janisch thinks that asking a girl who is in her puberty to have sex would be very easy. Girls that age are still fragile and tey can be easily manipulated. In this case, the one who manipulated her is someone who holds a big power over the country. This girl, who is known as Gabi, is just under sixteen. She is still innocent and easily trust any adults. That is why Kurt Janisch uses any tactics to get her. He gives her attention and gifts, manipulate and even threaten her. Gabi trusted him since he is the country policeman. But she never knew that he only wants her virginity. Kurt Janisch has done something terrible to Gabi. Girls at age 16 are emotionally unstable. He does not think that what he has done to her gave a big impacts in her life. Gabi does not want to let him go. She believed that she and Kurt Janisch has become a couple. But Kurt Janisch who only uses her as a relief from Gerti. He does not want that kind of relationship, so he dump her. Gabi becomes very depressed and aggressive. She still wants to be with him. However, she can not reported what Kurt Janisch has done to her. She was afraid to tell anyone. Besides, it was a shameful experience for her. So she just keep it to herself. CONCLUSION The conclusion is divided into two in accordance to the statement of problems. From the analysis that has been done, it can be conclude in the first conclusion that Kurt Janisch has a great power in the country. He is described as a forceful man because he oftenly forced people to do domething that he wants. People mostly obey him because they have been conditioned to obey the powerful people. Otherwise, people who disobey them will get a punishment. As a man who has power in his country, he tries to get any advantages he might get. He is powerful enough to get anything he wants from his people. He is described as a powerful man because he can unleash any kind of events. However, his way to unleashing any kind of events is by forcing people to have a sexual intercourse with him, otherwise, their driver's license will be taken. Whenever he has an opportunity to take advantages, he would go for it. He will make an entrance as a figure of authority. He even forces people in a bar to give him free drinks because he said that he is on duty. While he is on duty as a traffic cop, he would also like to take advantages from the women drivers. He knows that women drivers are mostly make mistakes. So there he goes, stop and search them, threaten them and finaly forces them to give him what he wants. Kurt Janisch's act of forcing people can be classified in coercive power. It can be seen that he oftenly forces people to do what they do not want to do. Besides using the coercive power, Kurt Janisch is sometimes also use the legitimate power. It is shown when he deliberately pressing up and beat his younger colleagues when they do mistakes and do notwant to obey him. He likes to show his seniority against his juniors in the police office. He wants to be respected, but he does not want to respect his colleagues. Kurt Janisch who is sometimes also in charge of search team uses the kind of informational power. He thinks that country policemen also have power to make people disappear without any trace left. He has the capability to hid and manipulate the information he gets to protect himself from any harm. That is why the crimes that Kurt Janisch's done are never been proceed in the court. So, Kurt Janisch's power that is described in this novel are very big. It can be said that Kurt Janisch is abusing his power. The second conclusion is about how Kurt Janisch power affects his sexuality. In the analysis chapter, it can be seen that Kurt Janisch likes to controlling another person in many cases. He also applied this act to have sex with women whom he forced. He likes to help women with their problems and ask them to have sex with him in return. The women can not refuse because they know that they are forced by someone with enormous power in their country. Since then, Kurt Janisch likes rough sex. He oftenly hitting the victim of both on the face and the mouth. This is the act of sexual violence. Then he also hurt the sex organs of a woman because he put his penis too hard. It causes the woman's vagina bleeding hard. In addition, he also did verbal violence by telling the women that they are just toys for Kurt Janisch which can be played at his will. The harshest thing that he did is child abuse. He raped an under-age girl named Gerti and Gabi and cause Gerti to commit suicide. All of his victims do not do any resistance. They have been threatened by Kurt Janisch to keep it. If they leak it, they will bear the severe consequences. Kurt Janisch can do violence to his victims because he feels that he is a powerful person. He can rule in all respects, including in sexual intercourse. In this case, he will not care about the effects that would arise from the sexual violence he was doing. The act of rape, sexual violence and sexual abuse can be classified in a circle sexualization. Sexualization is using sex or sexuality to influence, manipulate or control other people. So, with the power that he has, Kurt Janisch can easily rape any women and he likes to do rough sex. REFERENCE An Explanation of the Circles of Sexuality. Advocates for Youth. 2007. Web. November 27, 2013. Barnett, Jordan. Kaplan's Triphasic Model. Sex Wiki. April 11, 2011. Web. December 25, 2013. Browne, Kingsley R. Sex, Power, and Dominance: The Evolutionary Psychology of Sexual Harassment. Detroit: Wiley InterScience, 2006. Buchhandler, Michal and Raphael. Sexual Abuse of Power. Selected Works. March 2010. Web. April 15, 2014. http://works.bepress.com/michal_buchhandler_raphael/9 Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality, Vol. I. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. French, and Raven. The Bases of Social Power. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1959. Hutchinson, Paul L. and Gage, Anastasia J. Power, Control, and Intimate Partner Sexual Violence in Haiti. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 35, No. 1, 2006. Jelinek, Elfriede. Greed. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007. Lowell, Gary. A Review of Rape Statistics, Theories, and Policy. Undergraduate Review, 6, 158-163. 2010. Schalet, Amy. Must We Fear Adolscent Sexuality?. Medscape Multispecialty. December 30, 2004. Web. December 18, 2013. http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/494933 Wrobel, Szymon. Power, Subject and the Concept of Rational Action, in: A Decade of Transformation, IWM Junior Visiting Fellows Conferences, Vol. 8: Vienna, 1999.

NOTICIAS / NEWS ("Transfer", 2016) 1) CONGRESOS / CONFERENCES: 1. Languages & the Media – Agile Mediascapes: Personalising the Future, Hotel Radisson Blu, Berlín, 2-4 Nov. 2016 www.languages-media.com 2. Third Chinese Drama Translation Colloquium Newcastle University, UK, 28-19 Junio 2016. www.ncl.ac.uk/sml/about/events/item/drama-translation-colloquium 3. 16th Annual Portsmouth Translation Conference – Translation & Interpreting: Learning beyond the Comfort Zone, University of Portsmouth, UK, 5 Nov. 2016. www.port.ac.uk/translation/events/conference 4. 3rd International Conference on Non-Professional Interpreting & Translation (NPIT3) Zurich University of Applied Sciences, Suiza
5-7 Mayo 2016. www.zhaw.ch/linguistics/npit3 5. 3rd Postgraduate Symposium – Cultural Translation: In Theory and as Practice. University of Nottingham, UK, 18 Mayo 2016. Contact: uontranslation2016@gmail.com 6. 3rd Taboo Conference – Taboo Humo(u)r: Language, Culture, Society, and the Media, Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona) 20-21 Sep. 2016.
https://portal.upf.edu/web/taco 7. Postgraduate Conference on Translation and Multilingualism Lancaster University, UK, 22 Abril 2016. Contacto: c.baker@lancaster.ac.uk 8. Translation and Minority University of Ottawa (Canadá), 11-12 Nov. 2016. Contacto: rtana014@uottawa.ca 9. Translation as Communication, (Re-)narration and (Trans-)creation Università di Palermo (Italia), 10 Mayo 2016 www.unipa.it/dipartimenti/dipartimentoscienzeumanistiche/convegni/translation 10. From Legal Translation to Jurilinguistics: Interdisciplinary Approaches to the Study of Language and Law, Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Sevilla,
27-28 Oct. 2016. www.tinyurl.com/jurilinguistics 11. Third International Conference on Research into the Didactics of Translation. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 7-8 Julio 2016 http://grupsderecerca.uab.cat/pacte/en/content/second-circular-1 12. EST Congress – Expanding the Boundaries or Strengthening the Bases: Should Translation Studies Explore Visual Representation? Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/18-expanding-the-boundaries-or-strengthening-the-bases-should-translation-studies-explore-visual-representation/ 13. Tourism across Cultures: Accessibility in Tourist Communication Università di Salento, Lecce (Italia). 25-27 Feb. 2016 http://unisalento.wix.com/tourism 14. Translation and Interpreting Studies at the Crossroad: A Dialogue between Process-oriented and Sociological Approaches – The Fourth Durham Postgraduate Colloquium on Translation Studies Durham University, UK. 30 Abril – 1 Mayo 2016. www.dur.ac.uk/cim 15. Translation and Interpreting: Convergence, Contact, Interaction Università di Trieste (Italia), 26-28 Mayo 2016 http://transint2016.weebly.com 16. 7th International Symposium for Young Researchers in Translation, Interpreting, Intercultural Studies and East Asian Studies. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1 Julio 2016. http://pagines.uab.cat/simposi/en 17. Translation Education in a New Age The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen, China 15-16 Abril 2016. Contact: Claire Zhou (clairezhou@cuhk.edu.cn) 18. Audiovisual Translation: Dubbing and Subtitling in the Central European Context, Constantine the Philosopher University, Nitra (Eslovaquia). 15-17 Junio 2016. https://avtnitraconference.wordpress.com 19. Cervantes, Shakespeare, and the Golden Age of Drama Madrid, 17-21 Oct. 2016 http://aedean.org/wp-content/uploads/Call-for-papers.pdf 20. 3rd International Conference Languaging Diversity – Language/s and Power. Università di Macerata (Italia), 3-5 Marzo 2016 http://studiumanistici.unimc.it/en/research/conferences/languaging-diversity 21. Congreso Internacional de Traducción Especializada (EnTRetextos) Universidad de Valencia, 27-29 Abril 2016 http://congresos.adeituv.es/entretextos 22. Translation & Quality 2016: Corpora & Quality Université Charles de Gaulle Lille 3 (Francia), 5 Feb. 2016 http://traduction2016.sciencesconf.org/?lang=en 23. New forms of feedback and assessment in translation and interpreting training and industry. 8th EST Congress – Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries, Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016. www.bcom.au.dk/est2016 24. Intermedia 2016 – Conference on Audiovisual Translation University of Lodz (Polonia), 14-16 Abril 2016 http://intermedia.uni.lodz.pl 25. New Technologies and Translation Université d'Algiers (Argelia). 23-24 Feb. 2016 Contacto: newtech.trans.algiers@gmail.com 26. Circulation of Academic Thought - Rethinking Methods in the Study of Scientific Translation. 11 - 12 Dec. 2015, University of Graz (Austria).https://translationswissenschaft.uni-graz.at/de/itat/veranstaltungen/circulation-of-academic-thought 27. The 7th Asian Translation Traditions Conference Monash University, Malaysia Campus, 26-30 Sep. 2016. http://future.arts.monash.edu/asiantranslation7 28. "Translation policy: connecting concepts and writing history" 8th EST Congress – Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries Aarhus University (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/13-translation-policy-connecting-concepts-and-writing-history 29. International Conference – Sound / Writing: On Homophonic Translation. Université de Paris (Francia), 17-19 Nov. 2016 www.fabula.org/actualites/sound-writing-on-homophonic-translationinternational-conference-paris-november-17-19-2016_71295.php 30. Third Hermeneutics and Translation Studies Symposium – Translational Hermeneutics as a Research Paradigm Technische Hochschule, Colonia (Alemania), 30 Junio-1 Julio 2016 www.phenhermcommresearch.de/index.php/conferences 31. II International Conference on Economic Financial and Institutional Translation. Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (Canadá), 17-18 Agosto 2016. www.uqtr.ca/ICEBFIT 32. International Congress - liLETRAd 2016-Cátedra LILETRAD. Literature Languages Translation, Universidad de Sevilla, 6-8 Julio 2016. https://congresoliletrad.wordpress.com 33. Transmediations! Communication across Media Borders Linnæus University, Växjö (Suecia), 13–15 Oct. 2016 http://lnu.se/lnuc/linnaeus-university-centre-for-intermedial-and-multimodal-studies-/events/conferences/transmediations?l=en 34. Translation Education in a New Age, 15-16 Abril 2016. School of Humanities and Social Science, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen. Contacto: chansinwai@cuhk.edu.cn 35. Translation and Time: Exploring the Temporal Dimension of Cross-cultural Transfer, 8-10 Diciembre 2016. Departamento de Traducción, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Contacto: translation-and-time@cuhk.edu.hk. 36. Du jeu dans la langue. Traduire les jeux de mots / Loose in Translation. Translating Wordplay, 23-24 Marzo 2017, Université de Lille (France) https://www.univ-lille3.fr/recherche/actualites/agenda-de-la-recherche/?type=1&id=1271. Contacto: traduirejdm@univ-lille3.fr, julie.charles@univ-lille3.fr 37. Translation and Translanguaging across Disciplines. EST Congress 2016 "Translation Studies: Moving Boundaries", European Society for Translation Studies, Aarhus (Dinamarca), 15-17 Sep. 2016 http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/panels/12-translation-and-translanguaging-across-disciplines/ Contacto: nune.ayvazyan@urv.cat; mariagd@blanquerna.url.edu; sara.laviosa@uniba.it http://bcom.au.dk/research/conferencesandlectures/est-congress-2016/submission/ 38. Beyond linguistic plurality: The trajectories of multilingualism in Translation. An international conference organized jointly by Bogaziçi University, Department of Translation and Interpreting Studies, and Research Group on Translation and Transcultural Contact, York University, Bogaziçi University, 1-12 Mayo 2016. Contacto: sehnaz.tahir@boun.edu.tr, MGuzman@glendon.yorku.ca 39. "Professional and Academic Discourse: an interdisciplinary perspective". XXXIV IConferencia Internacional de la Sociedad Española de Lingüística Aplicada (AESLA), 14-16 Abril 2016. Interuniversity Institute for Applied Modern Languages (IULMA) / Universidad de Alicante. http://web.ua.es/aesla2016. Contacto: antonia.montes@ua.es. 2) CURSOS, SEMINARIOS, POSGRADOS / COURSES, SEMINARS, MASTERS: 1. Seminario: Breaking News for French>English and English>French Translators King's College Cambridge, UK, 8-10 Agosto 2016 Contacto: translateincambridge@iti.org.uk 2. Curso on-line: Setting Up as a Freelance Translator Enero – Marzo 2016. Institute of Translation & Interpreting, UK https://gallery.mailchimp.com/58e5d23248ce9f10c161ba86d/files/Application_Form_SUFT_2016.pdf?utm_source=SUFT+December+Emailer&utm_campaign=11fdfe0453-Setting_Up_as_a_Freelance_Translator12_7_2015&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_6ef4829e50-11fdfe0453-25128325 3. Curso: Using Interpreters for Intercultural Communication and Other Purposes (COM397CE) http://darkallyredesign.com/what-we-do/using-interpreters-for-intercultural-communication 4. Workshop: How to Write and Publish Your Scholarly Paper In cooperation with the European Association of Science Editors (EASE) New Bulgarian University, Sofia (Bulgaria), 21-23 Marzo 2016 www.facebook.com/events/1511610889167645 http://esnbu.org/data/files/resources/ease-nbu-seminar-march-2016-fees.pdf 5. Posgrado: II Postgraduate Course on Spanish Law Taught in English "Global study". Universidad Internacional de Andalucía / Colegio de Abogados de Málaga. www.unia.es/cursos/guias/4431_english.pdf 3) CURSOS DE VERANO / SUMMER COURSES: 1. STRIDON – Translation Studies Doctoral and Teacher Training Summer School, Piran (Eslovenia), 27 Junio – 8 Julio 2016 www.prevajalstvo.net/doctoral-summer-school 2. Training in Translation Pedagogy Program School of Translation and Interpretation, University of Ottawa (Canadá), 4-29 Julio 2016. https://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs 3. 2016 Nida School of Translation Studies. Translation, Ecology and Entanglement, San Pellegrino University Foundation, Misano Adriatico, Rimini (Italia), 30 Mayo – 10 Junio 2016. http://nsts.fusp.it/Nida-Schools/NSTS-2016 4. TTPP - Intensive Summer Program in Translation Pedagogy University of Ottawa (Canadá), 4-29 Julio 2016. http://arts.uottawa.ca/translation/summer-programs-2016/ttpp 5. CETRA Summer School 2016. 28th Research Summer School University of Leuven, campus Antwerp (Bélgica), 22 Agosto – 2 Sep. 2016. Contacto: cetra@kuleuven.be. http://www.arts.kuleuven.be/cetra 4) LIBROS / BOOKS: 1. Varela Salinas, María-José & Bernd Meyer (eds.) 2016. Translating and Interpreting Healthcare Discourses / Traducir e interpretar en el ámbito sanitario. Berlín : Frank & Timme. www.frank-timme.de/verlag/verlagsprogramm/buch/verlagsprogramm/bd-79-maria-jose-varela-salinasbernd-meyer-eds-translating-and-interpreting-healthcare-disc/backPID/transued-arbeiten-zur-theorie-und-praxis-des-uebersetzens-und-dolmetschens-1.html 2. Ordóñez López, Pilar and José Antonio Sabio Pinilla (ed.) 2015. Historiografía de la traducción en el espacio ibérico. Textos contemporáneos. Madrid: Ediciones de Castilla-La Mancha. www.unebook.es/libro/historiografia-de-latraduccion-en-el-espacio-iberico_50162 3. Bartoll, Eduard. 2015. Introducción a la traducción audiovisual. Barcelona: Editorial UOC. www.editorialuoc.cat/introduccion-a-la-traduccion-audiovisual 4. Rica Peromingo, Juan Pedro & Jorge Braga Riera. 2015. Herramientas y técnicas para la traducción inglés-español. Madrid: Babélica. www.escolarymayo.com/libro.php?libro=7004107&menu=7001002&submenu=7002029 5. Le Disez, Jean-Yves. 2015. F.A.C.T. Une méthode pour traduire de l'anglais au français. París: Ellipses. www.editions-ellipses.fr/product_info.php?cPath=386&products_id=10601 6. Baker, Mona (ed.) 2015. Translating Dissent: Voices from and with the Egyptian Revolution. Londres: Routledge. www.tandf.net/books/details/9781138929876 7. Gallego Hernández, Daniel (ed.) 2015. Current Approaches to Business and Institutional Translation / Enfoques actuales en traducción económica e institucional. Berna: Peter Lang. www.peterlang.com/download/datasheet/86140/datasheet_431656.pdf 8. Vasilakakos, Mary. 2015. A Training Handbook for Health and Medical Interpreters in Australia. www.interpreterrevalidationtraining.com/books-and-resources.html 9. Jankowska, Anna & Agnieszka Szarkowska (eds) 2015. New Points of View on Audiovisual Translation and Media Accessibility. Oxford: Peter Lang. www.peterlang.com/index.cfm?event=cmp.ccc.seitenstruktur.detailseiten&seitentyp=produkt&pk=83114 10. Baer, Brian James (2015). Translation and the Making of Modern Russian Literature, Londres: Bloomsbury. Translation and the Making of Modern Russian Literature is the inaugural book in a new Translation Studies series: Bloomsbury's "Literatures, Cultures, Translation." 11. Camps, Assumpta. 2016. La traducción en la creación del canon poético (Recepción de la poesía italiana en el ámbito hispánico en la primera mitad del siglo XX). Berna: Peter Lang. 5) REVISTAS / JOURNALS: 1. JoSTrans, The Journal of Specialised Translation, nº especial sobre Translation & the Profession, Vol. 25, Enero 2016. www.jostrans.org 2. Translation and Interpreting – Nº especial sobre Community Interpreting: Mapping the Present for the Future www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint. 3. inTRAlinea – Nº especial sobre New Insights into Specialised Translation. www.intralinea.org/specials/new_insights 4. Linguistica Antverpiensia NS-Themes in Translation Studies, 2015 issue, Towards a Genetics of Translation. https://lans-tts.uantwerpen.be/index.php/LANS-TTS/issue/view/16 5. Quaderns de Filologia, Nº especial sobre Traducción y Censura: Nuevas Perspectivas, Vol. 20, 2015. https://ojs.uv.es/index.php/qdfed/issue/view/577 6. The Translator – Nº especial sobre Food and Translation, Translation and Food, 2015, 21(3). www.tandfonline.com/eprint/ryqJewJUDKZ6m2YM4IaR/full 7. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E, 2015, 2 www.cttl.org/cttl-e-2015.html 8. Dragoman Journal of Translation Studies. www.dragoman-journal.org 9. Current Trends in Translation Teaching and Learning E. Edición especial sobre Translation Studies Curricula Across Countries and Cultures. www.cttl.org 10. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, Nº especial sobre Translation Policies and Minority Languages: Theory, Methods and Case Studies http://fouces.webs.uvigo.es/CallForPapersIJSLTranslationPolicies.pdf 11. Nº especial de The Interpreter and Translator Trainer 11(2) – Employability and the Translation Curriculum www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1750399X.2015.1103092 12. InTRAlinea. Nº especial sobre Building Bridges between Film Studies and Translation Studies www.intralinea.org/news/item/cfp_building_bridges_between_film_studies_and_translation_studies 13. Nº especial de TranscUlturAl: Comics, BD & Manga in translation/en traduction https://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC/announcement/view/290 14. The Journal of Translation Studies 2015, 16(4) Nº especial sobre Translator and Interpreter Training in East Asia Contacto: Won Jun Nam: wjnam@hufs.ac.kr, wonjun_nam@daum.net 15. TRANS Revista de Traductología, 19(2), 2015. www.trans.uma.es/trans_19.2.html 16. Between, 9, 2015 – Censura e auto-censura http://ojs.unica.it/index.php/between/index 17. Translation Studies, Nº especial sobre Translingualism & Transculturality in Russian Contexts of Translation http://explore.tandfonline.com/cfp/ah/rtrs-cfp3 18. Translation & Interpreting, 7:3, 2016 www.trans-int.org/index.php/transint/issue/view/38 19. "The translation profession: Centres and peripheries" The Journal of Specialised Translation (Jostrans), Nº. 25, Enero 2016. The Journal of Translation Studies is a joint publication of the Department of Translation of The Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Chinese University Press. Contact: jts.tra@cuhk.edu.hk, james@arts.cuhk.edu.hk 19. Nuevo artículo: "The Invisibility of the African Interpreter" por Jeanne Garane, Translation: a transdisciplinary journal http://translation.fusp.it/. Contact: siri.nergaard@gmail.com.

.The subject of my thesis has as its starting point a didactic aim: that of the qualitative improvement of the teaching/learning of French to/from an audience of Reunionese children. In pursuit of this goal, I have set myself the goal of developing a benchmark for assessing the morphosyntactic skills of children in Reunion Island's large kindergarten section. Enriched in particular by recent research related to the theme of the contact of languages in Creolo-French-speaking lands, my work as a didactician has tried to reconcile, or at least to confront, a sociolinguistic variationist posture with that, classically more structuralist, of a grammarian "standard-setter" in a school setting. I thus deal, from a theoretical and pragmatic point of view, with the problem of a binarized grammatical evaluation, in a diglostic context of close language contacts, where interlectal practices are legion. By considering, from a holistic perspective, questions relating to the development of reference standards and the collection of oral data from small non-reading schoolchildren, my research is actually at the crossroads of sociolinguistics, language didactics, educational sciences but also psycholinguistics and descriptive linguistics. The report of my work is divided into four parts. PART 1: Following a general introduction, the first part of my typed text shows the need for an assessment of the linguistic skills of Réunionese pupils at the end of nursery school. It also describes the general objectives, postures and intentions underlying this evaluation. The gap between the language of the school and the language of the home is considered on Reunion Island as an aggravating factor in the educational difficulties encountered by many Reunionese pupils from the very beginning of their schooling. It would seem that to become good readers, many of them do not have sufficient skills as speakers of the French language. Among the remediation proposals proposed so far by researchers who have dealt with the subject, it is often recommended that the skills acquired by students in Creole, considered their L1, be used as a basis from kindergarten onwards to compose a strategy for teaching French as a second language. Recently, the educational policies officially posted for the Academy also suggest, in a more or less vague way, the need to take into account Creole. In this perspective, which is certainly commendable if one refers to the work of didacticians and psycholinguists on strong forms of teaching in a bilingual context (e.g. Baker, Hamers and Blanc, Cummins), two central questions nevertheless appear which should therefore be raised, but which until now have hardly been asked: -What is the quality of Creole spoken by "Creole" children today? Do the little schoolchildren from Reunion, and especially those who encounter difficulties in French, really master Creole? The analysis of recent sociolinguistic works relating to language contacts and the expansion of the use of interlecte in the Reunionese community (Prudent, Ledegen, Watin, Souprayen-Cavery, Rapanoël.).), taking into account the remarks of local primary school teachers on the shortcomings of young pupils not only in French but also in Creole, and the results of surveys declaring an increase in the "transmission" of French by Reunionese mothers, led me to think that doubt on this subject is permitted or at least that the assumption "Creole L1" is to be qualified. In order to better situate the purpose and goal of my work, I therefore began by demonstrating that the situation in terms of language practices is complex and, consequently, that the didactic orientations would become more sensitive and anchored in the local situation if they were based on concrete points of reference concerning the actual degree of mastery of the two codes in question by the students. How, in fact, can we claim to be able to exploit the knowledge acquired in one language (a priori L1-créole) in order to better appropriate the other (a priori L2-français), without having taken full measure of the degree of mastery of the two languages involved? While work has begun on the communicative skills of kindergarten students (Fioux and Marimoutou), my research on local "assessments" conducted so far reveals that researchers have no relatively detailed assessment of the current language skills of Reunionese children, on the one hand in French, before the transition to written French, after three years of schooling explicitly focused on acquiring the basics of oral French, and on the other hand in Creole. Equally disconcerting, given the educational challenges, it appears that there are also no assessment tools designed for the local situation, and therefore adapted for the collection and analysis of these oral language skills among young children, whereas we are in a former French colony with a sociolinguistic situation rooted in diglossia. On what basis can we then rely to affirm that the Reunionese students of today, who are referred to en masse as "Creolophones", possess solid language skills in Creole and gaps in French when they engage in the systematic process of learning to read? It is on the basis of these questions and observations that I draft a first constituency of the objective of my work. It is a question of asking the prolegomena of an assessment assessment, linguistic, comparative, in Creole and French, whose methodological foundations would be explained, argued, but also contextualized and updated for a public of learners at the end of a large nursery section in Reunion. The aim is to provide teachers of languages working for and with small schoolchildren in Reunion with a tool that is sufficiently detailed to enrich reflection on French teaching/learning strategies, "possibly" based on the knowledge of these pupils in Creole. Although the delimitations I am proposing to establish are an integral part of the evaluation process, they are upstream of the act of evaluation. More specifically, it is a question of building an operational evaluation frame of reference presenting evaluation criteria, reference standards and pre-tested tests with a sample of children of large section, in French and Creole. Once this purpose has been clarified, I set the initial parameters of this evaluation process. Understanding it above all as "a reflection on relationships to values", I then position myself, after an epistemological approach to this not insignificant act, in favour of an evaluation that makes sense. Following in particular Hadji, Lecointe, Bonniol and Vial or Ardoino and Berger on their questioning of the technicality of docimology in search of an illusory objectivity, I undertake, like them, to shift the priority of the correctness of the results towards the logic and transparency of an objectivized process, leading to a relevant result that can be understood, located, relativized according to a transparent reading grid and the intentions underlying it. To do this, I then borrow from the educational sciences, and in particular G. Figari, the concept of referentialization, with its triple status, operational, methodological and scientific. If they were originally designed to carry out evaluations of systems (schools, training systems, curricula, etc.), I show that the general principles of referentialisation are in fact entirely transposable to the study I am conducting. Having this common thread, my referentialization begins, in a first step, with a work of reflexivity, to try to explain and situate my own posture as an evaluation designer, which engages me in an ethical responsibility. It is above all a question of taking a step back from the power held and to which I am subjected in this work of gathering and using information of social value. I therefore strive to pose and understand the social and individual issues related to this act, but also, in reference to the subjectivity inherent in any research in the humanities (de Robillard), to self-position myself in relation to my own representations and inclinations regarding the choice of a referentialization activity. A second step arising from the first also allows me to clarify my intentions in this evaluation. After a review of the pathways available to me, I conclude that in relation to the objectives, they are closer to evaluation-appraisal than evaluation-measurement and lead me to favour a qualitative approach. PART 2: The second part of my thesis, which relates the exploratory phase of my referentialization, is entirely dedicated to the modelling stage of my evaluation object. First, I report on the theoretical investigations I conducted in order to define the object to be evaluated, namely the object language. The first step is to position myself in the debate on the (im)possibility(s) of delimiting boundaries between Creole and French, which opposes structuralists and variationists, and even variationists between them. To do this, I approach the history of the contact of the languages of Reunion, from the plantation society to the departmentalized society, and compare the concepts that served as filters to describe the contact of Creole/French languages (diglossia, continuum, interlecte, macrosystem). Finally, I come to find in de Robillard's arguments, in his broader reflection on the definition of a language, the bases that push me to adopt, for the precise needs of the evaluation I am aiming for, a solid conception of the language, leading me to see Creole and French from a binarized angle. For all that, I do not abandon the study of the phenomena of mixtures noted by the Reunionese teachers among their pupils and that some (didacticians and pedagogues) praise as an asset or, on the contrary, criticize as a handicap, or even associate with the manifestation of a "semi-linguism", compared to the speeches of monolinguals. If my inclination for sociolinguistics leads me to see mixtures as some kind of discursive mode in their linguistic repertoire and to refute a treatment of mixtures from the point of view of parasitages, the question I ask myself as a didactician seeking to improve the teaching/learning process of French is the following: in the end, how can evaluators be allowed to determine, independently of recognition of the linguistic and pragmatic ability of these young pupils to "juggle" with two codes to arrive at communicating, whether the mixtures made are indicative of a) tactics of "compensating" for gaps in one language and/or the other (the skills then being better in one language than the other or insufficient in both languages), or b) relatively good "mastery" of the two codes (the skills being good in one language as well as the other), which calls for different remediation and/or teaching methods? With this in mind, I have decided to draw up an inventory of research focused on the language and linguistic evaluation of "bilingual" people. I am particularly interested in the treatment of the problem of mixtures, from the most "closed" (cf. the works of Titone, Fioux, Genelot et al.), to the most "open" (cf. the works of Moore, Cavalli, Stubbe and Peña.). By weighing them against my objectives, it seems to me that, for my type of comparative assessment, requiring quite distinct target languages, the binarized approach that can answer my initial questions proves to be relevant. Continuing my theoretical investigations, I refine my research framework by determining what a good speaker of a language implies. By approaching the notions of competence vs performance, by reviewing the points of view of language didacticians (Canale and Swain, De Pietro, Cuq, Beacco, Springer, Castellotti,.), interactionists (Hymes, Vasseur), psycholinguists (Lentin, Florin, Gombert.), pedagogues (Boisseau), researchers specializing in language evaluation (Rondal, Comblain, Piérart, Muller.).), but also by taking into consideration the directives concerning the mastery of language (Ministry of National Education) and the recommendations concerning the appropriation of foreign languages (Council of Europe), I decide to focus my reference frame on the evaluation of morphosyntactic skills, and to privilege as well the collection of samples of induced language as of spontaneous language. My exploratory phase also includes field investigations. I begin by describing the places of investigation (located mainly among Benedictine pupils of large nursery section but also at Tampon and Pau), the sampling (choice of schools, classes, children) and the means I used (ethnological approach, filmed interactions, activities carried out, protocols followed). In addition to providing me with a better knowledge of the characteristics of these young witnesses, thanks in particular to a participant observation, and to testing the relevance of different supports, tasks, evaluation approaches and inter-electoral speech transcription systems, I show that this field work allows me to make several observations that corroborate the hypothesis I had formulated during my theoretical investigations. By crossing various salient factors that I was able to identify, such as language practices (which I label without hierarchy "bi-linguisme", "mix-linguisme", "dominance in Creole" and "dominance in French"), linguistic representations, attitudes towards the school norm and the ability to discriminate between the two linguistic codes, both by the witnesses and by myself in the role of evaluator, I was indeed able to measure, in parallel with promising results, the complexity and the limits of a binarized evaluation in terms of data collection and analysis, particularly when the evaluator is faced with certain language profiles of children in this context of close language contact. Indeed, if a binary apprehension, deliberately and "classically" smoothed for teaching purposes seems appropriate for assessing and comparing the quality of children's skills in Creole and French, the local context of contact of close languages, marked by diglossic representations and far from being limited to well delimited and delimitable binary practices, leads me to think that a reference of this type is likely to have a limited scope. It is a hypothesis that it will then be up to me to verify in the continuation of my work. PART 3: Informed by a better knowledge of the potential, limits and concrete constraints of a binarised approach, the next stage of my referentialisation begins with the choice of criteria and indicators that will make it possible to evaluate young children who are not readers, orally, in French and Creole. This is the subject of the third part of my typewriting. Before getting to the heart of the matter, I begin with an indispensable preamble, it seems to me, on the balance of power at stake in normative activity (between prescription and description, priorities, relativity and arbitrariness, legitimacy(ies).). On this sensitive subject, subject to strong polemics, as well in the scientific community in general as among speakers evolving in the Reunionese community, I present in a double posture of sociolinguist and didactician, my own positioning in relation to the notion of "norm(s)". In order for my approach to be better understood and because I consider it essential to step back from a concept that often marginalizes those who use it (outside practitioners), I explicitly state the relative, constructed and yet necessary character, in my case, of the standard for this frame of reference. I also explain my legitimacy as a designer of normative references from a variationist point of view, within the theoretical framework chosen for this evaluation work. To construct the normative references of my tool, the methodological protocol that I decide to borrow is the following: 1. from already recorded descriptions of uses, - in Creole (then exist only scientific articles, grammars, dictionaries that describe only the norms of adult use (Staudacher, Watbled, Chaudenson, Ramassamy, Cellier.)), - and in French (including work on standard French (Riegel et al., Arrivé et al.)), Wagner and Pinchon.), spoken French (Gadet, Blanche-Benvéniste, Sauvageot.), regional French (Carayol, Ledegen, Béniamino and Baggioni), French spoken by children (Florin, Boisseau, Comblain.), 2. synthesize and compare these works, not only with each other but also with my own research and native speaker skills on the morphosyntactic items in question, 3.in order to be able to then proceed to a choice of criteria, whose relevance will be justified each time, for the language provoked and the spontaneous language, 4. to propose reference standards (indicators) making it possible to evaluate these criteria. For Creole, at this stage it is a question of provisional standards, 5. adjusting and updating the latter for an audience of young children, by analysing the spontaneous speech in Creole of Reunionese kindergarten children ("reference informants"), dominant in Creole or in two languages. A little more than three hundred pages of my typewriting report on the development and choice of these criteria and indicators. They quickly reveal a clear qualitative and quantitative imbalance between the state of knowledge in Creole and French. In a grammatical work, descriptive but also prescriptive, which must sort and complete, for Creole, existing descriptions certainly interesting but often contradictory, relieved of emerging varieties and completely incomplete as regards child forms, I approach the updating of the verbal theme (flexional system, analytical system, index i, truncation rules), personal pronouns, the valence of verbal themes, interrogative modality and negative modality. PART 4: The fourth and last part of my referentialization is first devoted to measuring the general parameters of designing assessment tasks and collecting data for and from children. Following a review of the literature on the subject (notably the work of Rondal, Moreau and Richelle, Khomsi, Florin, Brédart, Gombert, Marquillo.), I then put forward two considerations relating to relevance and validity criteria in an evaluation, when collecting data. They concern the types of activities generally proposed in language assessments (comprehension, production, detection and correction of statements), and the tasks making it possible to collect observable behaviours (with a focus on their scope, bias, supports and instructions). I close this review with my own remarks, criticisms and impressions on the experience of developing data collection tools that I was able to develop on the ground in Réunion. In a second step, I present and comment on the pilot tests I pre-tested with a hundred children of large section, during individual evaluation sessions, filmed and analyzed. This test bank is composed of 39 sheets classified according to whether it is a question of assessing competencies in Creole, competencies in French or "bilingual" competencies (translation, codic discrimination). These sheets present the evaluation tasks I have developed and pre-tested for feasibility, relevance and sensitivity. They detail, for each syntactic item evaluated, the criteria taken into consideration, the type of activity chosen, the expected performances, the supports of the test, the indications on its organisation, the instructions, but also the primer statements possibly provided for the evaluator, an analysis of examples of "correct" and "incorrect" answers collected from the pre-tested witnesses, and finally general comments on the test in question (difficulties, variants, precautions.). CONCLUSION: my typewriting ends with a general conclusion. First of all, it summarizes the different steps of my referencing as well as their results, and comes back on the improvements that could be made. It then presents the contributions of this research work, which also raises questions and allows proposals to be made. The contributions include in particular : -Theoretical but also field research with a hundred Reunionese children which allows the provision of an operational assessment tool, adapted to the characteristics of small Reunionese schoolchildren of large nursery section and proposing detailed tasks, tested and concrete normative benchmarks. These cards can be used as they stand, in the end as much by researchers in language didactics as by practitioners, who assess the oral grammatical skills of young children in Reunion Island. - In general, a methodological perspective concerning the collection and analysis of oral data from young non-reading schoolchildren in a diglostic context, and in a situation of contact with nearby languages. - An enrichment of the work of synchronic description of the peripheral French morphosyntax, but especially of the Creole of Reunion Island, in particular, a) by taking into account the intrasystemic and intersystemic variations (the current emerging forms due to the internal dynamics of Creole and to the contact with French, the childlike forms, the language of the young people), b) by the synthetic approach adopted (comparative analysis of work, elaboration of summary tables). But this work of referentialization also raises questions for research, on several points: On the didactic level : - This study showing the essential consideration of linguistic representations, language practices, pragmatic skills of students during the process of collecting oral data, what validity, what relevance can have smoothed evaluations, hermetic to the situation of contact of close languages and the specificities of children in Reunion, such as academic evaluations in French, duplications of a-contextualized metropolitan evaluations, designed for an already French-speaking monolingual public? What relevance do the proposals of didactic and explicit use, "as is", of Creole "L1" as a springboard to reach French L2, whereas the pre-tests carried out during my research already show a majority of witnesses presenting basic grammatical skills in French deficiencies, but also schoolchildren (even dominant Creolophones), encountering difficulties of expression, even comprehension, in Creole? Wouldn't most of the grammatical descriptions currently available hardly take into account the intra- and intersystemic variations of Creole, have repercussions on the scope of the didactic proposals for teaching French in partnership with Creole?In terms of research on language assessment: -The binary perspective chosen in this work, considered relevant for comparing language skills in Creole and French, has limitations and cannot, in particular, take into consideration, as it stands, all children's language profiles (for example, non-discriminatory mix-linguals). Beyond a Creole/French assessment, what alternative do we have to assess the language skills, especially morpho-syntactic, of these children whose (a)meshed speech and without a target "language" cannot be analysed in this framework? Should these "bilingual" skills be measured for themselves, without reference to Creole and French, as some researchers try to do relatively marginally in other linguistic contexts (e.g. Stubbe and Peña for American-Hispanic bilinguals in the United States)? But is what seems possible for "non collateral" languages possible for genetically and structurally related languages? Indeed, is a bilingual evaluation taking as a normative reference the morphosyntax of the entire Reunion macrosystem, thus a "fluid" language, where the evaluator does not have explicit/explicable reference standards a priori and therefore justified/justifiable, conceivable? Although it allows its pedagogical relevance to be seen, and meets the search for meaning criterion, how would it justify its objectivization when the evaluator only"feels" that it is being said and thus holds within himself "moving" rules, elusive as a native speaker of the interlecte? How can this unavoidable involvement, which derogates from the basis of any evaluation, be managed when normative references are internalized and a priori not externalisable?This research work finally makes it possible to make recommendations and proposals for areas of work concerning the teaching of French in partnership with Creole: - To endeavour to identify the conditions of awareness of codes by currently discriminating children (without school guidance), for the study of ways allowing schoolchildren, from the small section, to discriminate prototypical traits of Creole and French. - To take greater account of the heterogeneity of the language profiles of Réunionese children, who should not be considered as a linguistically homogeneous mass (even in schools in so-called disadvantaged neighbourhoods), and to continue the reflection on taking into account the Reunionese language macrosystem. – To complete the research on Creole currently spoken by the Reunionese population (children, youth, adults) and open these descriptions to all variations. - To make current the grammatical description books and to encourage the publication of scientific works (not purist), "accessible" to the public of students (future teachers) in training but also to that of teachers already in post. – To take more into account and change the negative representations of the local population (especially the parents of pupils) concerning the partnership (direct or indirect) with Creole. This subject being the object of strong tensions on the school ground, to study possibilities of alternative approaches (exploitation of the television medium, creation/exploitation of parallel educational structures as associations of the "ti lékol maron" type or leisure centres), privileging the mastery of language with a playful aspect, in a "calmed" context. ; Le sujet de ma thèse a pour point de départ une visée didactique : celle de l'amélioration qualitative de l'enseignement/apprentissage du français à/par un public d'enfants réunionnais. Dans la poursuite de cette finalité, je me suis fixé pour but l'élaboration d'un référentiel d'évaluation des compétences morphosyntaxiques d'enfants réunionnais en grande section de maternelle à La Réunion. Enrichi notamment des récentes recherches liées à la thématique du contact de langues en terres créolo-francophones, mon travail de didacticienne a tenté de concilier, ou du moins de confronter une posture de sociolinguiste variationniste à celle, classiquement plus structuraliste, de grammairienne « poseuse de normes » dans un cadre scolaire. Je traite ainsi, d'un point de vue théorique et pragmatique, la problématique d'une évaluation grammaticale binarisée, dans un contexte diglossique de contacts de langues proches, où les pratiques interlectales sont légion. En considérant, dans une perspective holistique, des questions relatives à l'élaboration de normes de référence et au recueil de données orales auprès de petits écoliers non lecteurs, ma recherche se trouve en réalité inscrite à la croisée de la sociolinguistique, de la didactique des langues, des sciences de l'éducation mais aussi de la psycholinguistique et de la linguistique descriptive.Le compte rendu de mon travail se scinde en quatre parties.PARTIE 1 : suite à une introduction générale, la première partie de mon tapuscrit montre la nécessité d'une évaluation bilan des compétences linguistiques des élèves réunionnais à la fin de l'école maternelle. Elle décrit également les objectifs généraux, les postures et les intentions qui sous-tendent cette évaluation.L'écart entre la langue de l'école et la langue de la maison est considéré à La Réunion comme un facteur aggravant des difficultés scolaires que rencontrent de nombreux élèves réunionnais dès les débuts de leur scolarisation. Il semblerait que pour devenir notamment de bons lecteurs, beaucoup d'entre eux ne disposent pas de compétences suffisantes en tant que locuteurs de la langue française. Parmi les propositions de remédiation proposées jusqu'à présent par les chercheurs ayant traité du sujet, il est souvent préconisé de prendre appui, dès la maternelle, sur les compétences acquises par les élèves en créole, considéré comme leur L1, pour composer une stratégie d'enseignement du français, qualifiée de langue seconde. Depuis peu, les politiques éducatives officiellement affichées pour l'Académie laissent entendre également à leur tour, de manière plus ou moins floue, la nécessité de prendre en compte le créole.Dans cette optique, certes louable si on se réfère à des travaux de didacticiens et de psycholinguistes sur les formes fortes d'enseignement en contexte bilingue (ex : Baker, Hamers et Blanc, Cummins), apparaissent cependant deux questions centrales qui devraient dès lors être soulevées, mais qui jusqu'à présent n'ont guère été posées : -Quelle est la qualité du créole parlé par les enfants « créolophones » d'aujourd'hui ?-Ces petits écoliers réunionnais, et notamment ceux qui rencontrent des difficultés en français, maîtrisent-ils vraiment le créole ? L'analyse des récents travaux de sociolinguistique ayant trait aux contacts de langues et à l'expansion de l'usage de l'interlecte dans la communauté réunionnaise (Prudent, Ledegen, Watin, Souprayen-Cavery, Rapanoël.), la prise en compte des remarques d'enseignants locaux du premier degré sur les lacunes des jeunes élèves non seulement en français mais également en créole, et celle des résultats de sondages déclarant une augmentation de la « transmission » du français par les mères réunionnaises, m'ont amenée à penser que le doute à ce sujet est permis ou du moins que le postulat « créole L1 » est à nuancer. Afin de mieux situer la finalité et le but de mon travail, j'ai donc entrepris dans un premier temps de démontrer que la donne en matière de pratiques langagières s'avère complexe et par conséquent, que les orientations didactiques gagneraient en sensibilité et en ancrage dans la situation locale, si elles s'appuyaient sur des points de repères concrets concernant le degré de maîtrise effective actuelle des deux codes en question par les élèves. Comment, en effet, prétendre pouvoir exploiter les acquis dans une langue (a priori L1-créole) pour mieux s'approprier l'autre (a priori L2-français), sans avoir pris la pleine mesure du degré de maîtrise des deux langues impliquées? Si des travaux ont été entamés concernant les compétences communicatives des écoliers en maternelle (Fioux et Marimoutou), mes recherches sur les « évaluations » locales menées jusque-là révèlent en effet que les chercheurs ne disposent d'aucun bilan relativement détaillé des compétences linguistiques actuelles des enfants réunionnais, d'une part en français, avant le passage au français écrit, après trois années de scolarisation pourtant explicitement axées sur l'acquisition des bases du français oral, et d'autre part en créole . Tout aussi déconcertant, eu égard aux enjeux scolaires, il apparaît qu'on ne dispose pas non plus d'outils d'évaluation pensés pour la situation locale, donc adaptés pour le recueil et l'analyse de ces compétences linguistiques orales auprès de jeunes enfants, alors qu'on se trouve dans une ancienne colonie française présentant une situation sociolinguistique ancrée dans la diglossie. Sur quelle base peut-on alors s'appuyer pour affirmer que les élèves réunionnais d'aujourd'hui, qu'on qualifie en masse de « créolophones », possèdent de solides compétences linguistiques en créole et des lacunes en français lorsqu'ils s'engagent dans le processus d'apprentissage systématique de la lecture ? C'est à partir de ces questionnements et de ces constats que j'ébauche une première circonscription de l'objectif de mon travail. Il s'agit de poser les prolégomènes d'une évaluation bilan, linguistique, comparée, en créole et en français, dont les soubassements méthodologiques seraient explicités, argumentés, mais aussi contextualisés et actualisés pour un public d'apprenants en fin de grande section de maternelle à La Réunion. Le but est de doter les didacticiens des langues œuvrant pour et auprès de petits écoliers réunionnais d'un outil suffisamment fin pour permettre d'enrichir la réflexion sur les stratégies d'enseignement/apprentissage du français, « éventuellement » à partir des acquis de ces élèves en créole. Bien que s'inscrivant en amont de l'acte d'évaluer, les délimitations que je propose d'établir font partie intégrante du processus d'évaluation. Plus précisément, il s'agit concrètement de construire un référentiel d'évaluation opérationnel présentant des critères d'évaluation, des normes de références et des épreuves pré-testées auprès d'un échantillon d'enfants de grande section, en français et en créole. Une fois ce dessein explicité, je pose les paramètres liminaires de ce processus d'évaluation. Le concevant avant tout comme « une réflexion sur les rapports aux valeurs », je me positionne alors, après une approche épistémologique de cet acte non anodin, en faveur d'une évaluation qui fasse sens. Suivant notamment Hadji, Lecointe, Bonniol et Vial ou encore Ardoino et Berger sur leurs remises en cause de la technicité de la docimologie à la recherche d'une objectivité illusoire, j'entreprends, comme eux, de déplacer la priorité de la justesse des résultats vers la logique et la transparence d'un processus objectivisé, amenant à un résultat pertinent qu'on peut comprendre, situer, relativiser en fonction d'une grille de lecture transparente et des intentions qui la sous-tendent. Pour ce faire, j'emprunte alors aux sciences de l'éducation, et notamment à G. Figari, le concept de référentialisation, au triple statut, opératoire, méthodologique et scientifique. S'ils ont été pensés originellement pour mener des évaluations de dispositifs (établissements scolaires, dispositifs de formation, curricula, etc.), je montre que les principes généraux de la référentialisation s'avèrent en réalité tout à fait transposables à l'étude que je mène. Nantie de ce fil rouge, ma référentialisation commence, dans une première étape, par un travail de réflexivité, pour tenter d'expliciter et situer ma propre posture de conceptrice d'évaluation, qui m'engage dans une responsabilité éthique. Il s'agit avant tout de prendre du recul sur le pouvoir détenu et auquel je suis soumise dans ce travail de recueil et d'utilisation d'une information à valeur sociale. Je m'attèle donc à poser et comprendre les enjeux sociaux et individuels liés à cet acte, mais également, en référence à la subjectivité inhérente à toute recherche en sciences humaines (de Robillard), à m'auto-positionner par rapport à mes propres représentations et inclinations concernant le choix d'une activité de référentialisation. Une deuxième étape découlant de la première me permet par ailleurs de préciser mes intentions dans cette évaluation. Après une revue des cheminements qui me sont offerts, j'en conclus qu'en rapport avec les objectifs visés, celles-ci se rapprochent au final plus de l'évaluation-appréciation que de l'évaluation-mesure et m'amènent à privilégier une approche qualitative.PARTIE 2 : la deuxième partie de ma thèse, qui relate la phase exploratoire de ma référentialisation, est entièrement dédiée à l'étape de la modélisation de mon objet d'évaluation. Je rends tout d'abord compte des investigations théoriques que j'ai menées afin de circonscrire l'objet à évaluer, à savoir l'objet langue. Il s'agit dans un premier temps de me positionner dans le débat sur la/les (im)possibilité(s) de délimitation de frontières entre créole et français, qui oppose structuralistes et variationnistes, et même variationnistes entre eux. J'aborde, pour ce faire, l'histoire du contact des langues de La Réunion, de la société de plantation à la société départementalisée, et confronte les concepts qui ont servi de filtres pour décrire le contact de langues créole/français (diglossie, continuum, interlecte, macrosystème). J'en viens finalement à trouver dans les arguments de de Robillard, dans sa réflexion plus large sur la définition d'une langue, les bases qui me poussent à adopter, pour les besoins précis de l'évaluation que je vise, une conception solide de la langue, amenant à voir le créole et le français sous un angle binarisé.Pour autant, je n'abandonne pas l'étude des phénomènes de mélanges relevés par les enseignants réunionnais chez leurs élèves et que d'aucuns (didacticiens et pédagogues) encensent comme un atout ou, au contraire, fustigent comme un handicap, voire associent à la manifestation d'un « semi-linguisme », comparativement aux discours de monolingues. Si mon inclination pour la sociolinguistique m'amène à voir les mélanges comme un quelconque mode discursif dans leur répertoire langagier et à réfuter un traitement des mélanges du point de vue de parasitages, la question que je me pose en tant que didacticienne cherchant à améliorer le processus d'enseignement/apprentissage du français est la suivante : en fin de compte, comment permettre à des évaluateurs de déterminer, indépendamment d'une reconnaissance de la capacité linguistique et pragmatique de ces jeunes élèves à "jongler" avec deux codes pour arriver à communiquer, si les mélanges effectués sont indicateurs :-de tactiques de « compensation » de lacunes dans l'une et/ou l'autre langue (les compétences étant alors meilleures dans une langue que dans l'autre ou insuffisantes dans les deux langues),-ou d'une « maîtrise » relativement bonne des deux codes (les compétences étant bonnes dans une langue comme dans l'autre), ce qui appelle des remédiations et/ou des pistes pédagogiques différentes ? Je décide dans cette optique d'établir l'état des lieux des recherches axées sur l'évaluation langagière et linguistique de « bilingues ». Je m'intéresse notamment aux traitements de la problématique des mélanges, des plus « fermés » (cf. les travaux de Titone, Fioux, Genelot et al.), aux plus « ouverts » (cf. les travaux de Moore, Cavalli, Stubbe et Peña.). En les soupesant en regard de mes objectifs, il m'apparaît alors que, pour mon type d'évaluation comparée, requérant des langues cibles bien distinctes, l'approche binarisée qui peut répondre à mes questions de départ s'avère pertinente. Poursuivant mes investigations théoriques, j'affine mon cadre de recherche en déterminant ce que sous-entend être un bon locuteur d'une langue. En abordant les notions de compétence vs performance, en passant en revue les points de vue de didacticiens des langues (Canale et Swain, De Pietro, Cuq, Beacco, Springer, Castellotti,.), d'interactionnistes (Hymes, Vasseur), de psycholinguistes (Lentin, Florin, Gombert.), de pédagogues (Boisseau), de chercheurs spécialisés dans l'évaluation du langage (Rondal, Comblain, Piérart, Muller.), mais aussi en prenant en considération les directives en matière de maîtrise du langage (Ministère de l'Education Nationale) et les préconisations concernant l'appropriation des langues étrangères (Conseil de l'Europe), je décide de centrer mon référentiel sur l'évaluation des compétences morphosyntaxiques, et de privilégier aussi bien le recueil d'échantillons de langage provoqué que de langage spontané.Ma phase exploratoire comprend également des investigations de terrain. Je commence par décrire les lieux d'enquête (situés en grande partie auprès d'élèves bénédictins de grande section de maternelle mais également au Tampon et à Pau), l'échantillonnage (choix des écoles, des classes, des enfants) et les moyens dont j'ai usés (démarche ethnologique, interactions filmées, activités réalisées, protocoles suivis). En sus de me fournir une meilleure connaissance des caractéristiques de ces jeunes témoins, grâce notamment à une observation participante, et de tester la pertinence de différents supports, tâches, approches d'évaluation et de systèmes de transcription de la parole interlectale, je montre que ce travail de terrain me permet de faire plusieurs constats qui corroborent l'hypothèse que j'avais formulée lors de mes investigations théoriques. En croisant divers facteurs saillants que j'ai pu relever, tels que les pratiques langagières (que j'étiquette sans hiérarchie « bi-linguisme », « mix-linguisme », « dominance en créole » et « dominance en français »), les représentations linguistiques, les attitudes face à la norme scolaire et la capacité à discriminer les deux codes linguistiques, aussi bien par les témoins que par moi-même dans le rôle d'évaluateur, j'ai pu en effet mesurer, parallèlement à des résultats prometteurs, la complexité et les limites d'une évaluation binarisée en termes de recueil et d'analyse de données, notamment lorsque l'évaluateur est face à certains profils langagiers d'enfants dans ce contexte de contact de langues proches. En effet, si une appréhension binaire, volontairement et « classiquement » lissée pour des besoins didactiques semble convenir pour évaluer, comparer la qualité des compétences d'enfants en créole et en français, le contexte local de contact de langues proches, empreint de représentations diglossiques et loin de se restreindre à des pratiques binaires bien délimitées et délimitables, m'amène à penser qu'un référentiel de ce type est susceptible d'avoir une portée limitée. C'est une hypothèse qu'il m'appartiendra alors de vérifier dans la suite de mon travail.PARTIE 3 : éclairée d'une meilleure connaissance du potentiel, des bornes et des astreintes concrètes d'une approche binarisée, l'étape suivante de ma référentialisation s'engage sur le choix des critères et des indicateurs qui permettront d'évaluer de jeunes enfants non lecteurs, à l'oral, en français et en créole. Ceci fait l'objet de la troisième partie de mon tapuscrit.Avant d'entrer dans le vif du sujet, je commence par un préambule indispensable, il me semble, sur les rapports de force en jeu dans l'activité normative (entre prescription et description, priorités, relativité et arbitraire, légitimité(s).). Sur ce sujet sensible, soumis à de fortes polémiques, aussi bien dans la communauté scientifique de manière générale que parmi les locuteurs évoluant dans la communauté réunionnaise, je présente dans une posture double de sociolinguiste et de didacticienne, mon propre positionnement par rapport à la notion de « norme(s) ». Pour que ma démarche soit mieux comprise et parce que je juge essentielle cette prise de recul face à un concept marginalisant souvent celui/celle qui y a recours (en dehors des praticiens), je pose explicitement le caractère relatif, construit et pourtant nécessaire, dans mon cas, de la norme pour ce référentiel. J'explique par ailleurs également ma légitimité de conceptrice de références normatives d'un point de vue variationniste, dans le cadre théorique choisi pour ce travail d'évaluation. Pour construire les références normatives de mon outil, le protocole méthodologique que je décide d'emprunter est le suivant :1.partir de descriptions déjà consignées des usages,-en créole (n'existent alors que des articles scientifiques, des grammaires, des dictionnaires qui ne décrivent que les normes d'usage d'adultes (Staudacher, Watbled, Chaudenson, Ramassamy, Cellier.)),-et en français (comprenant les travaux sur le français standard (Riegel et al., Arrivé et al., Wagner et Pinchon.), le français parlé (Gadet, Blanche-Benvéniste, Sauvageot.), le français régional (Carayol, Ledegen, Béniamino et Baggioni), le français parlé par les enfants (Florin, Boisseau, Comblain.)), 2.synthétiser et confronter ces travaux, non seulement entre eux mais également à mes propres recherches et compétences de locutrice native sur les items morphosyntaxiques en question, 3.afin de pouvoir procéder ensuite à un choix de critères, dont la pertinence sera à chaque fois justifiée, pour le langage provoqué et le langage spontané, 4. proposer des normes de références (indicateurs) permettant d'évaluer ces critères. Pour le créole, s'agissant à ce stade de normes provisoires,5.ajuster, actualiser ces dernières pour un public de jeunes enfants, en analysant le discours spontané en créole d'enfants réunionnais de maternelle (les « informateurs de référence»), dominants en créole ou bi-lingues.Un peu plus de trois centaines de pages de mon tapuscrit rendent compte de l'élaboration et du choix de ces critères et de ces indicateurs. Elles laissent rapidement voir un déséquilibre manifeste tant qualitatif que quantitatif entre l'état des connaissances en créole et en français. Dans un travail de grammairienne, descriptive mais également prescriptive, qui doit trier et compléter, pour le créole, des descriptions existantes certes intéressantes mais souvent contradictoires, délestées des variétés émergentes et complètement lacunaires en ce qui concerne les formes enfantines, j'aborde l'actualisation du thème verbal (système flexionnel, système analytique, indice i, règles de troncation), les pronoms personnels, la valence des thèmes verbaux, la modalité interrogative et la modalité négative. PARTIE 4 : la quatrième et dernière partie de ma référentialisation est d'abord consacrée à prendre la mesure des paramètres généraux de la conception de tâches d'évaluation et du recueil de données pour et auprès d'enfants. Suite à une revue de la littérature sur le sujet (notamment les travaux de Rondal, Moreau et Richelle, Khomsi, Florin, Brédart, Gombert, Marquillo.), je mets alors en avant deux considérations relatives aux critères de pertinence et de validité dans une évaluation, lors du recueil de données. Elles concernent les types d'activités généralement proposées dans les évaluations langagières (compréhension, production, détection et correction d'énoncés), et les tâches permettant de recueillir des comportements observables (avec un centrage sur leurs portées, biais, supports et consignes). Je clôture cette revue en apportant mes propres remarques, critiques et impressions sur l'expérience d'élaboration d'outils de recueil de données que j'ai pu développer sur le terrain réunionnais.Dans un deuxième temps, je présente et commente les épreuves pilotes que j'ai pré-testées auprès d'une centaine d'enfants de grande section, lors de séances d'évaluation individuelles, filmées et analysées.Cette banque d'épreuves est composée de 39 fiches classées selon qu'il s'agit d'évaluer des compétences en créole, des compétences en français ou des compétences « bilingues » (traduction, discrimination codique). Ces fiches présentent les tâches d'évaluation que j'ai élaborées et dont j'ai pré-testé la faisabilité, la pertinence et la sensibilité. Elles détaillent, pour chaque item syntaxique évalué, les critères pris en considération, le type d'activité choisi, les performances attendues, les supports de l'épreuve, les indications sur son organisation, les consignes, mais également les énoncés-amorces éventuellement prévus pour l'évaluateur, une analyse d'exemples de réponses "correctes" et "incorrectes" recueillis auprès des témoins pré-testés, et enfin des commentaires généraux sur l'épreuve en question (difficultés, variantes, précautions.). CONCLUSION : mon tapuscrit se clôt par une conclusion générale. Celle-ci synthétise tout d'abord les différentes étapes de ma référentialisation ainsi que leurs résultats, et revient sur les améliorations qui pourraient y être apportées. Elle présente dans un deuxième temps les apports de ce travail de recherche, qui soulève aussi des questionnements et permet de faire des propositions.Les apports comprennent notamment : -Une recherche théorique mais également de terrain auprès d'une centaine d'enfants réunionnais qui permet la mise à disposition d'un outil d'évaluation opératoire, adapté aux caractéristiques de petits écoliers réunionnais de grande section de maternelle et proposant des tâches détaillées, éprouvées et des repères normatifs concrets. Ces fiches sont utilisables en l'état, au final autant par des chercheurs en didactique des langues que par des praticiens, amenés à évaluer des compétences grammaticales orales de jeunes enfants à La Réunion.-De manière générale, un éclairage méthodologique concernant le recueil et l'analyse de données orales auprès de jeunes écoliers non lecteurs dans un contexte diglossique, et dans une situation de contact de langues proches.-Un enrichissement des travaux de description synchronique de la morphosyntaxe du français, mais surtout du créole de La Réunion, notamment :»par la prise en compte des variations intrasystémiques et intersystémiques (les formes émergentes actuelles dues à la dynamique interne du créole et au contact avec le français, les formes enfantines, le langage des jeunes), »par l'approche synthétique adoptée (analyse comparée de travaux, élaboration de tableaux récapitulatifs).Mais ce travail de référentialisation soulève également des questionnements pour la recherche, sur plusieurs points :Sur le plan didactique : -Cette étude montrant l'indispensable prise en compte des représentations linguistiques, des pratiques langagières, des compétences pragmatiques des élèves lors du processus de recueil de données orales, quelle validité, quelle pertinence peuvent avoir des évaluations lissées, hermétiques à la situation de contact de langues proches et aux spécificités des enfants réunionnais, comme les évaluations académiques en français, duplications d'évaluations métropolitaines a-contextualisées, conçues pour un public monolingue déjà francophone ?-Quelle pertinence ont les propositions d'exploitation didactique et explicite, « en l'état », du créole « L1 » comme tremplin pour atteindre le français L2, alors que les pré-tests menés lors de ma recherche laissent déjà entrevoir certes une majorité de témoins présentant des compétences grammaticales de base en français lacunaires, mais également des écoliers (même dominants créolophones), rencontrant des difficultés d'expression, voire de compréhension, en créole ?-La plupart des descriptions grammaticales actuellement disponibles ne prenant guère en compte les variations intra- et intersystémiques du créole, n'y aurait-il pas des répercussions sur la portée des propositions didactiques pour l'enseignement du français en partenariat avec le créole ? Sur le plan des recherches sur l'évaluation linguistique : -La perspective binaire choisie dans ce travail, jugée pertinente pour comparer des compétences linguistiques en créole et en français, présente des limites et ne peut notamment prendre en considération, en l'état, tous les profils langagiers d'enfants (par exemple, les mix-lingues non-discriminants). Au-delà d'une évaluation créole/français, quelle alternative avons-nous pour apprécier les compétences linguistiques, notamment morpho-syntaxiques, de ces enfants dont la parole tellement (a)maillée et sans « langue » cible ne peut être analysée dans ce cadre ? Faut-il mesurer ces compétences « bilingues » pour elles-mêmes, sans référence au créole et au français, comme tentent de le faire de manière relativement marginale certains chercheurs dans d'autres contextes linguistiques (ex : Stubbe et Peña pour des bilingues américano-hispanophones aux Etats-Unis) ? Mais ce qui semble possible pour des langues « non collatérales » l'est-il pour des langues génétiquement et structurellement proches ? En effet, une évaluation bilingue prenant comme référence normative la morphosyntaxe de l'ensemble du macrosystème réunionnais, donc une langue « fluide », où l'évaluateur ne dispose pas de normes de référence explicitées/explicitables a priori et donc justifiées/justifiables, est-elle envisageable ? Bien qu'elle laisse voir sa pertinence sur le plan pédagogique, et réponde au critère de recherche de sens, comment justifierait-elle son objectivisation lorsque l'évaluateur ne fait que « « (re)sentir » que ça se dit » et donc détient en lui-même des règles « mouvantes », insaisissables de locuteur natif de l'interlecte ? Comment gérer cette incontournable implication dérogeant aux bases de toute évaluation, lorsque les références normatives sont intériorisées et a priori non externalisables ?Ce travail de recherche permet enfin d'émettre des préconisations et propositions pour des pistes de travail concernant la didactique du français en partenariat avec le créole : -S'attacher à identifier les conditions de conscientisation des codes par des enfants actuellement discriminants (sans guidage scolaire), pour l'étude de pistes permettant aux écoliers, dès la petite section, de discriminer des traits prototypiques du créole et du français.-Prendre davantage en considération l'hétérogénéité des profils langagiers des enfants réunionnais qui ne sont pas à considérer comme une masse linguistiquement homogène (même dans les écoles de quartiers dits défavorisés) et continuer la réflexion sur la prise en compte du macrosystème langagier réunionnais.-Compléter les recherches sur le créole parlé actuellement par la population réunionnaise (enfants, jeunes, adultes) et ouvrir ces descriptions à toutes les variations.-Briser le caractère ésotérique des ouvrages de descriptions grammaticales actuels et encourager la publication d'ouvrages de vulgarisation, non puristes, « accessibles » au public des étudiants (futurs enseignants) en formation mais également à celui des enseignants déjà en poste.-Prendre davantage en compte et faire évoluer les représentations négatives de la population locale (notamment les parents d'élèves), concernant le partenariat (direct ou indirect) avec le créole. Ce sujet faisant l'objet de fortes tensions sur le terrain scolaire, étudier des possibilités d'approches alternatives (exploitation du médium télévisuel, création/exploitation de structures éducatives parallèles comme des associations de type « ti lékol maron » ou des centres de loisirs), privilégiant la maîtrise du langage avec un aspect ludique, dans un contexte « apaisé ».

Reports on the Observance of Standards and Codes (ROSC) Accounting and Auditing (AA) assess accounting and auditing practices in participating countries. They form part of a World Bank and International Monetary Fund joint initiative to review the quality of implementation of twelve internationally recognized core standards relevant to economic stability and private and financial sector development (the ROSC Program). Since its inception in 2000, the ROSC AA program has concluded evaluations of the AA environment in more than one hundred countries around the world. ROSC AA reports have been produced for all countries of the Europe and Central Asia Region, except Russia. This report covers the accounting, audit, and financial reporting frameworks as a whole, paying particular attention to the financial sector, state owned enterprises, SMEs and audit regulation - key areas that are important in the current economic context of Georgia. With respect to SOEs, the report focuses on the existing requirements, standards enforcement, and use of financial reports and statutory audit findings by the Government in its decision making and monitoring of SOEs. This report also discusses SMEs existing financial reporting requirements, and the need to simplify the requirements for the small and micro businesses. Finally, the report reviews the audit oversight function and a quality assurance system soon to be employed by Georgia, and provides recommendations to raise the quality of audit services through the strengthening of audit oversight.

This program document presents the World Bank Group (WBG) program and results framework for the Serbia country partnership framework (CPF) for FY2016-20. For the first time since 2001, when the transition to a market economy began accelerating, Serbia has a government with a solid majority in parliament, enabling it to initiate and implement the deep reforms necessary to create a competitive economy and raise the income of the bottom forty percent (B40). Notwithstanding the new momentum on economic and structural reforms, Serbia faces serious challenges, most notably in declining living standards. Poverty has increased rapidly since the start of the global economic crisis in 2008, mainly as a result of a triple dip recession. The CPF goal is to support Serbia in creating a competitive and inclusive economy and, through this, to achieve integration into the European Union (EU).

Väitöskirjassa tarkastellaan kansanmusiikin tallentamiseen ja keräämiseen liittyviä ideologioita ja arvovalintoja 1900-luvun alusta 1970-luvulle saakka. Tutkimuksen kohteena on kansanmusiikin tutkimuksen tärkeimmän sotienjälkeisen auktoriteetin, tutkijan ja tallentajan Erkki Ala-Könnin (1911–1996) toiminta. Keskeinen tutkimuskäsite ovat metodologinen nationalismi, kansallinen katse, jolla viitataan tapaan rakentaa käsitystä suomalaisesta kansanmusiikista. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan, miten kansakunnan rakentaminen ja kansallinen katse ohjasivat keruutoimintaa, ja minkälaisia metodologisen nationalismin muotoja arkistokokoelmien keruuseen liittyi. Tutkimuksen näkökulma on oppihistoriallinen; tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, miten kansanmusiikin keruutyö asettui osaksi musiikkitieteen ja kansanmusiikin tutkimuksen oppiaineiden painopisteitä. Erkki Ala-Könnin toiminta nivoutui näiden oppialojen kehittymiseen, ja Ala-Könnin tavalla määritellä kansanmusiikkia on ollut merkittäviä ja edelleen vaikuttavia seurauksia monin tavoin. Se on vaikuttanut muun muassa arkistokokoelmien sisältöihin, kansanmusiikin tutkimukseen, Yleisradion ohjelmapolitiikkaan ja kansanmusiikkitapahtumiin. Tutkimuksen aikarajaus, vuodet 1941–1974, kattaa Ala-Könnin uran hänen ensimmäisestä kansanmusiikin keruumatkastaan professorin arvonimen saamiseen saakka. Tutkittavalla ajanjaksolla kansanmusiikin tutkimus kuului niin sanottuihin kansallisiin tieteisiin, jotka käsittivät myös kotimaisten kielten ja suomen sukukielten, kotimaisen kirjallisuuden, kansatieteen ja folkloristiikan tutkimuksen. Nämä oppialat joutuivat ristipaineeseen sen suhteen, mitä käsitykset kansasta ja kansakunnasta pitivät sisällään ja mitä ne sulkivat ulkopuolelleen. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu haastatteluaineistoista ja Erkki Ala-Könnin keräämien äänitallenteiden sisällysluetteloista. Näitä tarkastellaan laadullisin ja tilastollisin menetelmin. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan kansalliseen katseeseen liittyneitä ihanteita ja kansan käsitteen määrittelyjä toisen tasavallan Suomessa, jolla tarkoitetaan sotien jälkeistä aikaa. Toisen tasavallan Suomen osalta nojataan Pertti Alasuutarin (1996) jaotteluun: moraalitalouden vaiheeseen (sotien jälkeisestä ajasta 1960-luvun puoliväliin) ja suunnittelutalouden vaiheeseen (1960-luvun lopulta 1980-luvun alkupuolelle). Ensimmäisen tasavallan aikana 1917–1944 keruutyöstä vastasivat pääasiassa Ala-Könnin opettajat ja esikuvat, kaksi jälkimmäistä vaihetta ajoittuvat toisen tasavallan Suomeen, eli Ala- Könnin aktiivisen työuran ajalle. Perinteen keräämistä ja tallentamista leimasivat Suomessa 1800-luvulta aina sotien jälkeiseen aikaan asti ihanteet, joissa luku- ja kirjoitustaidoton kansa kuvattiin sivistyneistöön nähden alemmalle tasolle. Ala-Könni noudatti tätä näkemystä aina 1960- luvulle asti ja korosti kansanmusiikin esittäjien nuotinlukutaidottomuutta. Tutkijoiden ja tallentajien mielenkiinto kohdistui ensimmäisen tasavallan aikana itään, mutta sotien jälkeen Itä-Karjala jäi uusien rajojen taakse, ja Ala-Könni kohdensi keruu- työnsä 1940- ja 1950-luvuilla monien muiden perinnetieteiden kentällä toimineiden tutkijoiden tavoin varsinkin Etelä- ja Keski-Pohjanmaalle, talonpoikaiseen Suomeen. Kokoelmat rakensivat kansasta varsin yhtenäistä kuvaa, mutta todellisuudessa kansa ei kuitenkaan ollut 1940-luvun Suomessa niin eheää kuin kokoelmat antavat ymmärtää. Jo yksin sisällissotaa koskeva muistitieto jakoi kansaa kahteen eri leiriin. Ala-Könnin näkemykset muuttuivat ja talonpoikaisen idyllin ihanne alkoi murtua siinä vaiheessa, kun hän aloitti neuvottelut kokoelmiensa siirrosta osaksi Tampereen Yhteiskunnallista Korkeakoulua ennen 1960-luvun puoliväliä. Tähän vaikuttivat Yhteiskunnallisen Korkeakoulun ja sittemmin Tampereen yliopiston sisällä painottuneet sosiologiset virtaukset. Erityisesti nuoremman ikäpolven sosiologit painottivat ristiriitojen tunnistamista osana yhteiskunnallisten ongelmien ratkaisua. Tämä oli selkeä sysäys, jonka myötä Ala-Könnin keruutyö laajeni kaupunkeihin ja huomioi myös sisällissodan molempien osapuolten tulkinnat. Kansanperinteen laitos perustettiin vuonna 1965, ja laitoksen johtajana Ala-Könni järjesteli useita kuntakeruita ympäri Suomen. Valtion kunnille myöntämä aluepoliittinen tuki mahdollisti keruumatkojen kustantamisen ja paikallismuseoiden perustamisen, mitä Ala-Könnin toiminta osaltaan edisti. Keruiden suosion rinnalla yhtenä 1960-luvun lopun uusista yhteiskunnal- lisista ja kulttuurisista liikkeistä nousi myös kansanmusiikkiliike, joka pyrki muun muassa vakiinnuttamaan kansanmusiikin tutkimuksen. Poliittisena tukipylväänä kansan- musiikkiliikkeelle oli Keskustapuolue, jonka ideologisista päämääristä alueellinen hajasijoittaminen ja maaseudun puolesta puhuminen sopivat myös kansanmusiikkiliikkeen päämääriin. Kun kansallinen katse määrittyi vielä ensimmäisen tasavallan aikana poliittisen oikeiston suunnasta, siirtyi se sodan jälkeen kohti poliittista keskustaa. Kansanmusiikkiliikkeen vahvistuessa Ala-Könni ryhtyi myös tukemaan uuden kansanmusiikin sovitus- ja sävellystyötä, mikä mursi aiempaa erontekoa kansan ja sivistyneistön välille. Tilanne ei kuitenkaan ollut edelleenkään joka suhteessa tasa-arvoinen, mikä arkistokokoelmissa näkyy erityisesti naisten, alkuperäisväestön ja vähemmistöjen asemaa tarkasteltaessa. Näitä ryhmiä koskevaa tallennettua aineistoa on vähän, eikä suhtautumista voi pitää nykymittapuilla kulttuurisensitiivisenä. Kansallisen katseen eri kehitysvaiheiden hahmottaminen auttaa Ala-Könnin keräämien aineistojen luonteen ymmärtämistä, niihin liittyvien valintojen tekemistä näkyväksi sekä metodologisen nationalismin osuutta suomalaisessa (kansan)musiikin- tutkimuksessa. Ala-Könnin tallentamia arkistonauhoitteita hyödynnetään aktiivisesti niin tieteellisessä kuin taiteellisessa tutkimuksessa yhä tänä päivänä. Arkistot tarjoavat tärkeää ja ainutkertaista lähdemateriaalia, mutta hankalampaa voi olla hahmottaa, mitä arkistoihin on tallennettu valikoiden tai jätetty tallentamatta. Tutkimuksessani pyrin tuomaan esiin myös näitä arkistojen hiljaisuuksia ja uusia tapoja tarkastella arkistokokoelmia, jotta hiljaisuudet pääsevät paremmin esiin. ; This doctoral dissertation explores the ideologies and guiding principles for the col- lection of traditional folk music in Finland from the beginning of the twentieth century until the 1970s. It focuses on the work of folk music scholar and collector Erkki Ala-Könni (1911–1996), who was a leading authority on Finnish folk music research. It takes its analytical stance from the concept of methodological nationalism, adopting a national gaze to scrutinise how the concept of Finnish folk music was con- structed. The analysis concentrates on how nation-building and a national gaze guided data collection practices and what characteristics of methodological nationalism were involved in the collection of archive materials in Finland. The study is situated within a framework of intellectual history: it examines how the collecting of traditional Finnish folk music was emphasised as a part of musicology and folk music research. Ala-Könni's work intertwined with the development of these disciplines and his conceptualizations about folk music have had a lasting im- pact. For example, they have affected archive collections, folk music research, the music policy of the Finnish Broadcasting Company and folk music events. This study addresses the period from 1941 to 1974, covering Ala-Könni's early career, from his first fieldwork until he received the title of professor. During this period, folk music research was a part of the so-called national disciplines, which also encompassed research on domestic and Finno-Ugric languages, Finnish literature, ethnology and folkloristics. These disciplines were soon in a state of cross-pressure in terms of what the concepts of folk and nation included and excluded. The sources used for this dissertation include interviews and lists of contents for audio recordings compiled by Ala-Könni, which are subjected to qualitative and statistical analyses, respectively. The analyses illuminate the changing ideological foundations of the national gaze and how the definitions of Finnish folk were set during the time that historian Pertti Alasuutari (1996) calls the second republic of Finland. Alasuutari further divides this period into the stage of moral economy (from the end of the Second World War until the mid-1960s) and the stage of planned economy (from the late 1960s until the early 1980s). During the period of the first republic (from 1917, when Finland gained independence, to 1944), the collection work was mainly carried out by Ala-Könni's teachers and mentors, while the two stages comprising the second republic of Finland coincided with his active professional career. From the 19th century until the end of the Second World War, ethnographic collection practices were characterised by ideals that portrayed the illiterate population as inferior compared to the intelligentsia. Ala-Könni followed this view by pointing out musical illiteracy of traditional folk music performers. During the first republic, ethnographers were mainly interested in East Finnish traditions. However, this emphasis shifted when Finnish Eastern Karelia was ceded to the Soviet Union after the Continuation War (1941–1944). Along with many other researchers, Ala- Könni redirected his fieldwork in the 1940s and 1950s to Western Finland, in particular the land-owning rural population of Southern and Central Ostrobothnia. These collection interests gave an image of an apparent coherent population. In reality, however, the population of Finland during the 1940s was not as homogenous as the collections might imply. For example, oral histories relaying the Finnish Civil War separate the population into two camps. The analysis shows that Ala-Könni's views changed over time and that the ideal of a rural idyll started to crumble in the early 1960s, when he began negotiations on transferring his collections to Tampere School of Social Sciences ( Tampereen Yhteiskunnallinen Korkeakoulu , soon thereafter renamed the University of Tampere). This change was driven by sociological trends favoured within the school. In particular, the younger generation of sociologists stressed that acknowledging conflicts should be part of the solution to social problems. This was a clear impetus for Ala- Könni to expand his fieldwork to urban areas and to take both parties of the Finnish Civil War into account. The Department of Folk Tradition was established in 1965, and as head of the department, Ala-Könni organised several fieldwork courses to municipalities all around Finland. Regional policy support, as granted to the municipalities by the State, allowed for the financing of these trips and the establishment of local museums, to which Ala-Könni's activities also contributed. As collecting folk tradition rose in popularity, new movements emerged in the late 1960s, including a folk music movement aimed at establishing the discipline of folk music re- search. A politically supportive structure for this was the Centre Party of Finland, whose objectives of promoting an ideology of regional decentralisation and rural advocacy were in line with the aims of the folk music movement. While the national gaze during the first republic of Finland was highly influenced by the political right, after the war, it was increasingly determined from the political centre. As the folk music movement gained momentum, Ala-Könni supported the work of musical composition and arrangement in contemporary folk music, which tore down the earlier division between the ordinary Finnish people and the intelligentsia. Circumstances, however, were still not equal, and the archive collections show this, especially in examining the status of women, indigenous people and minorities. The amount of the archive material related to these groups is relatively small and, from a contemporary point of view, the attitudes represented cannot be understood as culturally sensitive. Understanding the various stages of the Finnish national gaze is useful for com- prehending the nature of the materials Ala-Könni collected and the role of methodological nationalism in Finnish (folk) music research. The audio samples he recorded are still actively worked with to this day in both academic and artistic research. This dissertation also stresses the importance of studying not only what the archives contain but also how the materials in the collections were chosen and what was left out. Thus, these archival silences, as well as new ways to examine collections so that these silences can be better represented, are also highlighted in this study.

We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; ANID, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS and CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC and Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; JINR; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MICINN, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, Compute Canada, CRC and IVADO, Canada; Beijing Municipal Science & Technology Commission, China; COST, ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020 and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex, Investissements d'Avenir Idex and ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; La Caixa Banking Foundation, CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya and PROMETEO and GenT Programmes Generalitat Valenciana, Spain; Goran Gustafssons Stiftelse, Sweden; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (U.K.) and BNL (U.S.A.), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers. Major contributors of computing resources are listed in ref. [126]. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; ANID, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS and CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC and Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; JINR; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MICINN, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, Compute Canada, CRC and IVADO, Canada; Beijing Municipal Science & Technology Commission, China; COST, ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020 and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex, Investissements d'Avenir Idex and ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; La Caixa Banking Foundation, CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya and PROMETEO and GenT Programmes Generalitat Valenciana, Spain; Goran Gustafssons Stiftelse, Sweden; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (U.K.) and BNL (U.S.A.), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers. Major contributors of computing resources are listed in ref. [126]. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; ANID, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS and CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC and Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; JINR; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MICINN, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, Compute Canada, CRC and IVADO, Canada; Beijing Municipal Science & Technology Commission, China; COST, ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020 and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex, Investissements d'Avenir Idex and ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; La Caixa Banking Foundation, CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya and PROMETEO and GenT Programmes Generalitat Valenciana, Spain; Goran Gustafssons Stiftelse, Sweden; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN, the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (U.K.) and BNL (U.S.A.), the Tier-2 facilities worldwide and large non-WLCG resource providers. Major contributors of computing resources are listed in ref. [126]. ; The production of dark matter in association with Higgs bosons is predicted in several extensions of the Standard Model. An exploration of such scenarios is presented, considering final states with missing transverse momentum and b-tagged jets consistent with a Higgs boson. The analysis uses proton-proton collision data at a centre-of-mass energy of 13 TeV recorded by the ATLAS experiment at the LHC during Run 2, amounting to an integrated luminosity of 139 fb(-1). The analysis, when compared with previous searches, benefits from a larger dataset, but also has further improvements providing sensitivity to a wider spectrum of signal scenarios. These improvements include both an optimised event selection and advances in the object identification, such as the use of the likelihood-based significance of the missing transverse momentum and variable-radius track-jets. No significant deviation from Standard Model expectations is observed. Limits are set, at 95% confidence level, in two benchmark models with two Higgs doublets extended by either a heavy vector boson Z' or a pseudoscalar singlet a and which both provide a dark matter candidate chi. In the case of the two-Higgs-doublet model with an additional vector boson Z ', the observed limits extend up to a Z' mass of 3 TeV for a mass of 100 GeV for the dark matter candidate. The two-Higgs-doublet model with a dark matter particle mass of 10 GeV and an additional pseudoscalar a is excluded for masses of the a up to 520 GeV and 240 GeV for tan beta = 1 and tan beta = 10 respectively. Limits on the visible cross-sections are set and range from to 0.05 fb to 3.26 fb, depending on the missing transverse momentum and b-quark jet multiplicity requirements. ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWFW, Austria Austrian Science Fund (FWF) ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnologico (CNPQ) Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) NRC, Canada Canada Foundation for Innovation ; CERN ; ANID, Chile ; Chinese Academy of Sciences Ministry of Science and Technology, China National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC) ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic Czech Republic Government ; DNRF, Denmark Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) CEA-DRF/IRFU, France ; SRNSFG, Georgia ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) HGF, Germany ; Max Planck Society ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; RGC, China Hong Kong SAR, China ; Israel Science Foundation Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland NCN, Poland ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology European Commission ; MNE/IFA, Romania ; JINR ; MES of Russia NRC KI, Russian Federation ; Ministry of Education, Science & Technological Development, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia MIZS, Slovenia ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; Spanish Government ; SRC, Sweden Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SERI, Switzerland Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) Canton of Bern, Switzerland Canton of Geneva, Switzerland ; Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; UK Research & Innovation (UKRI) ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; BCKDF, Canada CANARIE, Canada Compute Canada, Canada CRC, Canada IVADO, Canada ; Beijing Municipal Science & Technology Commission ; COST, European Union European Research Council (ERC) ERDF, European Union Horizon 2020, European Union Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union ; French National Research Agency (ANR) ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Herakleitos programme - EU-ESF Thales Group Aristeia programme - EU-ESF Greek NSRF, Greece ; BSF-NSF, Israel German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; La Caixa Banking Foundation, Spain CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya, Spain PROMETEO, Spain GenT Programmes Generalitat Valenciana, Spain ; Goran Gustafssons Stiftelse, Sweden ; Royal Society of London ; Leverhulme Trust

본 연구는 COVID-19 유행 상황에서, 부정적 영향력이 더 크게 보고되는 집단인 한국의 기혼 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질을 확인하고, 삶의 질에 영향을 미치는 관련 요인을 탐색하고자 시행된 서술적 상관성 연구이다. 건강관련 삶의 질 모형을 바탕으로, 기능 상태, 증상, 환경적 요인, 개인적 요인으로 관련 요인을 탐색하였다. 더욱이 자녀의 연령에 따라 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질과 관련 요인들의 특성이 다른 것으로 확인되어, 영유아를 둔 유자녀 여성, 초등학교 저학년 유자녀 여성, 초등학교 고학년 유자녀 여성의 세 집단으로 나누어 삶의 질의 특성과 관련 요인을 확인하였다. 본 연구의 대상자는 25~49세 영유아, 초등학생 자녀를 둔 유자녀 기혼 여성이며, 자료 수집 기간은 2021년 3월 4일부터 18일이었다. 총 참여 대상자는 1,007명으로, 0-6세의 영유아 유자녀 여성 338명, 초등학교 저학년 유자녀 여성 333명, 초등학교 고학년 유자녀 여성 336명을 포함하였다. 자료 수집 방법은 구조화된 자가보고식 질문지를 이용하여 온라인 설문을 시행하였다. 수집된 자료는 SAS 9.4 통계프로그램으로 기술통계량과 t-test, 분산분석 (Scheffe's test), Pearson 상관성 분석, 선형 회귀 분석으로 분석하였으며, 연구의 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 전체 대상자의 삶의 질 수준은 평균 3.03 점 (가능 점수: 1-5점)이었다. 0-6세의 영유아 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질 수준이 2.90 점으로 초등학교 저학년 및 고학년 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질 수준 3.09 점 보다 유의하게 낮았다(p<.001). 2. 기능 상태인 양육 보호 요인은 매우 강력한 관련성을 보이며, 보호 요인 수준이 올라가면, 총 대상자 뿐 아니라 각 집단에서도 유의하게 삶의 질이 높았다(p<.001). 양육 보호 요인은 교육 수준이 올라갈수록 높았으며 (p=0.003), 초등학교 고학년 유자녀 여성의 경우, 돌봄 서비스의 변화가 있으면, 양육 보호 요인의 수준이 유의하게 낮았다 (p=0.002). 또 다른 기능 상태인 COVID-19와 관련된 양육의 어려움도 대상자 전체(p<.001) 뿐 아니라 각 집단의 여성 (영유아 유자녀 여성: p<.001, 초등학교 저학년 유자녀 여성:p<.001, 초등학교 고학년 유자녀 여성:p<.001)에게서 삶의 질 수준을 낮추었다. 영유아 유자녀 여성의 경우 자녀의 연령이 어릴수록 (p<.001), 돌봄 서비스의 변화가 있을 때 (p=0.046) 양육의 어려움이 높았다. 초등학교 저학년 유자녀 여성의 경우, 주부보다 직장에 나가 일을 하는 경우 (p=0.011) 양육의 어려움이 높았다. 3. 심리적 증상인 불안과 우울은 각각 전체 대상자의 삶의 질 수준과 유의한 관련성을 보였다 (p=0.010, p=0.004). 특히, 불안이 높아지면, 영유아 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질 수준은 유의하게 낮았으며 (p=0.016), 우울이 높아지면, 초등학교 저학년 및 고학년 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질 수준이 유의하게 낮았다 (p=0.006, 0.026). 불안과 우울은 재택근무 등 집에서 일을 하는 여성의 불안 호소 정도가, 주부나 직장에 나가 일을 하는 여성의 경우보다 높았으며, 가계소득이 낮아지면 불안과 우울은 증가하였다. 불안은 초등학교 고학년 유자녀 여성의 경우, 돌봄 서비스의 변화가 있을 때 높았다. 우울은 대상자의 교육 수준이 고등학교 이하일 경우 불안 수준이 높았다. 4. 환경적 요인 중 배우자 지지는 대상자 전체 (p<.001)와 영유아 유자녀 여성 (p<.001)의 삶의 질과 관련성이 있어, 배우자 지지가 상승하면 삶의 질이 유의하게 높아졌다. 가정 환경 혼돈 정도는 상관성 분석에서 삶의 질과 유의한 음의 상관성을 보였으나, 회귀분석에서는 삶의 질에 유의한 영향을 미치지 않았다. 5. 개인적 요인 중 기질적 희망은 그 수준이 올라가면 대상자 전체의 삶의 질을 유의하게 높였다 (p<.001). 그러나 다른 개인적 요인인 COVID-19 위험성 인식은 상관성 분석에서 삶의 질과 유의한 음의 상관성을 보였으나, 회귀분석에서는 삶의 질에 유의한 영향을 미치지 않았다. 6. 대상자의 일반적 특성과 삶의 질을 살피면, 주부보다 집이나 직장에 나가 일을 하는 유자녀 여성일 경우, 가계소득이 500만원 이상일 경우 삶의 질은 높았다. 초등학교 고학년 유자녀 여성의 경우 특히, COVID-19 발생 위험률 (인구 10만명당)이 높은 경우, 삶의 질이 낮았으며, 대상자의 교육 수준이 대학원 이상일 경우에는, 삶의 질이 높았다. 7. 대상자의 COVID-19 관련 경험들 중, COVID-19와 관련한 정신건강서비스를 알고, 이용했는지 등은 삶의 질과 유의한 관련성이 있었다. 본 연구에서 실제 정신건강서비스를 알고 있는 경우는 전체 여성의 25.92%였으며, 이용자는 6.75%였다. 결과의 종합적 고찰을 통해, 삶의 질을 높이기 위한 구체적인 시사점을 살피면 다음과 같이 결론 내릴 수 있었다. 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질을 높이기 위해 자녀의 돌봄 역할 기능을 증진시키는 것이 중요하다. 더욱이 유자녀 여성 중, 취약한 집단을 확인하여 이들에 대한 우선적인 중재가 이루어 져야 한다. 특히, 유자녀 여성의 직업 상태에 따라, 삶의 질에 도움을 줄 수 있는 효과적인 중재가 마련되어야 한다. 자녀의 연령별로 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질을 높이기 위한 전략이 다를 필요가 있으며, 현재의 어린이집, 유치원, 학교 등의 기능을 확대하여 활용하여야 한다. 또한 현재 정부에서 실시하는 정신건강서비스의 기능을 확대하고 이를 적극적으로 활용할 수 있어야 한다. 본 연구는 COVID-19 유행 속에서 기혼 유자녀 여성의 삶의 질을 파악하고, 이들의 관련 요인을 탐색한 국내 첫 연구이다. 통합적 고찰을 통해, 간호 연구와 실무에서 활용할 수 있는 근거와 함께, 구체적인 정책적 제안과 방향성을 제시하였다는 점에서 연구의 의의가 있다. This cross-sectional survey aimed to identify the quality of life (QOL) and its associated factors of Korean women with children, reported as a vulnerable during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the health-related QOL model of Ferrans et al. (2005), this study explored the influence of functional status, psychological symptoms, environmental characteristics, and intrapersonal characteristics. Since the factors related to the QOL of women with children were expected to vary depending on the children's age, participants were analyzed in three groups: women with preschoolers (aged 0–6 years), women with lower-elementary school (grades 1–3) children, and women with upper-elementary school (grades 4–6) children. The participants of this study were married women aged 25–49 years with children aged 0–12, and the survey was conducted from March 4 to 18, 2021. The total number of participants was 1,007: 338 women with preschoolers, 333 women with lower-elementary school children, and 336 women with upper-elementary school children participated in online surveys using structured self-reporting questionnaires. The collected data were analyzed using the SAS 9.4 program with descriptive statistics, t-test, ANOVA (Scheffe's test), Pearson's correlation coefficient and. multiple regression. The main results of the study are as follows. 1. The average QOL for all participants was moderate level (3.03), out of a possible range: 1–5). Women with preschoolers had statistically significant lower total QOL (2.90) than elementary school children (3.09) (p < .001). 2. Functional status: Firstly, parents' protective factors were strongly related with QOL, and as the level of protective factors increased, QOL was significantly higher in all groups as well as in participants as a total (p < .001). The scores of parents' protective factors were higher as education levels increased (p = 0.003). In women with upper-elementary school children, those who experienced changing care service due to the pandemic had a lower protective score (p = 0.002). Secondly, parenting difficulties due to COVID-19 lowered the level of QOL in participants as a total (p < .001), as well as in all groups (women with preschoolers: p < .001, women with lower-elementary school children: p = 0.001, and women with upper-elementary school children: p < .001). Women who had preschoolers and had changed care service reported greater difficulties (p = 0.046). For women with lower-elementary school children, those who worked at the workplace had a higher risk than housewives (p = 0.011) 3. Psychological symptoms: Both anxiety (p = 0.009) and depression (p = 0.004) were significantly related to QOL in participants as a total. In women with preschoolers, the QOL level significantly decreased when the anxiety level increased (p = 0.016), but depression was not. In contrast, in women with lower-elementary (p = 0.006) and upper-elementary (p = 0.026) school children, the QOL level significantly decreased when the depression level increased, but not for anxiety. Women who worked from home had higher anxiety (p < .001) and depression (p = 0.001) levels than women who worked at the workplace. Participants with a household income of less than 3 million Korean won (KRW) were more anxious (p = 0.001) and depressed (p = 0.001). In women with upper-elementary school children, those who experienced changing care service after COVID-19 had higher anxiety levels (p = 0.004). Women who were high school graduates or undergraduates were more depressed than the college graduates or postgraduate in participants as a total (p = 0.002) or women with preschoolers (p = 0.009). 4. Environmental characteristics: As spousal support increased, the QOL level increased significantly in participants as a total (p = 0.001) and in women with preschoolers (p < .001 0.0002). Household chaos showed a significant negative correlation with QOL (p < .001); but in the regression analysis it did not significantly affect QOL. 5. Intrapersonal characteristics: When the level of dispositional hope increased, the QOL level also improved in participants as a total but not in other groups (p = 0.001). COVID-19 risk perception showed a significant negative correlation with QOL (p < .001); but in the regression analysis, it did not significantly affect QOL. 6. The QOL level was higher in women who worked from home or worked at the workplace than housewives and also in women with a household income of more than 5 million KRW. In women with upper-elementary school children, those with a graduate degree had higher QOL levels (p = 0.020). Participants who lived in the area with a higher COVID-19 incidence rate, had lower QOL levels (p = 0.047). 7. COVID-19-related experiences: Women who knew and used psychological health services related to COVID-19 significantly reported higher QOL. In this study, 25.92% of the women were aware of psychological health services, and 6.75% of them had used the services. This study is significant as the first attempt to explore QOL and identify associated factors of women with children during the COVID-19 pandemic in Korea. Based on the results, implications to improve QOL are as follows. In order to improve QOL of women with children during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, it is important to enhance and support parenting roles. Moreover, vulnerable groups such as women with preschoolers should be identified according to the age group and preferential intervention should be made. Depending on the employment status of women with children, effective intervention should be established to promote their QOL. Moreover, strategies to improve QOL of women with children should vary depending on the children's age, and it is necessary to strengthen the current functions of daycare centers, kindergartens, and schools to assess and reinforce parenting roles. Expending scope of psychological health services currently provided by the government to better meet the needs of women with children is also needed. ; open ; 박사

Este trabajo, enmarcado en la problemática de la eficacia de las políticas públicas de distritos de riego en Colombia, tuvo el propósito de examinar la incidencia de la acción colectiva en la aplicación de esas políticas. Se identificaron y discutieron variables individuales y organizacionales, al igual que las políticas vigentes en el contexto de su evolución histórica. Complementado con un marco conceptual, este análisis fue la base para la formulación de recomendaciones orientadas a mejorar la eficacia de las políticas públicas en riego asociativo. Esta investigación se originó en la experiencia del autor en la dirección de la interventoría integral que adelantó la Universidad Nacional de Colombia a los proyectos de riego asociativo, seleccionados por el gobierno en 2011. Entre 2012 y 2014 al tiempo que se construían las obras, se trabajó desde la interventoría con las organizaciones ejecutoras. En ese proceso se detectaron dificultades en su desempeño, lo que motivó a profundizar en su conocimiento. Se estructuró, entonces, un programa complementario al de la interventoría que permitió en 2012 censar a los miembros de las organizaciones, adelantar pasantías de estudiantes en los proyectos y realizar grupos focales. Esta información, como base de esta investigación, tuvo que ser depurada y sistematizada. En lo cuantitativo se dispuso de datos de 2184 usuarios de 20 organizaciones. En lo cualitativo se hicieron pasantías en 12 asociaciones y grupos focales en 8. Este universo corresponde a la totalidad de la aplicación de la política de riego asociativo en ese periodo, después del cual no ha habido avances adicionales significativos. La aplicación del método mixto de investigación enriqueció la comprensión de los resultados: los cuantitativos concernientes a las características de los individuos y los cualitativos a sus percepciones sobre las organizaciones y el contexto. En cuanto a la dimensión individual se encontró que la inclinación favorable a la acción colectiva se relaciona con propietarios de predios y de unidades agrícolas familiares con predominio de ingresos relativos más elevados, con títulos de tenencia, participación creciente en los mercados, disponibilidad de medios de transporte para la venta de productos y mayores niveles de acceso a servicios sociales como educación y salud, lo que explica, a su vez, que sean los de mejor conocimiento de las normas de funcionamiento de los distritos de riego. No obstante, se encontró que la mayoría de productores vive en condiciones de pobreza, con carencias en las variables referidas, lo que explicaría la baja inclinación a la acción colectiva en las organizaciones conformadas por este tipo de productores. Complementariamente, la perspectiva organizacional sugiere que en la acción colectiva interviene negativamente: una conciencia del agua sesgada hacia su aprovechamiento como recurso productivo, sin contemplar los intereses grupales y los acuerdos de gestión colectiva; una visión instrumental de las organizaciones, concebidas exclusivamente como medio para acceder a financiación pública sin propósitos de largo alcance; una estructuración de las organizaciones limitada a las exigencias estatales, sin preocuparse por acuerdos que interpreten los intereses de sus miembros más allá de la construcción de las obras; un fraccionamiento interno de las organizaciones entre directivos y bases, expresado en desconfianza mutua, ausencia de liderazgos y existencia de dos grupos de productores, el minoritario de disposición a la acción colectiva y el mayoritario de ausencia de esa inclinación; a lo anterior se suma un entorno adverso en lo ambiental, socio económico y político institucional que refuerza la ocurrencia de los factores mencionados. La conexión de estos resultados con la trayectoria de las políticas de riego en Colombia sugiere la gestación de una transición en la que el protagonismo histórico del ingeniero civil, está siendo equiparado por el de grupos de productores de avanzada quienes, al asumir una visión integral de los proyectos, articulan de acuerdo con sus intereses la perspectiva de infraestructura con la de producción y del mercado. En paralelo, el cambio de las políticas, desde un enfoque de oferta hacia uno de demanda, evidencia las limitaciones de este último. La investigación indica que debería ir acompañado de un conjunto de políticas orientadas a la creación de condiciones para que los productores puedan desempeñarse mejor en sus organizaciones y asumir funciones para las que no están capacitados. Ello supondría la provisión de bienes públicos y la atención a los problemas estructurales de la vida en el campo, como el acceso a la tierra, los derechos de propiedad, la inserción a los mercados, la educación y servicios sociales. En ese orden de ideas, también es relevante para la acción colectiva, la creación de acuerdos propios y autónomos en las organizaciones, fundamentados en el entendimiento del agua para riego como bien común y, por ende, con visión de largo alcance. El análisis conduce a concluir que no es deseable para el país que se mantengan las políticas de riego centradas solamente en infraestructura física, sumado a que la acción colectiva afecta, según lo investigado, su éxito esperado. De ahí que sería recomendable que éstas articularan factores como los identificados en esta investigación. Adquiere relevancia, un acompañamiento responsable por parte del Estado a la iniciativa de los productores, en el entendido de que los integrantes de las organizaciones son quienes pueden resolver mejor sus propios propósitos y acuerdos para una acción colectiva sólida. ; This work, framed in the problematic of the effectiveness of the public policy of irrigation districts in Colombia, had the purpose of examining the incidence of collective action. Individual and organizational variables were identified and discussed, as well as existing irrigation policies in the context of their historical evolution. Complemented by a conceptual framework, this analysis was the basis for the formulation of recommendations aimed at improving the effectiveness of public policies on associative irrigation. This research originated in the author's experience in the direction of a comprehensive audit carried out by the National University of Colombia on associative irrigation projects selected by the government in 2011. Between 2012 and 2014, at the same time that the works were being built, we worked from the audit with the executing organizations. In this process, difficulties were detected in its performance, which motivated to deepen its knowledge. A complementary program to the audit was then structured, which in 2012 allowed for the census of the organizations members, the advancement of student internships in the projects, and the holding of focus groups. This information, as the basis of this research, had to be refined and systematized. In quantitative terms, data was available for 2184 users from 20 organizations. In qualitative terms, internships were carried out in 12 associations and focus groups in 8. This universe corresponds to the entire application of the associative irrigation policy in that period, after which there have been no additional advances. The application of the mixed method of research enriched the understanding of the results: the quantitative ones concerning the characteristics of the individuals, and the qualitative ones to their perceptions on the organizations and its context. With regard to the individual dimension, it was found that the favorable inclination to collective action is related to land owners and family agricultural units with a predominance of higher relative income, with tenure titles, increasing participation in markets, availability of means of transportation for the sale of products and higher levels of access to social services, such as education and health, which explains, in turn, that they are the ones with the best knowledge of the rules of operation of irrigation districts. Nevertheless, it was found that the majority of producers live in conditions of poverty, with deficiencies in the referred variables, which would explain the low inclination to collective action in the organizations conformed by this type of producers. Complementarily, the organizational perspective suggests that in collective action it intervenes negatively: an awareness of water biased towards its use as a productive resource, without considering group interests and collective management agreements; an instrumental vision of organizations, conceived exclusively as a means to access public financing without long-range purposes; a structuring of organizations limited to state demands, without worrying about agreements that interpret the interests of their members beyond the construction of works; an internal division of the organizations between directors and bases, expressed in mutual distrust, absence of leadership and existence of two groups of producers, the minor one with a willingness to collective action and the major one with absence of that inclination; to the above is added an adverse natural, socioeconomic and political environment that reinforces the occurrence of the mentioned factors. The connection of these results with the trajectory of irrigation policies in Colombia suggests the gestation of a transition in which the civil engineer historical leading role is being equated by that of groups of advanced producers who, by assuming an integral vision of the projects, articulate the infrastructure approach with that of production and marketing, according to their interests. At the same time, the change in policies, from a supply to a demand approach, shows the limitations of the latter. The research indicates that it should be accompanied by a set of policies aimed at creating conditions for producers to perform better in their organizations and assume functions for which they are not trained. This would involve the provision of public goods and attention to the structural problems of wellbeing in the countryside, such as access to land, property rights and insertion into markets, as well as education and social services. In this order of ideas, it is also relevant for collective action, the creation of own and autonomous agreements in the organizations, based on the understanding of water for irrigation as a common and, therefore, with a long-range vision. The analysis leads to the conclusion that it is not desirable for the country to maintain irrigation policies focused solely on physical infrastructure and that collective action affects, according to the research results, its expected success. It would therefore be advisable for these policies to articulate factors such as those identified in this research. A responsible accompaniment by the State to the producers' initiative acquires relevance, in the understanding that the members of the organizations are the ones who can best solve their own purposes and agreements for a solid collective action.

An inclusive search for supersymmetry (SUSY) using the razor variables is performed using a data sample of proton-proton collisions corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 35.9 fb ?1 , collected with the CMS experiment in 2016 at a center-of-mass energy of s=13 TeV. The search looks for an excess of events with large transverse energy, large jet multiplicity, and large missing transverse momentum. The razor kinematic variables are sensitive to large mass differences between the parent particle and the invisible particles of a decay chain and help to identify the presence of SUSY particles. The search covers final states with zero or one charged lepton and features event categories divided according to the presence of a high transverse momentum hadronically decaying W boson or top quark, the number of jets, the number of b-tagged jets, and the values of the razor kinematic variables, in order to separate signal from background for a broad range of SUSY signatures. The addition of the boosted W boson and top quark categories within the analysis further increases the sensitivity of the search, particularly to signal models with large mass splitting between the produced gluino or squark and the lightest SUSY particle. The analysis is interpreted using simplified models of R-parity conserving SUSY, focusing on gluino pair production and top squark pair production. Limits on the gluino mass extend to 2.0 TeV, while limits on top squark mass reach 1.14 TeV.[Figure not available: see fulltext.]. © 2019, The Author(s). ; Commissariat à l'Énergie Atomique et aux Énergies Alternatives, CEA Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules, IN2P3 Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo, FAPESP Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek, FWO Eesti Teadusagentuur, ETAg: IUT23-6, IUT23-4 Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, FAPERJ Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung, BMBF Austrian Science Fund, FWF Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG Research Promotion Foundation, ???? Hrvatska Zaklada za Znanost, HRZZ Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, CNRS Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico, CNPq Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, FAPERGS General Secretariat for Research and Technology, GSRT Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (COLCIENCIAS) CERN Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, MICYT Academy of Finland Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior, CAPES Bundesministerium für Bildung, Wissenschaft und Forschung, BMBWF Chinese Academy of Sciences, CAS Commissariat à l'Énergie Atomique et aux Énergies Alternatives, CEA European Regional Development Fund, FEDER Utbildningsdepartementet National Natural Science Foundation of China, NSFC Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, KPM Secretaría de Educación Pública, SEP Joint Institute for Nuclear Research, JINR Foundation for the Advancement of Theoretical Physics and Mathematics Centro de Investigación y de Estudios Avanzados del Instituto Politécnico Nacional, CINVESTAV Russian Foundation for Basic Research, ???? Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare, INFN Fundo Regional para a Ciência e Tecnologia, FRCT Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología, CONACYT Universiti Malaya, UM Lietuvos Moksl? Akademija Narodowe Centrum Nauki, NCN Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, BUAP Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning, MSIP National Research Foundation of Korea, NRF Ministarstvo Prosvete, Nauke i Tehnološkog Razvoja, MPNTR Russian Academy of Sciences, ??? Federal Agency of Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, Minobrnauka Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission, PAEC Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, MBIE Ministry of Science,Technology and Research, MoSTR School of Energy Resources, University of Wyoming, SER National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, NASU Horizon 2020: 675440 Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule Zürich, ETH Schweizerischer Nationalfonds zur Förderung der Wissenschaftlichen Forschung, SNF Science and Technology Facilities Council, STFC European Regional Development Fund, FEDER European Commission, EC Institute for the Promotion of Teaching Science and Technology, IPST Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, MICYT European Research Council, ERC Physicians' Services Incorporated Foundation, PSI Thailand Center of Excellence in Physics Türkiye Atom Enerjisi Kurumu, TAEK Türkiye Bilimsel ve Teknolojik Araştirma Kurumu, TÜBITAK European Regional Development Fund, FEDER Bangladesh Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, BCSIR Welch Foundation: C-1845 Weston Havens Foundation Fundacja na rzecz Nauki Polskiej, FNP Alfred P. Sloan Foundation Qatar National Research Fund, QNRF Belgian Federal Science Policy Office, BELSPO Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie, IWT Chulalongkorn University, CU Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung Ministerstvo Školství, Mláde?e a T?lov?chovy, MŠMT European Commission, EC Ministerstvo Školství, Mláde?e a T?lov?chovy, MŠMT 30820817 Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek, FWO 2012/07/E/ST2/01406, 2014/13/B/ST2/02543, 2014/14/M/ST2/00428, 2014/15/B/ST2/03998, 2015/19/B/ST2/02861 Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture, FRIA Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, MTA Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovaciós Alap, NKFIA: 125105, 124850, 123842, 123959, 124845 ; Open Access, Copyright CERN, for the benefit of the CMS Collaboration. Article funded by SCOAP3. ; Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, Science and Research and the Austrian Science Fund; the Belgian Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique, and Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek; the Brazilian Funding Agencies (CNPq, CAPES, FAPERJ, FAPERGS, and FAPESP); the Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science; CERN; the Chinese Academy of Sciences, Ministry of Science and Technology, and National Natural Science Foundation of China; the Colombian Funding Agency (COLCIENCIAS); the Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sport, and the Croatian Science Foundation; the Research Promotion Foundation, Cyprus; the Secretariat for Higher Education, Science, Technology and Innovation, Ecuador; the Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council via IUT23-4 and IUT23-6 and European Regional Development Fund, Estonia; the Academy of Finland, Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture, and Helsinki Institute of Physics; the Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules / CNRS, and Commissariat à l'Énergie Atomique et aux Énergies Alternatives / CEA, France; the Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung, Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, and Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren, Germany; the General Secretariat for Research and Technology, Greece; the National Research, Development and Innova- ; tion Fund, Hungary; the Department of Atomic Energy and the Department of Science and Technology, India; the Institute for Studies in Theoretical Physics and Mathematics, Iran; the Science Foundation, Ireland; the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare, Italy; the Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning, and National Research Foundation (NRF), Republic of Korea; the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Latvia; the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences; the Ministry of Education, and University of Malaya (Malaysia); the Ministry of Science of Montenegro; the Mexican Funding Agencies (BUAP, CINVESTAV, CONACYT, LNS, SEP, and UASLP-FAI); the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, New Zealand; the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission; the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and the National Science Centre, Poland; the Fundac¸ão para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, Portugal; JINR, Dubna; the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, the Federal Agency of Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation, Russian Academy of Sciences, the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, and the National Research Center "Kurchatov Institute"; the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Serbia; the Secretaría de Estado de Investigación, ; Desarrollo e Innovación, Programa Consolider-Ingenio 2010, Plan Estatal de Investigación Científica y Técnica y de Innovación 2013-2016, Plan de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación 2013-2017 del Principado de Asturias, and Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional, Spain; the Ministry of Science, Technology and Research, Sri Lanka; the Swiss Funding Agencies (ETH Board, ETH Zurich, PSI, SNF, UniZH, Canton Zurich, and SER); the Ministry of Science and Technology, Taipei; the Thailand Center of Excellence in Physics, the Institute for the Promotion of Teaching Science and Technology of Thailand, Special Task Force for Activating Research and the National Science and Technology Development Agency of Thailand; the Scientific and Technical Research Council of Turkey, and Turkish Atomic Energy Authority; the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and State Fund for Fundamental Researches, Ukraine; the Science and Technology Facilities Council, U.K.; the US Department of Energy, and the US National Science Foundation. Individuals have received support from the Marie-Curie programme and the European Research Council and Horizon 2020 Grant, contract No. 675440 (European Union); the Leventis Founda- ; tion; the A. P. Sloan Foundation; the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation; the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office; the Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium); the Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium); the F.R.S.-FNRS and FWO (Belgium) under the "Excellence of Science — EOS" — be.h project n. 30820817; the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic; the Lendület ("Momentum") Programme and the János Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the New National Excellence Program ÚNKP, the NKFIA research grants 123842, 123959, 124845, 124850 and 125105 (Hungary); the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, India; the HOMING PLUS programme of the Foundation for Polish Science, cofinanced from European Union, Regional Development Fund, the Mobility Plus programme of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education, the National Science Center (Poland), contracts Harmonia 2014/14/M/ST2/00428, Opus 2014/13/B/ST2/02543, 2014/15/B/ST2/03998, and 2015/19/B/ST2/02861, Sonata-bis 2012/07/E/ST2/01406; the National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund; the Programa de Excelencia María de Maeztu, and the Programa Severo Ochoa del Principado de Asturias; the Thalis and Aristeia programmes cofinanced by EU-ESF, and the Greek NSRF; the Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship, Chulalongkorn University, and the Chulalongkorn Academic into Its 2nd Century Project Advancement Project (Thailand); the Welch Foundation, contract C-1845; and the Weston Havens Foundation (U.S.A.).

Why are motion pictures often attributed to authors – or "filmmakers" – while dozens of names and occupations appear in film credits? Following Foucault's definition of authorship as a form of appropriation, this dissertation focuses on copyright law and authorship battles in order to explain the origins and existence of film authors. Rather than considering authors as the individuals who "make" movies or as a fiction overshadowing the collective nature of filmmaking, I show that the attribution of films to authors is the result of the division of filmmaking labor and its power relations. This research uses a sociohistorical perspective and a transnational approach centered on the United States and France, where film authors are not granted the same authorship rights. It sheds light on the national, international and transnational dimensions of the appropriation of motion pictures. This study starts when film authors first appeared in copyright law: as early as the 1900s.The first part of this dissertation focuses on the writing of motion pictures' property rights from the birth of cinema to the passing of the French copyright law of 1957 and of the Copyright Act of 1976. After decades of battles, these laws provided different definitions of film authors and granted them with different property rights. Using legal publications, congressional records and reports, as well as film journals, I study French and American laws as the results of a codification process shaped by preexisting law and by the cooperation and power relations between lawyers, public officials, politicians and film organizations. A study of the revisions of the Berne Convention for the protection of literary and artistic works also show the interdependency between national and international norms of film authorship and copyright law.The second part of the dissertation study the appropriation of motion pictures as a social relation based on the division of filmmaking labor and social labor. Film authorship battles which started in the 1910s contributed to the creation of professional hierarchies and to the differentiation of film value from other forms of economic and artistic value. I use various writings of film professionals, along with other sources, to show that film authorship was shaped by various aspects of film production, dissemination and reception (including the power relations between film professionals, the diversity of film careers and the uses of authors' names by film critics and audiences). To study the division of filmmaking labor, I use Pierre Bourdieu's research on cultural fields, Howard Becker's work on art worlds as well as scholarship on professions. The dissertation also shows that the professional hierarchies of motion picture production interrelate with various forms of domination common to other fields. For example, gender helped to establish and legitimate hierarchies between professions and occupations, to distribute film labor and to exclude women from dominant professions. Film production also generated huge economic inequalities which nurtured authorship battles and rose the prestige of authors. Lastly, I show that film authorship was influenced by transnational circulations of movies, workers and ideas, by the asymmetries of the international film market and by film nationalism. To study the international division of filmmaking labor, I use world-systems theory, research on translations and quantitative data.The third part of the dissertation focuses on film directors and their copyright battles since the 1960s. Film directors took part in the negotiations of bargaining agreements, the French copyright law of 1985, the ratification of the Berne Convention by the United States and various laws sanctioning "internet piracy" (such as HADOPI law and the SOPA law). In these legal battles, film directors claimed to be authors in order to be granted with rights fostering their power, recognition and earnings. The legal claims were denounced by other filmmakers who challenged film authorship, copyright law and the interests of dominant film companies. Using the concept of field, biographical data, network analysis and multiple correspondence analysis, I explain that the alliances and oppositions of filmmakers in copyright battles were shaped by their professional careers. I study the political representation of film directors by members and leaders of their professional organizations. I conducted dozens of interviews to understand the points of views of French filmmakers on their property rights and on economic inequalities between film professionals. I show that their points of view vary according to their incomes and positions in the filmmaking field.This dissertation is meant to be useful for scholars interested in the history of copyright law, motion pictures, authorship, the division of (artistic) labor, professions and transnational approaches. ; Pourquoi les films de cinéma sont-ils souvent attribués à des auteurs alors même que leurs génériques énumèrent des dizaines de noms propres et de noms de métiers ? A la suite de Michel Foucault et de sa définition de la « fonction-auteur » comme forme d'appropriation des discours, cette thèse étudie la genèse et l'existence des auteurs de films au prisme des luttes de définition de leurs droits de propriété. Plutôt que de considérer les auteurs de cinéma comme ceux qui « font » les films ou comme une fiction occultant le caractère collectif de leur fabrication, elle montre que les auteurs sont les produits d'une division du travail cinématographique et des rapports de domination qui la traversent. Ce travail, inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie historique, adopte un référentiel binational centré sur la France et les Etats-Unis, où les auteurs de films ne disposent pas des mêmes droits. Il vise à objectiver les dimensions nationales, internationales et transnationales de l'appropriation des films. La période étudiée débute au moment où des personnes et des groupes ont été définis juridiquement comme des auteurs de cinéma : dès les années 1900.La première partie de ce texte est consacrée à la définition du droit de propriété des films depuis l'émergence du cinéma jusqu'à l'adoption de la loi du 11 mars 1957 et du Copyright Act de 1976. Après des décennies de débats, ces lois ont défini différemment l'identité et les droits des auteurs de films. A partir de publications juridiques, cinématographiques et parlementaires, on étudie ces lois comme les résultats d'un travail de codification structuré par des normes préexistantes et par les relations entre les acteurs qui ont participé à leur rédaction. Le développement du droit de propriété cinématographique est à la fois la cause et la conséquence de la constitution d'un espace de négociation regroupant des professionnels du droit, des hauts fonctionnaires, des professionnels de la politique et des organisations professionnelles du cinéma, dont certaines se sont constituées dans le but de défendre le statut d'auteur de leurs membres. La thèse montre ce que les normes du droit de propriété cinématographique français et américain doivent aux savoir-faire et concurrences entre des experts du droit de propriété intellectuelle, ainsi qu'aux relations entre des organisations professionnelles inégalement dotées en ressources économiques, juridiques et politiques. En examinant les révisions de la Convention de Berne, on analyse les interdépendances entre les processus de définition des normes nationales et internationales de la propriété des films. La deuxième partie de la thèse prolonge et dépasse l'étude du droit de propriété en analysant l'appropriation des films comme une relation structurée par la division du travail cinématographique et social. Les luttes de définition de l'auteur de film qui ont débuté dans les années 1910 ont contribué à la hiérarchisation du personnel cinématographique et à la différenciation de la valeur cinématographique par rapport à d'autres formes de valeur économique et artistique. Des témoignages, autobiographies et publications cinématographiques permettent de montrer que l'attribution des films à des auteurs dépend de diverses relations de production, de diffusion et de valorisation des films, comme la répartition des tâches et du pouvoir entre le personnel, les incertitudes et inégalités qui structurent les trajectoires des prétendants au statut d'auteur et les vertus cognitives et distinctives de la fonction-auteur employée par les critiques et une fraction des spectateurs. On mobilise pour cela les travaux de Pierre Bourdieu sur les champs de production culturelle, d'Howard Becker sur les mondes de l'art et d'autres recherches sur les professions et artistiques et non-artistiques. En outre, la thèse constate que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma se sont construites à l'intersection de rapports de domination communs à différents domaines d'activité. Par exemple, le genre a servi à hiérarchiser les groupes professionnels, à répartir le travail cinématographique et à exclure les femmes de certains métiers du cinéma. Le cinéma a produit d'immenses inégalités de richesse qui ont attisées les luttes de définition de l'auteur et accru le prestige de certains métiers. La thèse explique également ce que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma doivent à des échanges transnationaux, des concurrences internationales et aux nationalismes et universalismes cinématographiques. A cette fin, elle objective les asymétries de la division internationale du travail cinématographique, à l'aide des concepts de centre et de périphérie employés par la théorie des systèmes-monde, de travaux sur les échanges internationaux de biens culturels et de données sur les palmarès de festivals internationaux et la production et les échanges de films.La troisième partie est centrée sur les cinéastes et leur mobilisation autour du droit de propriété des films depuis les années 1960. En négociant des conventions collectives, la loi du 3 juillet 1985 sur le droit d'auteur, l'adhésion des Etats-Unis à la Convention de Berne et des lois réprimant les pratiques dites de téléchargement illégal (comme les lois HADOPI et SOPA), des réalisateurs, des réalisatrices et leurs organisations ont fait valoir le statut d'auteur pour obtenir ou défendre des droits censés accroître leur pouvoir, leur reconnaissance et leurs revenus. Leurs revendications ont été dénoncées par des cinéastes remettant en cause la notion d'auteur, la propriété des œuvres et/ou les intérêts d'entreprises dominantes. Les alliances et divisions des cinéastes français sont rapportées à leurs trajectoires cinématographiques grâce au concept de champ et à des données prosopographiques traitées en combinant les méthodes de l'analyse des correspondances multiples et de l'analyse de réseaux. La thèse étudie la division du travail de représentation des cinéastes entre des professionnels plus ou moins connus et reconnus, des militants et des dirigeants de sociétés d'auteurs. Sur la base d'entretiens et d'observations, on observe les points de vue des cinéastes français sur leurs droits de propriété et sur la répartition de l'argent entre les groupes professionnels du cinéma. Ces points de vue varient en fonction des positions des cinéastes dans la division du travail cinématographique, dans le champ du cinéma et dans des hiérarchies économiques, objectivées à l'aide de données statistiques.Ce travail s'adresse ainsi aux personnes intéressées par l'histoire du droit d'auteur, du copyright, du cinéma, de ses auteurs et de leurs modes de production ; aux personnes réfléchissant à la division, la hiérarchisation et l'appropriation du travail artistique ou non-artistique ; aux personnes intéressées par les approches transnationales.

Why are motion pictures often attributed to authors – or "filmmakers" – while dozens of names and occupations appear in film credits? Following Foucault's definition of authorship as a form of appropriation, this dissertation focuses on copyright law and authorship battles in order to explain the origins and existence of film authors. Rather than considering authors as the individuals who "make" movies or as a fiction overshadowing the collective nature of filmmaking, I show that the attribution of films to authors is the result of the division of filmmaking labor and its power relations. This research uses a sociohistorical perspective and a transnational approach centered on the United States and France, where film authors are not granted the same authorship rights. It sheds light on the national, international and transnational dimensions of the appropriation of motion pictures. This study starts when film authors first appeared in copyright law: as early as the 1900s.The first part of this dissertation focuses on the writing of motion pictures' property rights from the birth of cinema to the passing of the French copyright law of 1957 and of the Copyright Act of 1976. After decades of battles, these laws provided different definitions of film authors and granted them with different property rights. Using legal publications, congressional records and reports, as well as film journals, I study French and American laws as the results of a codification process shaped by preexisting law and by the cooperation and power relations between lawyers, public officials, politicians and film organizations. A study of the revisions of the Berne Convention for the protection of literary and artistic works also show the interdependency between national and international norms of film authorship and copyright law.The second part of the dissertation study the appropriation of motion pictures as a social relation based on the division of filmmaking labor and social labor. Film authorship battles which started in the 1910s contributed to the creation of professional hierarchies and to the differentiation of film value from other forms of economic and artistic value. I use various writings of film professionals, along with other sources, to show that film authorship was shaped by various aspects of film production, dissemination and reception (including the power relations between film professionals, the diversity of film careers and the uses of authors' names by film critics and audiences). To study the division of filmmaking labor, I use Pierre Bourdieu's research on cultural fields, Howard Becker's work on art worlds as well as scholarship on professions. The dissertation also shows that the professional hierarchies of motion picture production interrelate with various forms of domination common to other fields. For example, gender helped to establish and legitimate hierarchies between professions and occupations, to distribute film labor and to exclude women from dominant professions. Film production also generated huge economic inequalities which nurtured authorship battles and rose the prestige of authors. Lastly, I show that film authorship was influenced by transnational circulations of movies, workers and ideas, by the asymmetries of the international film market and by film nationalism. To study the international division of filmmaking labor, I use world-systems theory, research on translations and quantitative data.The third part of the dissertation focuses on film directors and their copyright battles since the 1960s. Film directors took part in the negotiations of bargaining agreements, the French copyright law of 1985, the ratification of the Berne Convention by the United States and various laws sanctioning "internet piracy" (such as HADOPI law and the SOPA law). In these legal battles, film directors claimed to be authors in order to be granted with rights fostering their power, recognition and earnings. The legal claims were denounced by other filmmakers who challenged film authorship, copyright law and the interests of dominant film companies. Using the concept of field, biographical data, network analysis and multiple correspondence analysis, I explain that the alliances and oppositions of filmmakers in copyright battles were shaped by their professional careers. I study the political representation of film directors by members and leaders of their professional organizations. I conducted dozens of interviews to understand the points of views of French filmmakers on their property rights and on economic inequalities between film professionals. I show that their points of view vary according to their incomes and positions in the filmmaking field.This dissertation is meant to be useful for scholars interested in the history of copyright law, motion pictures, authorship, the division of (artistic) labor, professions and transnational approaches. ; Pourquoi les films de cinéma sont-ils souvent attribués à des auteurs alors même que leurs génériques énumèrent des dizaines de noms propres et de noms de métiers ? A la suite de Michel Foucault et de sa définition de la « fonction-auteur » comme forme d'appropriation des discours, cette thèse étudie la genèse et l'existence des auteurs de films au prisme des luttes de définition de leurs droits de propriété. Plutôt que de considérer les auteurs de cinéma comme ceux qui « font » les films ou comme une fiction occultant le caractère collectif de leur fabrication, elle montre que les auteurs sont les produits d'une division du travail cinématographique et des rapports de domination qui la traversent. Ce travail, inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie historique, adopte un référentiel binational centré sur la France et les Etats-Unis, où les auteurs de films ne disposent pas des mêmes droits. Il vise à objectiver les dimensions nationales, internationales et transnationales de l'appropriation des films. La période étudiée débute au moment où des personnes et des groupes ont été définis juridiquement comme des auteurs de cinéma : dès les années 1900.La première partie de ce texte est consacrée à la définition du droit de propriété des films depuis l'émergence du cinéma jusqu'à l'adoption de la loi du 11 mars 1957 et du Copyright Act de 1976. Après des décennies de débats, ces lois ont défini différemment l'identité et les droits des auteurs de films. A partir de publications juridiques, cinématographiques et parlementaires, on étudie ces lois comme les résultats d'un travail de codification structuré par des normes préexistantes et par les relations entre les acteurs qui ont participé à leur rédaction. Le développement du droit de propriété cinématographique est à la fois la cause et la conséquence de la constitution d'un espace de négociation regroupant des professionnels du droit, des hauts fonctionnaires, des professionnels de la politique et des organisations professionnelles du cinéma, dont certaines se sont constituées dans le but de défendre le statut d'auteur de leurs membres. La thèse montre ce que les normes du droit de propriété cinématographique français et américain doivent aux savoir-faire et concurrences entre des experts du droit de propriété intellectuelle, ainsi qu'aux relations entre des organisations professionnelles inégalement dotées en ressources économiques, juridiques et politiques. En examinant les révisions de la Convention de Berne, on analyse les interdépendances entre les processus de définition des normes nationales et internationales de la propriété des films. La deuxième partie de la thèse prolonge et dépasse l'étude du droit de propriété en analysant l'appropriation des films comme une relation structurée par la division du travail cinématographique et social. Les luttes de définition de l'auteur de film qui ont débuté dans les années 1910 ont contribué à la hiérarchisation du personnel cinématographique et à la différenciation de la valeur cinématographique par rapport à d'autres formes de valeur économique et artistique. Des témoignages, autobiographies et publications cinématographiques permettent de montrer que l'attribution des films à des auteurs dépend de diverses relations de production, de diffusion et de valorisation des films, comme la répartition des tâches et du pouvoir entre le personnel, les incertitudes et inégalités qui structurent les trajectoires des prétendants au statut d'auteur et les vertus cognitives et distinctives de la fonction-auteur employée par les critiques et une fraction des spectateurs. On mobilise pour cela les travaux de Pierre Bourdieu sur les champs de production culturelle, d'Howard Becker sur les mondes de l'art et d'autres recherches sur les professions et artistiques et non-artistiques. En outre, la thèse constate que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma se sont construites à l'intersection de rapports de domination communs à différents domaines d'activité. Par exemple, le genre a servi à hiérarchiser les groupes professionnels, à répartir le travail cinématographique et à exclure les femmes de certains métiers du cinéma. Le cinéma a produit d'immenses inégalités de richesse qui ont attisées les luttes de définition de l'auteur et accru le prestige de certains métiers. La thèse explique également ce que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma doivent à des échanges transnationaux, des concurrences internationales et aux nationalismes et universalismes cinématographiques. A cette fin, elle objective les asymétries de la division internationale du travail cinématographique, à l'aide des concepts de centre et de périphérie employés par la théorie des systèmes-monde, de travaux sur les échanges internationaux de biens culturels et de données sur les palmarès de festivals internationaux et la production et les échanges de films.La troisième partie est centrée sur les cinéastes et leur mobilisation autour du droit de propriété des films depuis les années 1960. En négociant des conventions collectives, la loi du 3 juillet 1985 sur le droit d'auteur, l'adhésion des Etats-Unis à la Convention de Berne et des lois réprimant les pratiques dites de téléchargement illégal (comme les lois HADOPI et SOPA), des réalisateurs, des réalisatrices et leurs organisations ont fait valoir le statut d'auteur pour obtenir ou défendre des droits censés accroître leur pouvoir, leur reconnaissance et leurs revenus. Leurs revendications ont été dénoncées par des cinéastes remettant en cause la notion d'auteur, la propriété des œuvres et/ou les intérêts d'entreprises dominantes. Les alliances et divisions des cinéastes français sont rapportées à leurs trajectoires cinématographiques grâce au concept de champ et à des données prosopographiques traitées en combinant les méthodes de l'analyse des correspondances multiples et de l'analyse de réseaux. La thèse étudie la division du travail de représentation des cinéastes entre des professionnels plus ou moins connus et reconnus, des militants et des dirigeants de sociétés d'auteurs. Sur la base d'entretiens et d'observations, on observe les points de vue des cinéastes français sur leurs droits de propriété et sur la répartition de l'argent entre les groupes professionnels du cinéma. Ces points de vue varient en fonction des positions des cinéastes dans la division du travail cinématographique, dans le champ du cinéma et dans des hiérarchies économiques, objectivées à l'aide de données statistiques.Ce travail s'adresse ainsi aux personnes intéressées par l'histoire du droit d'auteur, du copyright, du cinéma, de ses auteurs et de leurs modes de production ; aux personnes réfléchissant à la division, la hiérarchisation et l'appropriation du travail artistique ou non-artistique ; aux personnes intéressées par les approches transnationales.

Why are motion pictures often attributed to authors – or "filmmakers" – while dozens of names and occupations appear in film credits? Following Foucault's definition of authorship as a form of appropriation, this dissertation focuses on copyright law and authorship battles in order to explain the origins and existence of film authors. Rather than considering authors as the individuals who "make" movies or as a fiction overshadowing the collective nature of filmmaking, I show that the attribution of films to authors is the result of the division of filmmaking labor and its power relations. This research uses a sociohistorical perspective and a transnational approach centered on the United States and France, where film authors are not granted the same authorship rights. It sheds light on the national, international and transnational dimensions of the appropriation of motion pictures. This study starts when film authors first appeared in copyright law: as early as the 1900s.The first part of this dissertation focuses on the writing of motion pictures' property rights from the birth of cinema to the passing of the French copyright law of 1957 and of the Copyright Act of 1976. After decades of battles, these laws provided different definitions of film authors and granted them with different property rights. Using legal publications, congressional records and reports, as well as film journals, I study French and American laws as the results of a codification process shaped by preexisting law and by the cooperation and power relations between lawyers, public officials, politicians and film organizations. A study of the revisions of the Berne Convention for the protection of literary and artistic works also show the interdependency between national and international norms of film authorship and copyright law.The second part of the dissertation study the appropriation of motion pictures as a social relation based on the division of filmmaking labor and social labor. Film authorship battles which started in the 1910s contributed to the creation of professional hierarchies and to the differentiation of film value from other forms of economic and artistic value. I use various writings of film professionals, along with other sources, to show that film authorship was shaped by various aspects of film production, dissemination and reception (including the power relations between film professionals, the diversity of film careers and the uses of authors' names by film critics and audiences). To study the division of filmmaking labor, I use Pierre Bourdieu's research on cultural fields, Howard Becker's work on art worlds as well as scholarship on professions. The dissertation also shows that the professional hierarchies of motion picture production interrelate with various forms of domination common to other fields. For example, gender helped to establish and legitimate hierarchies between professions and occupations, to distribute film labor and to exclude women from dominant professions. Film production also generated huge economic inequalities which nurtured authorship battles and rose the prestige of authors. Lastly, I show that film authorship was influenced by transnational circulations of movies, workers and ideas, by the asymmetries of the international film market and by film nationalism. To study the international division of filmmaking labor, I use world-systems theory, research on translations and quantitative data.The third part of the dissertation focuses on film directors and their copyright battles since the 1960s. Film directors took part in the negotiations of bargaining agreements, the French copyright law of 1985, the ratification of the Berne Convention by the United States and various laws sanctioning "internet piracy" (such as HADOPI law and the SOPA law). In these legal battles, film directors claimed to be authors in order to be granted with rights fostering their power, recognition and earnings. The legal claims were denounced by other filmmakers who challenged film authorship, copyright law and the interests of dominant film companies. Using the concept of field, biographical data, network analysis and multiple correspondence analysis, I explain that the alliances and oppositions of filmmakers in copyright battles were shaped by their professional careers. I study the political representation of film directors by members and leaders of their professional organizations. I conducted dozens of interviews to understand the points of views of French filmmakers on their property rights and on economic inequalities between film professionals. I show that their points of view vary according to their incomes and positions in the filmmaking field.This dissertation is meant to be useful for scholars interested in the history of copyright law, motion pictures, authorship, the division of (artistic) labor, professions and transnational approaches. ; Pourquoi les films de cinéma sont-ils souvent attribués à des auteurs alors même que leurs génériques énumèrent des dizaines de noms propres et de noms de métiers ? A la suite de Michel Foucault et de sa définition de la « fonction-auteur » comme forme d'appropriation des discours, cette thèse étudie la genèse et l'existence des auteurs de films au prisme des luttes de définition de leurs droits de propriété. Plutôt que de considérer les auteurs de cinéma comme ceux qui « font » les films ou comme une fiction occultant le caractère collectif de leur fabrication, elle montre que les auteurs sont les produits d'une division du travail cinématographique et des rapports de domination qui la traversent. Ce travail, inscrit dans une perspective de sociologie historique, adopte un référentiel binational centré sur la France et les Etats-Unis, où les auteurs de films ne disposent pas des mêmes droits. Il vise à objectiver les dimensions nationales, internationales et transnationales de l'appropriation des films. La période étudiée débute au moment où des personnes et des groupes ont été définis juridiquement comme des auteurs de cinéma : dès les années 1900.La première partie de ce texte est consacrée à la définition du droit de propriété des films depuis l'émergence du cinéma jusqu'à l'adoption de la loi du 11 mars 1957 et du Copyright Act de 1976. Après des décennies de débats, ces lois ont défini différemment l'identité et les droits des auteurs de films. A partir de publications juridiques, cinématographiques et parlementaires, on étudie ces lois comme les résultats d'un travail de codification structuré par des normes préexistantes et par les relations entre les acteurs qui ont participé à leur rédaction. Le développement du droit de propriété cinématographique est à la fois la cause et la conséquence de la constitution d'un espace de négociation regroupant des professionnels du droit, des hauts fonctionnaires, des professionnels de la politique et des organisations professionnelles du cinéma, dont certaines se sont constituées dans le but de défendre le statut d'auteur de leurs membres. La thèse montre ce que les normes du droit de propriété cinématographique français et américain doivent aux savoir-faire et concurrences entre des experts du droit de propriété intellectuelle, ainsi qu'aux relations entre des organisations professionnelles inégalement dotées en ressources économiques, juridiques et politiques. En examinant les révisions de la Convention de Berne, on analyse les interdépendances entre les processus de définition des normes nationales et internationales de la propriété des films. La deuxième partie de la thèse prolonge et dépasse l'étude du droit de propriété en analysant l'appropriation des films comme une relation structurée par la division du travail cinématographique et social. Les luttes de définition de l'auteur de film qui ont débuté dans les années 1910 ont contribué à la hiérarchisation du personnel cinématographique et à la différenciation de la valeur cinématographique par rapport à d'autres formes de valeur économique et artistique. Des témoignages, autobiographies et publications cinématographiques permettent de montrer que l'attribution des films à des auteurs dépend de diverses relations de production, de diffusion et de valorisation des films, comme la répartition des tâches et du pouvoir entre le personnel, les incertitudes et inégalités qui structurent les trajectoires des prétendants au statut d'auteur et les vertus cognitives et distinctives de la fonction-auteur employée par les critiques et une fraction des spectateurs. On mobilise pour cela les travaux de Pierre Bourdieu sur les champs de production culturelle, d'Howard Becker sur les mondes de l'art et d'autres recherches sur les professions et artistiques et non-artistiques. En outre, la thèse constate que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma se sont construites à l'intersection de rapports de domination communs à différents domaines d'activité. Par exemple, le genre a servi à hiérarchiser les groupes professionnels, à répartir le travail cinématographique et à exclure les femmes de certains métiers du cinéma. Le cinéma a produit d'immenses inégalités de richesse qui ont attisées les luttes de définition de l'auteur et accru le prestige de certains métiers. La thèse explique également ce que les hiérarchies professionnelles du cinéma doivent à des échanges transnationaux, des concurrences internationales et aux nationalismes et universalismes cinématographiques. A cette fin, elle objective les asymétries de la division internationale du travail cinématographique, à l'aide des concepts de centre et de périphérie employés par la théorie des systèmes-monde, de travaux sur les échanges internationaux de biens culturels et de données sur les palmarès de festivals internationaux et la production et les échanges de films.La troisième partie est centrée sur les cinéastes et leur mobilisation autour du droit de propriété des films depuis les années 1960. En négociant des conventions collectives, la loi du 3 juillet 1985 sur le droit d'auteur, l'adhésion des Etats-Unis à la Convention de Berne et des lois réprimant les pratiques dites de téléchargement illégal (comme les lois HADOPI et SOPA), des réalisateurs, des réalisatrices et leurs organisations ont fait valoir le statut d'auteur pour obtenir ou défendre des droits censés accroître leur pouvoir, leur reconnaissance et leurs revenus. Leurs revendications ont été dénoncées par des cinéastes remettant en cause la notion d'auteur, la propriété des œuvres et/ou les intérêts d'entreprises dominantes. Les alliances et divisions des cinéastes français sont rapportées à leurs trajectoires cinématographiques grâce au concept de champ et à des données prosopographiques traitées en combinant les méthodes de l'analyse des correspondances multiples et de l'analyse de réseaux. La thèse étudie la division du travail de représentation des cinéastes entre des professionnels plus ou moins connus et reconnus, des militants et des dirigeants de sociétés d'auteurs. Sur la base d'entretiens et d'observations, on observe les points de vue des cinéastes français sur leurs droits de propriété et sur la répartition de l'argent entre les groupes professionnels du cinéma. Ces points de vue varient en fonction des positions des cinéastes dans la division du travail cinématographique, dans le champ du cinéma et dans des hiérarchies économiques, objectivées à l'aide de données statistiques.Ce travail s'adresse ainsi aux personnes intéressées par l'histoire du droit d'auteur, du copyright, du cinéma, de ses auteurs et de leurs modes de production ; aux personnes réfléchissant à la division, la hiérarchisation et l'appropriation du travail artistique ou non-artistique ; aux personnes intéressées par les approches transnationales.

INTRODUCTIONThis work lies in the study of social fundamental right to decent work and most specifically in the fight against the work in analogous conditions to slavery. From the analysis of the Brazilian constitutional text, its resulting legislative policies and factual statistics data, it is presented, as the central research problem, some possible lacks of forecasts to ensure the so called decent work and the effective efforts to eradicate slave labor in Brazil.This theme is becoming one of the most worldwide debated issues, by the hand of the protective organizations for human rights. Considering the statistical analysis that prove the existence of serious violations of human rights in terms of social fundamental rights to decent work, it is justified the importance of this research,in the contemporary scenario,about the laboring under slavery conditions.In this context, the goal is to analyze the possible protection which can be provided – or its eventual lacks – considering the content of the Constitutional Amendment 81/2014 for the Article 243 of the Federative Republic of Brazil constitution, all in order to clarify whether the new constitutional rules contribute to the effectiveness of the social fundamental right to work, as a guideline for policies launched from the constitutional text against the contemporary forms of slavery. METHODOLOGYIt is adopteda comparative form of the deductive method with the help of specialized lawand sociological literature asreferences for quotation and, for sure, the core constitutional text. The research analyzes, initially, the relationship between public policymaking and the enforcement of Constitutional rights, most especially, the social fundamental rights, and so on, to right to work under decent conditions, effort which scrutinizes the notions of contemporary slave labor in opposition to the principle of human dignity.From the released ideas, the work follows studying the new Article 243 of the Brazilian Constitution, in order to raise some solution for the research problem, considering the practice of imposing workers anyrestriction to their freedom as something rude as to suppress their dignity by degrading work with deprivation of liberty. CONTEMPORARY SLAVE WORK, HUMAN DIGNITY AND PUBLIC POLICYIn the world and so on, in Brazil as well, since the most ancient times, the main cause of slavery was stated as the economic exploitation – which prevails also in the present time. Contemporary slavery practice manifests itself in the hinding form, marked by authoritarianism, combining the worker's freedom of retrenchment with the violation of their fundamental right to decent work.Contemporaneously, the notion of slave labor is identified by long working hours, paltry salaries, prohibition of circulating, wild discriminations and other precarious threats.Even nowadays, despite of allefforts to the adoption of certain means of protection against thepractice of slave labor, employee is usedto consider some alternatives as "not bad" as others which are even worst. It motivates the acceptation of lots of alternative forms of "job", in order to find a way of survival. This situation is often found, very frequently in the urban industrial areas, coming to demystify the slave labor binding only with the countryside.For a long time, there existed no effective protection mechanism that workers could use, when subjected to abuse. The work has been related to thestatus of toolfor implementation of human dignity as it happens to its nature as social fundamental right, in accordance with severalcountries' constitutions. Throughout the long own history, until, in modern times, it is said, even when it is not true.In the Brazilian case, looking forward to follow up on commitments assumed by Brazil upon ratification of Convention No. 29 and 105 and also when the adoption of the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, ILO launched the Project for Technical Cooperation to Combat Forced (Slavery) Labor in Brazil.This measure sought to promote integrated operations and to strength the actions of all national partner institutions that protect human rights, particularly within the National Commission for the Eradication of Slave Labor, also providing for the rehabilitation of rescued workers to prevent their return to slave labor.In addition, at the Brazilian normative level, the behavior of subjecting someone to conditions analogous to slavery is typified in Article 149 of the Penal Code. In the labor legislation, the provision to rural areas is more than forty years old (Law no. 5,889 / 1973, as amended by Provisional Measure no. 2164-41 / 2001 and Law n. 11,718 / 2008).However, both the question of jurisdiction over the crime as the current setting of the minimum penalty provided for in this article, which is two years, have inhibited any effective prosecution, and there are several favorable devices to the convict that allow to slow down the eventual execution pen. ARTICLE 243 OF THE BRAZILIAN CONSTITUTION CONTEXT AND THE FIGHT FOR ELIMINATION OF CONTEMPORARYSLAVE WORKAccording to the Ministry of Labor and Employment, it were freed from slavery in Brazil 49,816 people between 1995 and 2015, which seems to be very insufficient numbers to close upwhat to what is estimated to exist. This demonstrates that, despite conveyed policies, slavery work practice has not been eliminated in Brazil. Therefore, legislative measures and other government actions remained being taken, against the continuation of criminal conduct in labor relations, recognized long ago as so offensive to human rights.The issue, therefore, was the subject of most discussion from the issue of Amendment to the Constitution Proposal (PEC) n. 57 from 1999, which was finally, and very lately, approved by the Senate only in 2014, with progress in the House of Representatives under the number 438/2011.The project culminated in the Constitutional Amendment. 81 of June 5, 2014, by which was given new wording to Article 243 of the Constitution, which has been determined that rural and urban properties with illegal plantations of psychotropic plants or slave labor exploitation are expropriated for subsequent allocation to land reform and implementation of public housing programs, without compensation to the owner (BRAZIL, 1988).From the new Constitutional provision, there exists the possibility of applying sanctions of various kinds by the practice of exploitation of slave labor. Noteworthy is the fact that any economic good linked to the forbidden practice can be confiscated, reversing the special fund allocations, under specific legal regulation, when checking exploitation of slave labor.It was instituted, thus, the confiscation of all material linked to the exploitation of slave labor. From this point on, all legal institutions such property are subjected to expropriation under those conditions. Starting from the primary notion that "expropriation" was a genre in which to understand the species "expropriation" and "seizure" (differing, both because there or not payment of a prior compensation to loss of well ownership), one is really facing a confiscation and the state.This is justified by the reason of, as a punitive measure, it could not have any payment as a form of compensation for the economic value lost.It shall be emphasized that, by providing for the loss of property as a penalty to the employer that adopts the slave labor practice, the rule of law clarifies the clear linkage of mutual respect that should exist between the employer and the employee, under penalty of sanctions.The current wording drew attention also to the need of a continued adoption of effective measures in the fight against this practice, which repeatedly occur in national territory, imposing a deep study about the possible forms that forced labor takes in the contemporary era and about the several reactions it causes, in order to mobilize people and garner more support for its eradication.After all, in the twenty-first century, Brazil can no longer affordnor the Brazilian civil society can remain inert about this pernicious violation of the Constitutional principle of human dignity. CONCLUSIONSThe wording given to Article 243 of the Brazilian constitution by constitutional amendment No. 81/2014 evaluates the importance of productive men and its working force and consequently the production, to the aggrandizement of economic power.At this point, it remains shown the relevance of the new constitutional provision against the feeling of the exploiters of slave labor, to impart a bias of "reification" to employees which demonstrate the extreme value of "owning" in defeat of the human being respect.Thus, it is expected that the risk of having confiscated their properties (because of badly treating people – as object of their property – will motivate a higher abstention from slavering practice by the land or building owners who act as bad employers. Although this behavior change can, possibly, be adopted only to avoid losing real property that is used slave labor, it creates an opportunity of an effective change in the employing practices and conditions.Therefore the formal existence of legal policies to combat modern-day slavery, if considering the greater reach and relevance they should have, they have not been strong enough to eradicate the practice of labor under those conditions that reduce workers to conditions analogous to slavery and ensure the effectiveness of the fundamental right to decent work.Thus, it is necessary that all information against slave work can reach the appropriately the legal authorities, so that the monitoring shall be effective and the sanctions have to be seriously imposed. The adoption of the measures to combat slave labor with constitutional statusis expected as to enforce government actions to implement and disseminate a greater awareness of civil society with regard to collaboration with complaints and dissemination of eradication campaigns.Thus, the wording given by Constitutional Amendment 81/2014 Article 243 of the Constitution, with the institution of confiscation of properties where slave labor is caught, foreshadows the landscape will suffer some important changes. It looks clear, therefore, that the new constitutional discipline shall contribute to the realization of the social fundamental right to decent work as a barrier to contemporary forms of slavery, allied form, however, other measures.Unfortunately it will not be enough to put an end at this horrible practice. This first effort must be complemented by other measures, if it is considered how the starting point of a job can represent awareness under conditions of greater social vulnerability.It is absolutely imperative to eradicate degrading forms of labor, in compliance with constitutional rules, with greater effectiveness of the social fundamental rights to decent work.[1] Do not take this document as a complete Paper for Discussion. This is merely the format which is supposed to be adopted by authors for submissions to SPRING 2016 | UNOESC INTERNATIONAL LEGAL SEMINAR.

The expansion of the knowledge society became a regional policy issue in Iceland and Scotland in the 1990s. Attention was increasingly paid to the development of the knowledge society in rural areas, especially higher education and research activities. Today, in all Iceland's regional areas there is a university center and/or research institutes, operating as independent institutes or as a part of bigger institutes based in the Reykjavík area. Similar development has taken place in rural areas of Scotland with the establishment of the University of the Highlands and Islands. This research examines the interaction of the knowledge society and rural development in three regions: The Westfjords of Iceland, East Iceland, and the Western Isles of Scotland. The aims are to investigate the effect of selected historical events on rural communities; to analyse the policy discourse on these events; and to examine whether and how higher education and research activities encourage people to become active place-makers in their communities. The theoretical approach draws on resilience focusing on the knowledge society and rural development as a social-ecological system and incorporating epistemological pluralism and triple-loop learning. It also draws on theories of eco-feminism and place-based pedagogy in rural development and the formation of communities. Data was collected in three ways. Historical research, based on the revisionist perspective, was used in describing the development of the knowledge society and rural development over time, emphasising specific historical events. Historical discourse analysis was used when analysing governmental policy documents about rural development and development of the knowledge society in the three research areas. Interviews were taken with people who were living in these areas, and who were working within the field of rural development, the knowledge society and/or had finished a higher education degree through distance learning methods. Those interviews were analysed using a thematic approach and the key aspects of In Vivo coding. vi The main findings are that strong economic emphasis is built into projects that are launched in the name of rural development. However, an environmental and social emphasis can also be found, but because of the strong emphasis on the economic factor, environmental and social factors are less visible or important and cultural factors are rarely mentioned. This emphasis on the economy is not peculiar to the region but reflects both the global context and national strategy and forms the basis for rural development at any given time. In order to reach the current governmental goals of creating sustainable and resilient communities, all four sustainability factors must be built into projects. An important finding in the discourse analysis is that despite statements about creating resilient and sustainable communities found in the policies and the inhabitants' discourse in the Westfjords and East Iceland, it is confirmed that the economic factor is the most influential in these two areas because of the belief that the other aspects will follow if the economy is strong. In the Western Isles the rural policy about creating resilient and sustainable communities is backed up in the goals and actions in the policy documents keeping a balance across economic, environmental, social and cultural factors. Despite regional place-based development plans being now an important focus in discussions on rural development, state-led interventions are apparent; and governmental policy about activities that are agreed upon in the name of rural development and the development of the knowledge society, do not match with the participants' aspirations or beliefs that the activities will have the desired result of increasing the population and jobs for a more highly educated workforce. Both the governmental policy and the inhabitants support the idea that the speciality and strength of the rural areas are nature, culture and history. The main research question is about how the knowledge society interacts with rural development. The first two parts of this thesis traced historical developments and policy discourse. The third question concernes the inhabitants, both their views on community life in rural areas and the effect on their lives of the advent of the knowledge society in the form of distance programs. Members of the community usually chose study areas that suited the needs ot their community. Women were likely to choose study programs that enhanced their private life but men chose areas that increased their actions space and participation in the public sphere of life. All agree that male values dominated rural communities and men are more active place-makers than women. The overall conclusion reached is that rural development in the areas studied revolve around economic factors, such as job creation, population increase and research activities that focus on the main industry. The knowledge society however enables rural areas to deepen connections with environmental, social and cultural factors, thus creating sustainable activities and resilient communities, which is in line with recent policy in rural Iceland and the Western Isles. The thesis suggests three criteria that could guide communities in becoming sustainable and resilient and where the knowledge society is a key player with a leading role. The first criterion is to form a broad partnership among stakeholders when working on place-based plans at community level, second, to establish a trust fund when dealing with the use of natural resources in the community and third, to form regional and national partnerships with universities, research institutions and knowledge centres. ; Á tíunda áratug 20. aldar beindust augu stjórnvalda á Íslandi og Skotlandi að uppbyggingu þekkingarsamfélagsins. Í öllum landshlutum á Íslandi eru háskólasetur og/eða rannsóknarstofnanir sem ýmisst starfa sjálfstætt eða sem hluti af stærri stofnunum. Svipuð þróun átti sér stað í Skotlandi með stofnun háskóla sem þjónað gæti Hálöndum og eyjum Skotlands. Í þessari rannsókn er samspil þekkingarsamfélagsins og byggðaþróunar á Vestfjörðum, Austurlandi og á Vestureyjum Skotlands kannað. Í því augnamiði verða athuguð áhrif ákveðinna sögulegra atburða á dreifðar byggðir; hin pólitíska orðræða um atburðina verður greind; og skoðað verður hvort og þá hvernig háskólamenntun og rannsóknastarfsemi hvetur fólk til að hafa áhrif á samfélagið sitt. Hin fræðilega nálgun byggir á kenningum um seiglu (e. resilience) með áherslu á þekkingarsamfélagið og byggðaþróun sem félags- og vistfræðileg (e. social-ecological) kerfi þar sem þekkingarfræðilegur fjölbreytileiki (e. epistemological pluralism) og nám sem felur í sér þrjá ferla (e. triple-loop learning) eru hluti af kerfinu. Einnig er byggt á kenningum um vist-femínisma (eco-feminism) og grenndarnám (e. place-based pedagogy) í byggðaþróun og mótun samfélaga. Gagnasöfnun fór fram með þrenns konar hætti. Í fyrsta lagi voru ákveðnir sögulegir atburðir skoðaðir með aðferð sögulegra rannsókna, þar sem þróun þekkingarsamfélagsins og byggðaþróunar á ákveðnum tímabilum er lýst. Í öðru lagi var sögulegri orðræðugreiningu beitt við greiningu opinberra stefnumótunargagna um byggðaþróun og þróun þekkingarsamfélagsins er varða ofangreind rannsóknarsvæði. Í þriðja lagi voru viðtöl tekin við fólk sem bjó á þessum svæðum og störfuðu að byggðamálum, innan þekkingarsamfélagsins og/eða höfðu aflað sér háskólamenntunar í fjarnámi. Við greiningu viðtalana var þemanálgun beitt og lykilþættir In Vivo aðferðarinnar notaðir. Fjallað er um niðurstöður rannsóknarinnar í þremur köflum. Helstu niðurstöður eru þær að mikla áherslu á efnahagsmál er að finna í verkefnum sem beinast að byggðaþróun. Hins vegar er einnig að finna umhverfis- og félagslegar áherslur en vegna efnahagslegrar slagsíðu, verða umhverfis- og félagslegir þættir lítið áberandi og umfjöllun um menning er vart að finna. Þó er þessi mikli slagþungi á efnahagsmál ekki bundin rannsóknarsvæðunum heldur endurspeglar hann hið alþjóðlega samhengi og stefnumörkun á landsvísu og myndar grunn fyrir áherslur í byggðaþróun á hverjum tíma. Stefna núverandi stjórnvalda er að skapa sjálfbær samfélög sem sýnt geta seiglu en til þess verða allar framangreindar áherslur að vera hluti af byggðaþróunarverkefnum. Þrátt fyrir að í stefnumörkun stjórnvalda í byggðamálum sé að finna yfirlýsingu um að þróa eigi sjálfbær samfélög sem sýnt geta seiglu, og í orðræðu íbúa á Vestfjörðum og Austurlandi um slíkt, þá er það staðreynd að efnahagslegir þættir eru fyrirferðamestir. Ástæðan er sú að í orðræðunni er að finna þá skoðun að aðrir þættir munu fylgja í kjölfarið sé efnahagur byggðanna sterkur. Á Vestureyjum í Skotlandi er sú stefna í byggðamálum um sjálfbær samfélög studd með markmiðum og aðgerðum í byggðaáætlunum, þar sem jafnvægi er á milli efnahags-, umhverfis-, félags- og menningarlegra þátta. Þá er til að taka að þrátt fyrir aukna áherslu á svæðisbundnar byggðaáætlanir á Íslandi eru bein afskipti stjórnvalda af byggðamálum enn við lýði. Einnig er misræmi á milli væntinga og trúar íbúa á að aðgerðir í byggðamálum sem samþykktar hafa verið af stjórnvöldum munu hafa þær afleiðingar í för með sér að fólki fjölgi og störfum fyrir háskólamenntaða einnig. Hins vegar eru bæði íbúar og stjórnvöld sammála um að náttura, menning og saga sé styrkleiki og sérstaða hinna dreifðu byggða sem beri að nýta. Samspil þekkingarsamfélagsins og byggðaþróunar er aðalrannsóknar-spurning ritgerðarinnar. Umfjöllunarefni í tveimur fyrstu hlutunum er söguleg þróun lykilatburða og stefnumótandi orðræða stjórnvalda. Þriðja rannsóknar-spurningin varðar íbúa, bæði viðhorf þeirra til búsetu á dreifðum svæðum og þau áhrif sem tilkoma þekkingarsamfélagsins í formi fjarnáms hafði á líf þeirra. Íbúar völdu yfirleitt að stunda nám á þeim sviðum sem hentaði því samfélagi sem þeir bjuggu í. Konur voru líklegri til að velja nám sem styrkti stöðu þeirra í hinu persónulega lífi en karlar völdu nám sem stækkaði athafnarými þeirra og þátttöku í hinu opinbera lífi. Bæði kynin gera sér grein fyrir því að þau búa í karllægum samfélögum þar sem karllægum gildum er gert hærra undir höfði en kvenlægum. Slíkt gerir körlum kleift að vera virkari gerendur (e. place-makers) en konum. Meginniðurstaðan er sú að byggðaþróun á rannsóknarsvæðunum snýst um efnahagslega þætti, svo sem atvinnusköpun, fólksfjölgun og rannsóknaverkefni sem einblína á aðalatvinnuveg svæðanna. Hins vegar gerir þekkingarsamfélagið dreifðum byggðum kleift að dýpka tengslin við umhverfislega, félagslega og menningarlega þætti og skapa þannig sjálfbær samfélög sem sýna seiglu. Það rímar við núverandi byggðastefnu bæði á Íslandi og á Vestureyjum Skotlands. Að lokum eru sett fram þrjú viðmið sem gætu aukið seiglu samfélaga og stuðlað að því að þau verði sjálfbær. Þar er þekkingarsamfélagið í lykilhlutverki. Fyrsta viðmiðið er að skapa samstarf á breiðum grunni meðal hagsmunaaðila við gerð samfélagsáætlana. Annað viðmiðið er að stofna samfélagssjóð sem heldur utan um náttúruauðlindir hvers samfélags. Þriðja viðmiðið er að skapa svæðisbundið samstarf og/eða á landsvísu á milli háskóla, rannsóknastofnana og þekkingarsetra.