Poster Division: Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences: 1st Place (The Ohio State University Edward F. Hayes Graduate Research Forum) ; The United Nations (UN) entrusted the UN Habitat in 2006 with the responsibility to assist member states to monitor and gradually attain the "cities without slum" target, also known as Target 11 of the Millennium Development Goals (Millennium Development Report 2015). In large cities in India, migrants frequently squat on public land in inner city where they have easy access to basic amenities such as sanitation, drinking water, and health care as well as job opportunities. Target 11 prescribes its member states to provide tenure rights to the poor squatting in public land in large cities. However, instead of ensuring land-tenure rights city governments in India have displaced the poor from the inner city to the periphery through forced resettlement programs. Following economic reforms in 1991, large cities in India opened up to the global investment market and adopted decentralized governance forming localized public-private partnerships called Urban Local Bodies (ULBs). Since the 1990s city governments along with the ULBs and transnational firms (TNCs) – what I call the city government-ULB-TNC complex or Growth coalition– have undertaken projects to restructure the social and spatial composition of the city to create a slum-free city attracting foreign investment (Ghertner 2011, Kundu 2009). In Delhi alone, the city government has evicted around 420,000 slum households in the inner city since the 1990s, constituting 15 percent of the city's population (Sheikh et al. 2014). Approximately 50 percent of the displaced poor have been resettled in the planned resettlement colonies located in the periphery. The resettlement policy permits the resettled to live on—but not own, rent or sell—plots, and prohibits commercial activities in the resettlement colonies (Sheikh & Banda 2014). However, approximately 40 percent of the resettled sold their plots through illegal land markets controlled by land mafias who sell the plots to other displaced poor lacking entitlement to resettlement, thereby creating new forms of illegal settlements within the planned resettlement colonies. I ask why the resettled are restricted from owing, selling or renting their plots and why do they sell their plots through illegal land markets? How and why illegal land markets are produced and what are their implications in terms of the expansion of the city and the lived experiences of the local residents? My research strategies draw from qualitative methods informed by critical ethnography, feminist studies as well as post-structural theory. Countering the conventional science-inspired triangulation approach, which involves the use of multiple methods to verify the Truth, I follow Ellington's 'crystallization' as field approach to recognize the existence of multiple realities viewed from different lenses (Ellingson 2009; Elwood 2010). Drawing from semi-structured interviews and focus groups with local residents during my field research in summer 2015 at Savda Ghevra, the largest resettlement colony in Delhi, I explain how lack of tenure rights of resettlement plots and prohibition of commercial activities in these plots compel the unemployed poor to take up illegal avenues to earn livelihood. I also conducted semi-structured interviews and focus groups with multiple actors such as local leaders, land mafias, NGO workers, local lawyers assisting residents in resolving property conflicts and actors of the Growth coalition to understand their perception about as well as lived experiences of illegality. Interviews with officials at the Growth coalition also reveals that they are aware that residents of the resettled colonies routinely sell their land illegally, and moreover, both the residents and the Growth coalition recognize that illegal activities will be suppressed in future through the eviction of the new illegal settlers by the government to grab land for urban expansion. Archival research shows that 'legitimation,' the act of making something acceptable to the public, is an important strategy for land grabs in urban planning in India. For example, throughout the 1990s the middle class, the ULBs and the TNCs have identified squatter settlers in the inner city as encroachers, 'nuisance,' and agents of environmental degradation to legitimize their plea for slum eviction to the judiciary issuing court orders for eviction (Baviskar 2003 ;Ghertner 2011,2012). Moving beyond the common conception that resettlement territorializes the poor, my research shows that resettlement also is a process creating new forms of illegal settlements, legitimizing further rounds of eviction by the Growth coalition to acquire more land for development projects. The threat as well as experience of multiple rounds of displacement legitimized through the production of illegality thereby constructs precarity, a persistent condition of uncertainty having deleterious consequences among the urban poor (Ettlinger 2016). I draw from Foucault's conceptualization of 'popular illegality'—the tacit and tolerated non-enforcement of laws—which recognizes that illegality is essential for the normal functioning of the society and that it becomes an organized form of governance (Foucault 1977). Illegal activities do not necessarily indicate the absence of order or norms; rather, the widespread nature of illegal practices constitutes 'normal' life. For example, Foucault explains that the modern penal system was not designed to eliminate crime but to differentiate 'rights' from 'wrongs' and assign punishment to particular crimes (Foucault 1977). In the resettlement colonies in Delhi informal institutions of land markets and illegal commercial activities sustain a locally organized system of livelihood for the poor, setting the government free of welfare-related responsibilities such as providing land tenure or jobs. My research contributes to a broader ongoing debate on the suitability of Foucauldian framework of analysis in the international context as well as to the literature on the interaction of a regime of poverty and regimes of planning. ; A one-year embargo was granted for this item.
The specific diseconomy of our broken food systems has perpetuated a state of suppressed agency wherein citizens are purposefully turned into mere passive consumers, while in parallel spreading the idea that, in democracy, consumer sovereignty and dollar voting are people's best voice. This logic has led to a situation of structural violence: privileged populations have profited from increased information access, expanded choices, and better quality and healthier foods, while disenfranchised communities subjugated to enduring gender, race, and class disparities remain imprisoned in a reality of poor information access, limited choices, and lower quality, frequently unhealthy foods. In recent years, socially innovative initiatives including farmers' markets, public-access community gardens, or food-buying groups, have begun to expand traditional understandings of democracy, democracy in these cases being non-traditionally understood as the exercise of collective rights to self-determination. Empowering communities at the local level has been identified as the first step towards establishing sustainable food systems (UN Human Rights Council, 2014), and governments and authorities are becoming increasingly aware of the need to support and promote local social innovations to achieve that objective. If social innovations are key in achieving sustainability, critically examining them becomes a crucial democratic exercise, lest they remain ephemeral lifestyle choices of a privileged subset of society. Some of these initiatives, while well-intentioned, have been uncritical of power relations and existing disparities, unreachable to the broader population due to their insensitivity to recognition and redistribution struggles. Others, not so well-intentioned, have hoarded sustainability discourses and, with the connivance of governments and authorities, often misled well-intended eaters into supporting seemingly sustainable but inherently problematic practices. A third, important but under- recognized set of initiatives, have come from within communities themselves, designed to serve those very communities, often including core values like participation parity, endogenous leadership, and self-empowerment. In the last decade, food democracy has been defined in multiple ways. First, as opposed to "food control", in the form of an inclusive approach to food policy and in terms of its bottom-up approach and of diversity of views and interests (Lang, 1999). Shiva (2003) also uses it in opposition to food dictatorship understood as the control by foreign transnational corporations through GM crops. Then, as an ideal method for ensuring participation in the food system (Hassanein, 2003), and in opposition to the corporatization of the organics' movement (Johnston & Baumann, 2009). Some authors have continued to frame the debate of food democracy in terms of localism (Brecher, Costello, & Smith, 2000; F. M. Lappé & Lappé, 2002; Thompson & Coskuner-Balli, 2007); while others touch much closer on core issues central to food democracy as understood in the present analysis, such as power relations: "A central concern is the problem of commodity fetishism or, put differently, a lack of transparency in the food system that obscures how relations of production are socially produced rather than naturally given." (Johnston & Baumann, 2009, p. 110) Democracy has also been identified as one of the main features of food sovereignty (Jacobs, 2013; McMichael, 2013; Patel, 2009a; 2009b; Windfuhr & Jonsén, 2005), with research having looked into democratic attributes within food sovereignty practices at the local level (Wald, 2015). However, as a concept, democracy in the food system remains credulously presumed and generic at best, and problematically manipulable at worst. Despite the work of these authors, there is a lack of systematic analyses looking beyond simple definitions by opposition, mere calls for engagement/participation, or non-quantitative mileage definitions. While concepts like "localization", "transparency", or "alternativeness" have helped deepen the analysis of the agri-food system and its actors, isolated notions no longer serve scrutinize recent complex social dynamics, as they do not constitute a comprehensive framework through which to analyze the status of these niches of innovation in democratic terms. As a result of this conceptual gap, governance organizations involved in the agri-food system have been unable to identify key democratizing traits in these initiatives, inadequately addressing the divide between privileged and disenfranchised communities. The hypothesis of this paper is that food democracy is necessary because achieving sustainability involves conflicts over values. The first section of this paper proposes a characterization of food democracy, aiming to identify potential democracy principles for food initiatives, both in their internal and external dimensions. Going beyond conventional criteria of generic participation or transparency, our framework will also consider community-building, horizontal integration of the various actors in a territory, community leadership, ability to generate public debate, economic accessibility, outreach capacity, and empowerment through social action. The second section evaluates the contribution of these principles toward improving social learning processes regarding socio-ecological sustainability controversies in the field of sustainable food transitions. The third section applies this framework to 64 food-related initiatives interviewed in the EU (Belgium, Germany, Italy, and Spain.) As social demands for new forms of democracy increasingly regard socio-environmental governance processes, this research provides a framework to identify democratic attributes in food- related initiatives. These attributes can be key in the support, promotion, and facilitation of social innovations in the agri-food system. Social innovations, particularly in the food system, are transforming and creating new social relations, addressing unsatisfied human needs in the transition towards more sustainable and resilient systems, but to truly transform society and effect lasting change, they must be critical of power structures and radically democratic in essence. The hope of this research is to provide useful principles for the kind of necessary democratic conditions a food initiative must fulfill to be truly socially transformative.
Сучасна тенденція інтеграції України на Захід потребує парадигмального визначення глобалізованого права у філософському аспекті. Транснаціональний характер відносин у сфері економіки, фінансів, політики, інформації вимагає правової регуляції на засадах діалогу. Філософська рефлексія виявляє і констатує певні природні властивості глобалізованого права, його моральний, комунікативний, надісторичний характер, що виключає будь-які форми пріоритетності й домінантності учасників світової системи права, а, як наслідок, змушує визнати глобалізоване право лише ідеальною сутністю. Современная тенденция интеграции Украины на Запад требует парадигмального определения глобализированного права в философском аспекте. Транснациональный характер отношений в сфере экономики, финансов, политики, информации определяет необходимость правовой регуляции на принципах диалога. Философская рефлексия выявляет и констатирует определенные природные свойства глобализированного права, его моральный, коммуникативный, надисторический характер, что исключает любые формы приоритетности и доминантности участников мировой системы права, и, как следствие, вынуждает признать глобализированное право исключительно идеальной сущностью. ; The current trend of integration of Ukraine to the West requires the determination of the globalized law in philosophical paradigm. The transnational nature of relations in the sphere of economy, Finance, policy, information requires legal regulation on the principles of dialogue. Philosophical reflection finds and States certain natural properties of the globalized law. From a philosophical point of view globalized will be entitled to moral, communicative, over-historical character. It excludes any form of priority and dominant players in the global system of law. As a consequence, the globalized law should be regarded only as an ideal entity. The effect of globalization of law is driven by the priorities of international politics, as well as the functioning of the economic and information networks on a global scale. SHAPE \* MERGEFORMAT In the modern world there is a tendency transparency in the European borders, the promotion of European integration in the post-Soviet and Mediterranean space. Gradually approved by the Western standards of law, justice, management, administrative and personnel policies. Effective activities of international organizations and foundations in the interests of the great representatives of European civilization. Unequal partnership States. All this, and more, officially justified by the success of democratization and contributes to the illusion of the globalized law. The lack of clarity in the delineation of spheres of foreign and domestic law enforcement in the theory of international law caused the birth of a whole range of artificial structures, such as «human rights», «global law», «world law», «transnational law». It should be noted that the phenomenon of globalization of law not raise the issue of supremacy of international treaties over national Constitutions. No concerns globalization and problems of harmonization of law at advantage international. Globalization of law sacia the problem meaningful unification of legal systems with a minimum account of cultural and historical circumstances and legal traditions of individual regions are globalizing. The new system of international law to indicate the supremacy of EU law in national law, and its effect on direct application. Critics of European integration is considered a crucial point organization national political life. The majority of participants in this life will be no people, and peoples. If Europe becomes a single political unit, it must be the discussion. The discussion will be part the main its elements the nation. This will represent a sample of contractual justice. This sober assessment of the real state of European politics personally by Europeans makes you wonder about the integrity of the sources and technology education legal standards of world democracy. Critical theorists of Europe are convinced that EU citizens are excluded from the debate. Representatives of the European States reach compromises that make concessions in one case, in order to receive compensation in another. The functioning of such a system determines the States role. This allows the unregulated group of powerful countries to develop, while other States actually humiliated to the functions of the performers. The state of uncertainty contributes to the spread in the European Union of fatalism and sense of humility. Submission is the shadow of civic duty. Lawyers understand the globalized law different degrees of integration (monism) systems of national and international law, or the activities of transnational commercial projects. The philosophical meaning of the phenomenon of globalized law remains uncertain. It is appropriate to imagine the philosophical aspect of the globalized law as the ideal world of the reconciliation States and peoples. So, philosophy is critical of globalized law in the form in which it exists now. Philosophy applies to the globalized law absolute criteria. The philosophical ideal of the globalized law has a natural base. This standard recognizes the total and the highest value personal human rights and human life, and the main principle is equal and open contract of the participants relationship. Philosophical reflection of the phenomenon of globalized law allows you to highlight a few of its essential content elements. These elements are universality, uniformity, supranational, supranational, character precedence over the interests of the government (the rule), universal value and significance, moral and natural validity. It is possible to conclude: that today, according to the lawyer is globalized law, according to the philosopher, this is not. Because neither «transnational» or «international» or «world» law not meet the criteria that should determine the globalized law. For education globalized law lacks the main natural base. First, the historical traditions of national law and moral values have a strong regional character. It makes it difficult to create a universal surrogate universal posistion morality as gruntle base globalized law. Secondly, national and financial ambitions of the subjects of international law make it impossible for a fair contract as a principle of globalized law. Thirdly, the real source is actually a globalized law should not be the will and interests of the authorized persons who supervise the activities of the representative of the international law-making bodies.
Numerous researches of the art of music in a regional aspect have become one of the priority directions of the Ukrainian musical science. It is an important constituent of an objective representation of musical artistic achievements in the national and foreign musical world. Elucidation of the musical process in villages, towns and cities of Ukraine (socio-locuses – V.Kulyk) is quite necessary for a revival of our national musical gains, which in the period of the Soviet musical historiography were analysed insufficiently. The topicality of regional researches lies in a possibility of reproducing the history of Ukrainian music in all its versatility and integrity in counterbalance to the typical for the previous decades fragmentariness. Investigation of forms and peculiarities of the music life of cities and towns of Ukraine, cognition of their sense relatedness in the context of peculiarities of the national mentality predetermines a basis for the scientific conception of regional scientific investigations of the present day Ukrainian musical science. The direction of the vectors of the Ukrainian philosophical, culturological, socio-aesthetical thought, ethnomusicology, musical sociology at regional problems is predetermined by the present day socio-political conditions of democratization and humanization of social relations in Ukraine, the possibility of cities, towns and settlements of every region on the basis of an all-national program to revive many arts traditions of the past days.In such a way it becomes possible to learn concrete facts about the locality which has its own historical and cultural value but is not adjusted to the generally accepted scheme. It is worth while to mention works by such culturologists as V.Chernets, V.Leontiyeva, V.Lychkovakh as well as the historians P.Tronko, G.Samoilenko, M.Vodzinsky in the row of key papers on theoretical aspects of regional problems. Many scientific papers, specifically, by M.Zahaikevich, K.Shamayeva, O.Kononova,T. Martynyuk, V. Kuzyk, B. Filtz,V. Mitlytska, L.Kyianovska, O.Vasyuta, A.Lytvynenko and O.Shapovalova are dedicated to the problems of moulding regional arts environment as a systemic organization of musical culture. The goal of the article is elucidation of some ethno-regional aspects of the Ukrainian musicology in the context of systemic understanding of the national musical legacy.Musical regionalistics, as a comparatively young branch of Ukrainian musicology, dwells at the stage of forming scientific and practical context. Historically, being built up in the 1960-ies within historical musicology at the beginning of the XXI century it became a complex direction of researches not only of the musical culture of majorcities, such as Kyiv, Kharkov, Lviv, Odessa, but also of small towns and villages of Ukraine, as "cultural socio-locuses" in which there exist artistic forms of creative activities of their inhabitants belonging to both professionals and amateurs: composers, singers, musical instrument players, choire, orchestra, dancing groups of educational and cultural establishments. The term belongs to the researcher V.Kuzyk, who for the first time adapts the theory of cultural localization on the national Ukrainian ground from the position of historical and political statehood.A considerable part of regional problems is the study of musical local lore, in the field of whose investigation lies finding and working out of local musical lore material (archives, mass media, publicism, private documents of cultural workers); interaction of the material-natural (architectural edifices, the landscape of the town) and spiritual and cultural (art traditions in a historical aspect, polyethnical structure of the population, renditorial and composer activities) factors in the musical surroundings of the town, as well as forms of participation of its citizens in local designs and arrangemnts (urban, regional, national, international competitions and festivals, fairs, concerts, calendar and folk ritual festivities). In such a way a revival of culture and arts connections of generations is exercised, whose natural evolution had been broken by the pre-programmed policy of the totalitarian epoch.In the categorial and conceptual sphere of music folklore the term "musical surroundings" is being widely spread. It is a totality of all the musical aspects of the culture of a town (village, region), which is formed due to the activities of professional and amateur musicians, representatives of the academic and folk musical culture.Undersnanding (comprehension) of its essence is conducive to the cognition of social experience of nations, historical and cultual memory of ethno-communities, gives an opportunity to find out local-regional peculiarities of musical life of certain socio-locuses. Symptoms of its formation and development are historical continuity in preservation of musical values; the dynamics of music movement in the dialectics of traditions and innovating; reproductive and creative activities of citizens directed on creating and dissemination of music aesthetic values ; existence of establishments of culture and education as places of materialization by subjects of musical creative activity (renditional and composer's). An essential factor of the musical environment is the musical art as a philosophical category of culture which influences the inner spiritual life of people, as a psychological necessity of the nation, indicator of social maturity, synthethizer of artistic experience.Thus, the regional direction of investigations of Ukrainian musicology at the present day stage is characterized by cognition of forms of music life of a small town, attracts researchers' attention by idiosyncratic manifestations offolk and professional creativeness in it, which organically and harmoniously fits in the all-national space of Ukraine,European and world musical culture. ; Стаття посвящена раскрытию составляющих региональной проблематики современного украинского музыковедения, среди которых музыкальное краеведение, музыкальная среда. Они являются основными в исследовании музыкальной культуры и искусства в большых и малых городах Украины. ; Стаття присвячена розкриттю складових регіональної проблематики сучасного українського музикознавства, серед яких музичне краєзнавство, музичне середовище. Вони є провідними в дослідженні музичної культури й мистецтва у великих та малих містах України.
Ukraine is considered to be the breadbasket of Europe, but weak development of logistics in Ukraine does not allow to use the enormous potential of the grain market. In Ukraine there are different subjects of the grain market, including: the subjects of grain production, grain storage subjects, subjects of state regulation of the grain market, the subjects of trade, financial and subjects of settlement services, the subjects of transport and logistics systems, and other business entities that operate in the grain market. Studies have shown the importance of the use of Incoterms 2010 for international logistics processes. Built author's model of the logistics of the grain market, including major operators and their relationships. By logistics operators of the grain market are agricultural enterprises (foundation of a stable development of logistics); Enterprises of grain storage (providing services to bring grain to the conditions and its storage) – or are part of the infrastructure of the enterprise or independent business entities; grain traders and other intermediaries (providing services of loading, unloading, transportation of grain, as well as acquire and implement their own bought grain from primary producers to processing enterprises or for export); processing plants (purchase grain from agricultural enterprises or cooperate with large grain traders may have its own fleet of trucks); Agricultural Exchange (intermediaries in the grain market, provide services on the conclusion of contracts of sale of grain on the domestic and foreign markets using exchange instruments – commodity derivatives); Agrarian Fund (specialized government agency conducting the regulation of pricing policy on the grain market by commodity and financial interventions); financial and credit institutions (serving the main participants of the logistics process, provide loans for the development of the infrastructure of the grain market); insurance companies (service providers in reducing financial risks through the use of various insurance instruments). Negative impact on the development of the logistics of the grain market in many regions of Ukraine have graintraders company monopolized the sale of grain agricultural enterprises, reducing the profitability of recent and long-term capital investments in infrastructure construction Grain logistics. ; Украина по праву считается житницей Европы, но слабое развитие логистики в Украине не дает возможность использовать огромный потенциал зернового рынка. В Украине функционируют различные субъекты зернового рынка, среди которых: субъекты производства зерна, субъекты хранения зерна, субъекты государственного регулирования рынка зерна, субъекты организации торговли, субъекты финансово-расчетного обслуживания, субъекты транспортно-логистической системы, другие субъекты хозяйствования, которые действуют на рынке зерна. Проведенные исследования показывают важное значение использования правил Инкотермс-2010 при международных логистических процессах. Построенная авторская модель функционирования логистики зернового рынка, включающая основных операторов и их взаимосвязи. К операторам логистики зернового рынка относятся сельскохозяйственные предприятия (основа стабильного развития логистики); предприятия сферы хранения зерна (предоставляют услуги по доведению зерна до кондиций и его хранению) – являются или частью инфраструктуры предприятия, или самостоятельными субъектами хозяйствования; зернотрейдеры и другие посредники (предоставляют услуги погрузки, разгрузки, перевозки зерна, а также приобретают и самостоятельно реализуют купленное зерно у первичных производителей перерабатывающим предприятиям или на экспорт); перерабатывающие предприятия (приобретают зерно у сельскохозяйственных предприятий или сотрудничают с крупными зернотрейдерами, могут иметь собственный парк грузового автотранспорта); аграрные биржи (посредники на рынке зерна, предоставляют услуги по заключению договоров купли-продажи зерна как на внутреннем, так и внешнем рынках с использованием биржевых инструментов – товарных деривативов); аграрный фонд (специализированная государственная организация, проводящая регулирование ценовой политики на рынке зерна путем товарных и финансовых интервенций); финансово-кредитные учреждения (обслуживают основных участников логистического процесса; предоставляют кредиты для развития инфраструктуры рынка зерна); страховые компании (предоставляют услуги по обеспечению снижения финансовых рисков через применения различных страховых инструментов). Негативное воздействие на развитие логистики рынка зерна во многих регионах Украины оказывают зернотрейдерские компании, монополизировавшие реализацию зерна аграрными предприятиями, снижающие доходность последних и капитальные вложения в долгосрочное строительство объектов инфраструктуры зерновой логистики. ; Україна по праву вважається житницею Європи, але слабкий розвиток логістики в Україні не дає можливість використовувати величезний потенціал зернового ринку. В Україні функціонують різні суб'єкти зернового ринку, серед яких: суб'єкти виробництва зерна, суб'єкти зберігання зерна, суб'єкти державного регулювання ринку зерна, суб'єкти організації торгівлі, суб'єкти фінансово-розрахункового обслуговування, суб'єкти транспортно-логістичної системи, інші суб'єкти господарювання, які діють на ринку зерна. Проведені дослідження показують важливе значення використання правил Інкотермс-2010 при міжнародних логістичних процесах. Побудована авторська модель функціонування логістики зернового ринку, що включає основних операторів і їх взаємозв'язку. До операторів логістики зернового ринку відносяться сільськогосподарські підприємства (основа стабільного розвитку логістики); підприємства сфери зберігання зерна (надають послуги з доведення зерна до кондицій і його зберігання) – є або частиною інфраструктури підприємства, або самостійними суб'єктами господарювання; зернотрейдери та інші посередники (надають послуги навантаження, розвантаження, перевезення зерна, а також набувають і самостійно реалізують куплене зерно у первинних виробників переробним підприємствам або на експорт); переробні підприємства (набувають зерно у сільськогосподарських підприємств або співпрацюють з великими зернотрейдерами, можуть мати власний парк вантажного автотранспорту); аграрні біржі (посередники на ринку зерна, надають послуги з укладання договорів купівлі- продажу зерна як на внутрішньому, так і зовнішньому ринках з використанням біржових інструментів – товарних деривативів); аграрний фонд (спеціалізована державна організація, що проводить регулювання цінової політики на ринку зерна шляхом товарних і фінансових інтервенцій); фінансово-кредитні установи (обслуговують основних учасників логістичного процесу; надають кредити для розвитку інфраструктури ринку зерна); страхові компанії (надають послуги із забезпечення зниження фінансових ризиків через застосування різних страхових інструментів). Негативний вплив на розвиток логістики ринку зерна в багатьох регіонах України надають зернотрейдерські компанії, які монополізували реалізацію зерна аграрними підприємствами, що знижують прибутковість останніх і капітальні вкладення в довгострокове будівництво об'єктів інфраструктури зернової логістики.
Texto presentado al Congreso de Historia Económica (CLADHE 4), que tuvo lugar entre el 23 y el 25 de julio de 2014, en Bogotá, en la Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano. ; Este artículo analiza la controversia que, durante el largo período desde 1880/82 hasta 1908/10, enfrentó a Frederic Marcelin primero con el Banque Nationale d´Haïti (BNH) y luego con el Banque Nationale de la République d´Haïti (BNRH); estas instituciones también formaban parte de «La Société Générale et de Crédit Industriel et Commercial» (SGCIC) y de «La Banque de l'Union Parisienne» (BUP). El estudio presenta las posiciones que adoptó Marcelin hacia la creación de estas instituciones, tomando en cuenta sus acciones especulativas así como los regímenes monetarios adoptados durante este período y los problemas planteados por los préstamos contraídos por los sucesivos gobiernos en el mercado financiero internacional. Finalmente, Marcelin también objetó los mecanismos a través de los cuales estas instituciones bancarias ayudaron al gobierno central a incurrir en numerosos gastos extraordinarios, lo que hizo que los gastos totales crecieran más rápido que los ingresos del gobierno. Sin embargo, el estudio indica que Marcelin no siempre fue consistente en esta oposición. Pero este estudio no subestima el impacto de sus iniciativas para enfrentar la política general de estas dos instituciones bancarias que gozaron de la condición de «bancos estatales» cuando en realidad eran, de acuerdo con el derecho comercial internacional y la legislación de banca privada, sociedades anónimas constituidas en un país extranjero. El estudio se basa en la investigación de los archivos de los dos bancos y también en las memorias de Marcelin, que se componen de aproximadamente 15 publicaciones, así como numerosos artículos de prensa que escribió sobre los dos bancos nacionales y las diferentes políticas y coyunturas económicas que afectaron mucho al país durante el siglo XIX. ; This paper analyzes the controversy which, during the long period from 1880/82 until 1908/10, opposed Frederic Marcelin first to the Banque Nationale d´Haïti (BNH) and later to the Banque Nationale de la République d´Haïti (BNRH); these institutions were actually also part of «La Société Générale et de Crédit Industriel et Commercial» (SGCIC), and of «La Banque de l'Union Parisienne» (BUP). The study presents the positions that Marcelin adopted towards the creation of these institutions, taking into account their speculative actions as well as the monetary regimes adopted during this period and the problems raised by the loans contracted by the successive governments on the international financial market. Finally, Marcelin also objected to the mechanisms through which these banking institutions helped the central government engage in numerous extraordinary expenses, which made the total expenses grow faster than government income. The study indicates however that Marcelin was not always consistent in this opposition. But this study does not underestimate the impact of his initiatives to confront the general policy of these two banking institutions which enjoyed the status of «state banks» while they were actually, according to international commercial law and the private banking legislation, corporations established in a foreign nation. The study is based on the research of the two banks´ archives and also of Marcelin´s memoirs, which are composed of roughly 15 publications, as well as numerous press articles that he wrote about the two national banks and the different political and economic conjunctures which greatly affected the country during the XIXth century. ; Cette étude analyse la controverse qui a opposé durant la longue période de 1880/82-1908/10 Frédéric Marcelin successivement à la Banque Nationale d´Haïti (BNH) et à la Banque Nationale de la République d´Haïti (BNRH), et qui furent respectivement en fait, par ailleurs, des succursales de «La Société Générale et de Crédit Industriel et Commercial» (SGCIC), et de «La Banque de l'Union Parisienne» (BUP). Elle indique en gros la position que Marcelin assuma face à la création de ces institutions ainsi que face aux actions spéculatives auxquelles celles-ci se livraient et les régimes monétaires que le pays a connus durant ce laps conjointement avec les problèmes que les emprunts qui furent contractés, sur les places financières internationales el locale, par les différents gouvernements en tour, posaient. Et également, enfin, par rapport aux mécanismes par le biais desquels lesdites institutions bancaires aidaient le pouvoir central à réaliser un certain nombre croissant de dépenses extraordinaires, lesquelles faisaient augmenter les dépenses totales plus vite que les recettes fiscales. L´étude indique cependant que Marcelin n´a pas pu assumer sans ambigüité aucune -tout au moins à certains moments durant la période indiquée- sur le plan politique toutes ses responsabilités. Elle le fait sans sous estimer pour autant la portée des actions qu´il lança contre la politique générale des deux succursales bancaires qui jouissaient dans le pays du statut légal de «banque d´Etat» alors qu´elles étaient, en fait, c´est à dire au regard du droit commercial international et du droit bancaire privé, des sociétés anonymes d´une nation étrangère. L´étude se base particulièrement sur les archives des deux banques d´affaires suscitées ainsi que sur les mémoires de Marcelin qui forment un ensemble d´une quinzaine d´ouvrages et de nombreux articles de journaux qu´il a écrits sur les deux banques nationales ainsi que sur les différentes conjonctures politiques et économiques qui affectèrent fortement le pays durant tout le XIXe siècle. ; peerReviewed
[ES] La tesis analiza el surgimiento, evolución y contenido actual del derecho a la reunificación familiar de los ciudadanos extracomunitarios. Pese a su denominación, la reagrupación constituye un tipo específico dentro del género denominado ¿inmigración familiar, que experimentaría un crecimiento inesperado en el contexto geográfico europeo a raíz del cierre de fronteras de la década de los setenta, hasta consolidarse en la actualidad como la categoría migratoria dominante, tanto a nivel mundial como en la Unión Europea. En Europa, la reunificación familiar constituye un derecho de construcción jurisprudencial en sus orígenes, que hunde sus raíces en el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. La construcción pionera de las instituciones del Consejo de Europa, fundamentalmente del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, afianzó la protección del derecho de los extranjeros a la reunificación familiar como un contenido material implícito del derecho convencional al respeto de la vida familiar, consagrado en el artículo 8 del Convenio de Roma. A través de su impulso, esta construcción penetraría en el ámbito de la Unión Europea, donde el derecho a la vida familiar constituye un principio general del derecho comunitario. El Tribunal de Justicia de la UE, basándose en la construcción del Tribunal de Estrasburgo, enraizó también la protección de la reagrupación familiar dentro del derecho a la vida familiar, primero en relación con los ciudadanos comunitarios que ejercitaban su derecho a la libre circulación para, posteriormente, extenderlo a los nacionales procedentes de terceros países, en un derecho de menor densidad normativa. A raíz de la asunción de competencias comunitarias en el ámbito migratorio mediante el Título IV del Tratado de Ámsterdam, el Consejo aprobaría en el año 2003 la Directiva 2003/86/CE sobre el derecho a la reagrupación familiar, con la finalidad de crear un marco común en el que se desenvolverían las políticas migratorias en materia de reagrupación familiar, vinculante para 24 EEMM. Esta norma tiene un marcado tenor restrictivo pero, con todo, establece un umbral de protección superior que el emanado de la jurisprudencia de Estrasburgo emitida en este ámbito. La configuración jurídica interna del derecho a la reunificación familiar en el ordenamiento español está profundamente penetrada por el derecho internacional, como consecuencia tanto de la reserva legal internacional contenida en el artículo 13.1 de la Constitución, como de la cláusula interpretativa iusinternacionalista reconocida en su artículo 10.2 CE. A mayor abundamiento, el Tribunal Constitucional Español recurre muy frecuentemente al Derecho internacional de los derechos humanos -y, fundamentalmente, al Tribunal de Estrasburgo-, al interpretar los derechos de los extranjeros en territorio Español. La alta penetración internacional del derecho a la reagrupación familiar en nuestro país, obliga a realizar un estudio comparativo del derecho comunitario y de la jurisprudencia de Estrasburgo emitida en esta materia, a fin de evaluar el grado de cumplimiento de la regulación española con respecto tanto al estándar convencional como al comunitario, cuestión de la que se ocupa ampliamente esta tesis doctoral ; [EN] The thesis analyzes the emergence, evolution and current content of the right to family reunification of EU citizens. Despite its name, the reunion is a specific type within the genre called Family immigration, would experience unexpected growth in the European geographical context following the closure of borders of the seventies, to consolidate today as the category dominant migration, both globally and in the European Union. In Europe, family reunification is a construction law jurisprudence in its origins rooted in the International Law of Human Rights. The construction pioneer institutions of the Council of Europe, mainly the European Court of Human Rights, secured the protection of the right of foreign nationals to family reunification as a material content implicit treaty law to respect for family life enshrined in Article 8 of the Rome Convention. Through their efforts, this construction would penetrate the European Union level, where the right to family life is a general principle of Community law. The Court of Justice of the EU, based on the construction of the Strasbourg Court, rooted also protecting family reunification within the right to family life, first in relation to EU citizens exercising their right to free movement for, then extend to nationals from third countries in a lower density right rules. Following the assumption of competences in the field of migration through Title IV of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Council would approve in 2003 the Directive 2003/86/EC on the right to family reunification, with the aim of creating a framework where common migration policy would unfold in family reunification, 24 EEMM binding. This standard has a strong tenor restrictive but nevertheless provides superior protection threshold that emanated from the Strasbourg jurisprudence issued in this area. The internal legal configuration of the right to family reunification in the Spanish legal system is deeply penetrated by international law, as a result of both the international legal reserve in Article 13.1 of the Constitution, as recognized iusinternacionalista interpretative clause in Article 10.2 CE. For the sake of the Spanish Constitutional Court very often resort to international law of human rights-and, crucially, the Strasbourg Court, in interpreting the rights of foreigners in Spanish territory. The high international penetration of the right to family reunification in our country, requires a comparative study of Community law and jurisprudence of Strasbourg issued in this matter, in order to assess the degree of compliance with the regulation with regard to both the Spanish conventional standard as the community issue that deals extensively with this thesis
Анисимов Е. В. отмечает высокий уровень книги Татьяны Таировой-Яковлевой (особенно разделов по истории собственно Украины). При этом он отметил, что проблема измены И. Мазепы может иметь более широкую трактовку, и с моральной точки зрения факт измены несомненен. Бесов А. Г. считает главной особенностью книги Татьяны Таировой-Яковлевой о гетмане Мазепе преобладание телеологии над историей. Постановка вопроса о «российско-украинских отношениях» в конце XVII начале XVIII в. как отношениях двух государств ему представляется ошибочной. Каменский А. Б. полагает, что это исследование является серьезной попыткой создания научной биографии И. Мазепы. В ряде случаев автору удалось убедительно опровергнуть некоторые из закрепившихся в историографии мифов. Появление книги, как можно надеяться, послужит стимулом для других исследователей, которым придется считаться с предложенной концепцией. Каревин А. С.: книга Т. Г. Таировой-Яковлевой содержит значительное количество ошибок, противоречий, необоснованных выводов. Эти недостатки не позволяют считать рассматриваемую книгу состоявшимся научным исследованием. Кочегаров К. А.: новое издание о Мазепе наряду с отдельными ценными наблюдениями и выводами содержит положения, с которыми нельзя согласиться. Говоря о книге в целом, стоит отметить, что общая концепция исследования грешит заметной идеализацией образа Мазепы и его политики. Кроме того, автор чрезмерно переоценивает значение Московских статей и роль гетмана в перевороте 1689 г., в значительной степени преувеличивает участие Мазепы в русской внешней политике, ошибочно принимает отдельные меры русского правительства по централизации военного управления за «административную реформу Гетманщины». Не доказанной представляется также заявленная активная роль гетмана в церковных преобразованиях Петра. Курукин И. В.: несмотря на приведенные автором данные об административной реформе 1707 г., остается непонятным, была ли реально ликвидирована украинская автономия. Остается спорным вопрос о степени поддержки Мазепы населением Украины и казацкой старшиной. Присоединенные к России силой прибалтийские провинции сумели сохранить на полтора столетия свою автономию но при этом немецкие дворяне верно той же империи служили. Разнородная же по происхождению украинская старшина, как будто, не смогла выработать «правил» корпоративного поведения и сословной солидарности. Плохий С. Миф Мазепы-предателя подвергся серьезному испытанию в горниле научной и творческой лаборатории Т. Г. Таировой-Яковлевой. Автор обсуждаемой здесь книги смогла показать более полно, чем кто-либо из ее предшественников, сложность личного, общественного и геополитического выбора, который пришлось делать Ивану Мазепе. Это, если можно так выразиться, наиболее «сбалансированная» книга о гетмане, которую мне приходилось читать. Чухлиб Т. В. Нарушение присяги монарху российского государства украинским гетманом было истолковано Иваном Мазепой и его правительством как акция против тирании Петра I. Поэтому гетман имел право отказаться от высокого покрвительства царя и искать для себя, как вассала, другого сюзерена. Этот вывод T. H. Таировой-Яковлевой представляется адекватными и раскрывает логику действий украинского лидера. ; Eugenij Anisimov notes the high level of research made by Tatiana Tairova-Yakovleva, in particular considering the pieces about Ukrainian history. He notes that the problem of treason by I. Mazepa can be interpreted more generally and the fact of treason undoubtly took place. Alexander Besov believes that the book about Hetman Mazepa by Tatiana Tairova-Yakovleva focuses rather on teleology than history. However, he fi nds the way of the author's interpretation of the «RussiaUkraine relations» in late 17th early 18th centuries quite mistakable. Alexander Kamenskii thinks that Tatiana Tairova's book is a serious attempt of constructing a scholar biography of Ivan Mazepa. In several cases she has managed to refute some myths in historiography. One may hope that the book will stimulate other historians to conduct further research. However, they will not be able to ignore Tairova's conception. A. S. Karevin considers that Tairova-Yakovleva's book is full of numerous mistakes, contradictions and baseless conclusions. The drawbacks make us not to regard the book as established scientifi c study. Kirill Kochegarov fi nds that Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva's book combine several interesting observations with unacceptable and controversial points. In generally the very idea of the study seems to idealize the Mazepa personality as well as his policy. The author also overestimates the importance of the so-called Moscow clauses, grossly exaggerates Mazepa's participation in the Russian foreign affairs, and erroneously regards centralizing military administration measures of Russian government as large-scale administrative reform in Ukraine. Moreover, active role in Church reform of Peter the Great declared by Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva Mazepa's has not been proved. Igor Kurukin: Despite the information on administrative reform of 1707 (s.322-330) given by the author, it isn't clear, was the Ukrainian autonomy liquidated or not. There is a disputable question on what extend was Mazepa supported by the Ukraine people as well as cossack «starshina». Provinces being attached to Russia Baltic were able to remain independent for one and a half centuries. Being different by birth Ukrainian elite did't manage to develop rules of corporate behavior and solidarity. Plokhii Serhii: The myth of Mazepa as betrayer have been solidly examined in Mrs. Tairova-Yakovleva's scientifi c and creative lab. The author has succeed in showing and more carefully than her predecessor the diffi culty of both personal and public, geopolitics, choice which Mazepa had to make. The book is, if it is a proper name, the most balanced judgment of the hetman I have ever read. Chukhlib Taras. The violation of oath to the Russian monarch by Ukrainian Hetmanstate was interpreted by Ivan Mazepa and his government as tyrannical action of Peter the Great. Therefore, the hetman received the right to refuse from «the high hand» of tsar and look for another suzerain to maintain his vassal autonomy. T. H. Tairova-Yakovleva fi nds this decision quite adequate and revealing us the logic of actions of the Ukrainian leader.
This book is a product of much reflection thought, and commitment to examine the gaps and gains in Kenya's democratic process. Its very title: Tensions and Reversals in Democratic Transitions: The Kenya 2007 General Elections, suggests not only the difficulty of democratic arrival but also the difficulty of its measurement. It reflects on the progress that has been made and the threats inherent therein. By implication, it sits on the side of the debate that takes the view that the democratization process will not necessarily be peaceful, neat, or unilinear. The book acknowledges that the balance sheet of Kenya's democratization project demonstrates a mixed result. Whereas in the period leading up to December 2007 the 'assets' side of the balance sheet was arguably healthier, the subsequent events, and post-2007 election violence in particular, exposed huge liabilities–mostly hidden in the structural inefficiencies of the Kenyan. This binary or bifurcated reality in Kenya's democratization, and the gains and tensions inherent in it, is evidenced by several developments. First, whereas the political space has remained highly pluralized since 1991, with the holding of regular and periodic elections following the re-introduction of multi-party politics, there are a number of negative or illiberal tendencies that have accompanied this progress: consolidation of ethnic identities, political conflicts and violence, and rising impunity. These elections often turn out to be tournaments of communal values in which ethnic interests compete in pursuance of centralized political powers in search of the imperial presidency. Essentially, although the space for democracy is enhanced and the authoritarian monster tamed, elections have acted in the main as instruments of social-political exclusion rather than instruments for furthering democratic governance. Second, whereas the legalization of political parties was seen as a necessary part of the democratization process, the political parties themselves are not practising internal democracy. The quality of rules, decisions, and accountability is woefully weak; personal rule and the dominant leader culture is strong; and party institutions generally emasculated. All these account for the remarkably short shelf life of Kenya's political parties, a development that greatly undermines the consolidation and institutionalizing of democratic gains. Third, whereas the liberal environment has led to plurality of media outlets, the ownership structure, professional conduct, or content of these media houses have not necessarily passed the democratic muster. The emergence of new technologies such as cell phones and e-communication has weakened state control of information; allowed citizens unhindered access to information; and permitted intense, unregulated citizen dialogue. However, the emergence of these technological choices or opportunities has not necessarily improved the quality of the democratic discourses, even though the space for engagement has increased. Fourth, whereas Kenya's disciplined forces have maintained a fairly respectable distance from politics, generally, and Kenya's Preface democratization process in particular, this distance was completely eliminated in 2007/2008. The long term political impact of this 'return' to the civilian arena remains unknown, particularly given the ethnicization of politics and by implication security. Fifth, whereas the gender discourses have more or less been settled in favour of the argument for the added value for greater women participation in politics, Kenyan politics remains remarkably 'un-gendered' particularly with respect to representation. This publication shows that culture is a double-edged sword capable of both hindering or facilitating women's access to political power. The 2007/2008 cataclysmic events provided a fitting context for examining or auditing Kenya's democratization process. This book, therefore, was inspired by the desire to record, archive, analyse, and interpret that sad but immensely significant occurrence in Kenya's democratic, nay, political evolution: the 2007 general elections; the violent social convulsions it subsequently generated; the deeply hidden social-political divisions it brought to the fore; and the resultant constitutional and institutional architecture of governance it created–the Grand Coalition Government. However, because of the contaminated and disputed nature of the results of that election, as affirmed by the Independent Review Commission of Kenya (IREC) or the Kriegler Commission, this publication has used the ECK data mainly to assist in scholarly inquiry. Its use in this volume should by no means be read as a validation of the figures, but rather as reference data (of whatever remains of the 'official results' of the 2007 general elections) to assist in analyzing that indelible mark in Kenya's political life. The sheer size and length of this publication speaks to its own scholarly ambition: to undertake and provide, all under one roof, a scholarly inquiry into all the key elements, issues and driving forces in the 2007 general elections and its aftermath. We are under no illusion that this is a 'catch-all' publication and, quite importantly, are acutely aware that there are issues that should have merited attention here but which, for various reasons, have not. However, we remain confident that this publication sets the stage as a veritable volume of reference for future work on the 2007/2008 political events in Kenya. In undertaking this project, we were persuaded that it is important for scholarship, policy, and advocacy to provide and benefit from local perspectives to the 2007/2008 political events. This is because much of the scholarship on Kenya's democratic transition is foreign in character and, while useful, some miss out on the nuances and hidden meanings that characterize local political experience. This publication attempts to cure that problem.
The central objective of this paper is to put the discussion of women's rights in Afghanistan in the context of the multiple transitions entailed by the process of post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to peace), a political transition (to the formation of a legitimate and effective state) and a socioeconomic transition (from a 'conflict' economy to sustainable growth). These transformations do not occur in a social vacuum but build upon existing societal arrangements that condition and limit the range of available opportunities. The first section contextualizes current attempts at securing women's rights in the troubled history of state-building and state-society relations in Afghanistan. The latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, and a rural hinterland that both resisted the incursions of the state and attempted to represent tribal interests within it. Attempts at modernization, including the expansion of women's rights, were instigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize power were thwarted at various junctures. The issue of women's rights was used as a bargaining counter in contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp swings of the pendulum between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and the Islamist policies of the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, in a context where the state's interface with local communities, whether in terms of the legal framework, revenue collection or service delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women's rights with reference only to government policies suffer from serious shortcomings. It is, rather, to the profound transformations brought about by years of protracted conflict that one must look for a better appraisal of obstacles to and opportunities for more gender-equitable development in Afghanistan. The second section discusses the implications of the far-reaching changes in social relations brought about by years of war and displacement following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A predominantly rural country whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed into a fragmented polity where a significant proportion of the economy is based on illicit, criminalized networks of trade in drugs (opium poppy, in particular) and commodities such as timber and emeralds, smuggling of goods and human trafficking. The central argument put forward in this section is that routine violations of women's rights in Afghanistan are determined by analytically distinct but overlapping and mutually reinforcing sets of influences: the dynamics of gendered disadvantage, the erosion of local livelihoods and growing poverty, the criminalization of the economy, and insecurity due to the predations of armed groups and factions. Particular combinations of new pressures (such as poverty, indebtedness and predation by local strongmen) and existing practices (such as the early marriage of girls against the payment of brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as unmediated expressions of local 'culture', thus detracting critical attention from the full nexus of influences that deepen the vulnerability of girls and women. The third section focuses on processes of institutional development and reform since the Bonn Agreement in 2001.The national machinery set up for the advancement of women consists of: the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA); the Office of the State Minister for Women (OSMOW), set up to provide policy guidance with particular reference to legislative and judicial reform processes; the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tasked with the advancement of women's rights under one of its five programme areas; and the Gender Advisory Group (GAG), a donor-government co-ordination body that assists in formulating a national framework and budget for gender mainstreaming. The most tangible gains so far have been achieved in the area of legal rights, which were enshrined in the new Constitution of January 2004 and provide legal guarantees for women's equality as citizens and for their political representation. Many unresolved questions remain concerning the respective roles of Islamic and tribal laws and the stipulations of international treaties to which the government is a signatory (such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW which was ratified without reservations in March 2003). Without a process of consensus-building through political normalization and reconciliation, the risk that women's rights will be held hostage to factional politics remains high. The expansion of women's formal rights cannot, in any case, translate into substantive benefits in the absence of security and the rule of law. Moreover, women's formal rights to civic participation may have limited impact in a context where they remain wards of their households and communities and where their most basic entitlements to education and health continue to be denied. The conclusion draws attention to crippling disjunctures between different facets of post-conflict transition. Legal and governance reforms have advanced at a faster pace than has been achieved in the security sector or the transition to sustainable livelihoods. There is also a disjuncture between, on the one hand, the time frames adopted and outputs expected by international actors driving the women's rights agenda, and on the other, the length of time required for non-cosmetic changes in societal relations to develop as a result of peace-building. Since the issue of women's rights continues to occupy a highly politicized and sensitive place in the struggles between contending political factions in Afghanistan, this disjuncture may itself produce unintended effects, with disempowering consequences for women.
This assessment forms part of the joint International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Indonesia Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) which is being undertaken during 2009-2010. The assessment which covers the Bank Indonesia's real time gross settlement (BI-RTGS) system's observance of the Committee on Payment and Settlement Systems (CPSS) Core Principles for Systemically Important Payment Systems (SIPS) and the Central Bank's Responsibilities in applying the Core Principles was conducted during the first mission. The assessment which was conducted with the cooperation of the Bank Indonesia and other key players in the payment systems area was undertaken by Alice Zanza, Senior Payment Systems Specialist, World Bank with the assistance of Bruce Summers, Senior Payment Systems Advisor, World Bank. Although there are several systems in operation in Indonesia, BI considers the Bank Indonesia Real Time Gross Settlement (BI-RTGS) system to be the only systemically important payment system in the country. BI-RTGS is owned by BI and operated by the Payment Systems Department in the Directorate of Accounting and Payment Systems. To date, the assessment team does not have any information to expand the scope of systemically important payment systems in Indonesia and has conducted the assessment of the RTGS system, as the sole SIPS in the country.
학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제통상전공),2019. 8. 김종섭. ; 본 연구의 목적은 글로벌 가치사슬 (global value chain, GVC), 혹은 여러 국가에 걸친 생산 단계의 분화 과정에 참여하여 특정 형태의 중간재 무역이 증가할 때, 숙련도가 다른 한국 노동자들의 임금에 차별적인 영향이 발생하는 가의 여부를 실증적 분석을 통해 검증하는 것이다. 최근 여러 개발도상국과 선진국에서 국가 내 불평등이 심화되는 현상이 관측되고 있으며, 이는 학계 및 정책입안자들 뿐만 아니라 일반인들의 주요 관심 대상이 되었다. 불평등이 정치적 안정성과 사회 통합에 영향을 미친다는 사실은 오랜 시간 인지되었다. 많은 국가 내에서 포퓰리즘과 시위가 늘어나는 등 정치적 갈등이 심화되고 있으며, 세계에서 경제 규모로 각각 1, 2위를 차지하는 미국과 중국 간의 무역 분쟁으로 현실화된 보호무역주의의 재등장은 오늘날 세계화와 불평등 사이의 상관 관계가 정치적으로 더욱 심각한 의의를 가진다는 것을 보여준다. 그러나 국제 생산 네트워크는 여러 국경을 넘나드는 글로벌 공급망 무역을 통해 촘촘하게 이어지는데, 이러한 글로벌 밸류 체인이 확산된 오늘날에는 관세, 쿼터, 그리고 기타 수입·수출 규제와 같은 비관세장벽의 비용이 더욱 높아졌다. 다시 말해 GVC 시대에서는 각 생산 단계를 거치며 수입 중간재가 국경을 여러 번 넘나들면서 관세의 비용이 누적·증폭되며, 전통적으로 내수형으로 여겨지는 농업과 서비스 같은 산업에 속한 생산과 고용 역시 해외 시장에 의존하는 경향이 커지는데, 이는 내수형 산업들조차 직접적으로 수출되는 제조업품 속의 부가가치로 체화되어 간접적으로 부가가치를 수출하기 때문이다. 따라서 과거 시대에 비해 무역 장벽은 고용과 임금에 더욱 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 양자간 무역의 직접적인 당사자 뿐만 아니라 간접적으로 국제 공급 사슬 무역에 참여하는 수많은 관련 국가와 산업들 모두에게 영향을 미칠 수 있다. 따라서 현대 사회에서 보호무역의 비용이 유래없이 높아진 만큼, 과연 그러한 정책의 밑바탕이 된 불평등 문제가 정말 무역에서 비롯된 것인지 정밀하게 연구하는 것은 아주 중요한 문제라고 할 수 있다. 1980년대와 90년대 초반까지 주류 경제학자들의 전반적인 의견은 무역이 불평등에 미친 영향이 미미했으며, 고숙련·저숙련 노동자들의 임금 격차가 벌어진 데에는 숙련 편향적 기술 진보와 같은 다른 요인들이 훨씬 중대한 효과를 미쳤다는 것이었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 세계화와 불평등의 관계에 대한 정책 입안자들과 일부 학계의 염려는 계속되어 왔으며, 특히 해외 아웃소싱 혹은 오프쇼어링과 임금 불평등의 관계에 대한 최근의 경험적 연구들은 여러 상반되는 결과들을 도출하였다. 한편, 글로벌 밸류 체인과 생산의 파편화가 확산된 상황에서는 무역의 잠재적인 숙련 편향적 효과를 새로운 GVC와 부가가치 무역 지수들로 연구하는 것이 중요하다. 이는 리카르도나 애덤 스미스 시대처럼 수출 속 부가가치가 거의 100% 국내에서 생산되는 것이 아니라 해외에서 수입한 중간재 혹은 다른 투입 요소가 차지하는 해외창출 부가가치 비중이 매우 커졌기 때문이다. GVC참여가 노동시장의 소득 재분배에 미치는 영향에 대한 최신의 경험적 연구들 역시 서로 상충되는 결과들을 내놓은 점에서, 더욱 정교한 방법론으로 다듬어진 실증 분석의 필요성이 제기된다. 특히 국제 공급 사슬 무역 속에 체화된 기술과 노동은 전통적 무역 이상으로 산업 고도화나 추가적인 노동 수요와 공급의 이동을 유발할 수 있기 때문에, 같은 GVC무역이라도 산업 혹은 국가에 따라 다른 영향을 미칠 수가 있다. 글로벌 가치 사슬에 가장 활발하게 참여하는 국가 중 하나인 한국의 사례가 중요한 또다른 이유는, 많은 경제학자들이 대학교와 같은 고등 교육에 투자를 해서 고숙련 노동의 비중을 높이는 것이 고숙련·저숙련 노동자 간의 임금 불평등을 해소할 수 있는 효과적 방안으로 제시하고 있고, OECD에서 가장 높은 비율의 고숙련 노동자를 보유하고 있는 한국의 경우 대학 교육 이수자의 지속적인 증가가 있었음에도 불구하고 임금 불평등이 해소되기는커녕 심화되었다는 점이다. 따라서 GVC와 임금 불평등의 구조를 연구하는 것은 GVC참여를 통해서 한국과 비슷한 방식으로 산업들의 기술 구조를 고도화하고자 하는 개발도상국들에게 좋은 참고가 될 수 있을 것이다. 한국의 예는 또한 선진국들에게도 중요한 의의를 가질 수 있다. 한국은 선진국 중에서 특이하게도 강건한 제조업 기반을 유지하고 있으며 반면에 서비스 산업이 상대적으로 낮은 비중을 차지하고 있다. 이런 산업 구조를 가지고 있음에도 GVC참여가 숙련 편향적인 효과를 보인다면, 최근 미국과 같은 선진국들이 보호무역을 통해 억지로 자국으로 (점점 낮은 부가가치를 차지하는) 생산·조립 단계 공정을 되돌리려는 "리쇼어링"을 유도하더라도 그들이 원하는 불평등의 개선 효과가 없을 수도 있다는 점을 함의한다. 산업 구조, 국가의 위치와 규모 등 수많은 요인에 따라 GVC참여가 노동 시장에 미치는 영향이 상이할 수 있는 바, 본 연구는 최근 축적된 국제 생산 분업에 대한 전반적인 선행 연구 분석과 함께 한국의 오프쇼어링, GVC관련 무역, 해외직접투자, 그리고 개발 및 산업 고도화 등의 다방면적인 질적 특성을 살펴봄으로써 이질적인 여러 종류의 GVC참여 방식이 국내 노동자들의 숙련도에 따라 임금에 어떤 상이한 영향을 미칠 수 있는지에 대한 가설을 설정한다. 본격적인 양적 회귀분석에 앞서 질적인 분석을 겸하는 이유는 GVC 무역 내에 체화된 업무와 숙련도를 알아야 노동 시장에 미치는 영향을 보다 정확히 파악할 수 있는 상황 속에서, 현재의 부가가치기준 무역 데이터조차 가치사슬 내의 정확한 산업 고도화 방향과 직무의 구성을 알기 어렵기 때문이다. 연구 가설들을 검정하기 위해 먼저 한국고용노동패널데이터 (KLIPS)에서 추출한 7,689명의 개인과 총 31,974개의 관측치로 이루어진 표본을 구성한 후 2018년 발표된 가장 최신 형태의 경제협력개발기구 (OECD) – 세계무역기구 (WTO) 부가가치 기준 무역 (TiVA) 지표들을 병합한다. 이 실증 분석 모형은 2005년부터 2015년까지 64개국간의 부가가치 무역을 추정하는 TiVA의 36개 산업 수준 지표들을 2009년부터 2017년까지의 개인 수준의 한국 노동자 데이터와 연결한다. 교육 수준으로 측정된 노동의 숙련 수준을 각 노동자가 속한 산업의 세 종류의 GVC 참여 지수 (총 참여율, 전방 참여도, 후방 참여도)와 함께 교차항에 넣어 상호 작용 효과 존재 여부를 살펴본다. 실증 분석을 위해 우선 변형된 Mincer 형태의 임금 모형에 종속변수인 각 개인 수준의 임금과 핵심 독립 변수인 노동 숙련도와 GVC참여율로 구성된 교차항과 함께 다양한 통제 변수와 고정 효과를 넣은 후, 패널 회귀분석을 실시한다. 이처럼 산업 수준 GVC 무역 지표를 개인 수준 임금 데이터와 통합시키는 방법론은 산업 수준 GVC 교역 지수를 산업 수준 임금 데이터와 연결 지은 기존 선행 연구에 비해서 동시적 인과관계로 인해 발생할 수 있는 내생성 편의 문제를 어느 정도 통제할 수 있다는 점에서 상당한 이점을 가진다. 실증 분석 결과 전반적으로 산업 수준에서의 GVC참여가 여러 숙련도로 나뉜 개인 노동자 수준의 임금에 유의미한 차등적인 효과를 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 우선 교차항을 고려하지 않았을 때 전방, 후방 및 총 GVC참여율 모두 다른 변수들을 통제했을 때에도 통계적으로 매우 유의미하게 임금을 높이는 것으로 보였다. 하지만 이와 동시에 GVC참여는 고숙련 노동자들에게 상대적으로 더욱 큰 긍정적 임금 효과를 주는 숙련 편향적 효과가 있는 것으로 나타났다. 여러 종류의 GVC참여 중에서도 전방 참여가 가장 큰 숙련 편향성을 나타내는 것을 드러냄으로써, 본 연구는 GVC참여의 종류를 구분하는 것이 매우 중요하다는 점을 확인하였다. 이는 한국의 노동 시장에 대한 선행 연구들이 거의 다루지 않은 부분일 뿐만 아니라, 최근에 세계 단위로 분석한 연구와 정 반대의 결과를 보여주기 때문에 기존 연구에 상당 부분 기여한다고 할 수 있다. 본 논문의 결과는 또한 동일한 형태의 GVC무역도 국가의 개별적 특성에 따라 체화된 숙련수준과 생산활동의 구성비에 따라 노동시장에 미치는 영향이 다를 수 있다는 점을 시사한다. 한편, 결과의 강건성 검증을 위해 다른 형태의 통제 변수와 모형, 그리고 대안적인 핵심 설명 변수로 시간 래그 변수와 총수출액 대비 부가가치 수출액의 비율(VAX Ratio)을 사용했을 때에도 전반적인 회귀 분석 결과는 유사하게 나오는 것으로 확인하였다. 본 연구는 한국의 경우 글로벌 공급 사슬 무역에 참여하는 것이 적어도 미시적인 수준에서 노동 시장에 숙련 편향적인 효과를 가져온다는 것을 밝히면서도, 동시에 모든 종류의 GVC참여가 노동자들의 전반적인 임금 수준에 긍정적인 영향을 미친다는 점을 보여줌으로써, 최근 불평등을 해소하는 정책으로 확산되는 보호무역주의는 최적의 해결책이 아니라는 경제학의 관점을 경험적 분석을 통해 확인하였다. 본 논문에서 무역과 노동 경제학이 가장 많은 부분을 차지하지만, GVC와 관련된 연구가 여러 학제간 교류가 활발한 간학문적인 분야라는 점과 최근의 무역 전쟁 및 불평등 문제가 정책적으로도 중대한 사안인만큼, 본 연구에 포함된 여러가지 이론 및 실증 분석의 결과들은 정치학, 국제관계학, 정치경제학, 사회학, 교육학, 행정학, 그리고 경영학과 같은 다양한 분야의 연구자들에게 유용한 결과를 제시한다. ; The main objective of this study is to elucidate how exposure to globalization in the form of participation in global value chains (GVCs), or the fragmentation of different stages of production across national and regional borders, has affected the wages of workers with different skill levels in the labor market of South Korea. The rise of income inequality within many developed and developing countries has once again captured the interest of academia, the public, and politicians. It has long been known that inequality affects political stability and social cohesion. Nowadays, political tensions run high in many nations, and as can be seen from various social phenomena such as the rise of populism, civil protests, and protectionism in the form of an ongoing trade war between the world's two largest economies, the U.S. and China, the potential relationship between globalization and inequality continues to have ever more serious political implications. However, the costs of trade barriers such as tariffs, quotas, and other non-tariff barriers such as import or export restrictions are now higher than ever, due to the importance of cross-border supply chain trade that links international production networks. In an era of GVCs, tariffs are escalated because inputs must cross borders multiple times, while production and employment in many seemingly domestic-oriented industries such as agriculture and services actually depend on foreign markets, because their value-added is indirectly embodied as inputs in manufactured exports. Thus, trade restrictions may lead to significantly greater negative impacts on wages and employment than in previous eras. Moreover, barriers aimed bilaterally at one country can affect numerous other countries that participate in production sharing. In light of the high costs of protectionism in the contemporary world, an examination of whether trade actually has adverse distributional effects is crucial. Until the 1980s and early 90s, the consensus of neoclassical economists was that trade only had a minor impact on inequality while skill-biased technical or technological change and other factors were far more important drivers of divergences in the income of high and low skilled workers. Nevertheless, public suspicion and concern over the relationship has been unabated, and more recent literature on the relationship between offshoring and income inequality has shown conflicting results. At the same time, the expansion of global value chains and fragmentation of production increases the importance of studying the potential effects of a skill bias in trade with new GVC and value added trade indicators, since nowadays foreign intermediate goods and services are significantly embodied in the final product exports of a country, unlike the age of David Ricardo or Adam Smith, when exports were only domestically produced. Empirical findings regarding the relation between GVC participation and its distributional impacts on labor have been mixed, furthering the case for continued empirical investigation. The case of Korea, one of the most heavily integrated developed countries in GVCs, is also important because many economists have suggested that more investment in the tertiary education of unskilled workers can alleviate income inequality, but Korea has been experiencing a rise in inequality in spite of having the largest proportion of high skilled workers among OECD countries when following ISCED classifications. As such, a careful examination of how GVCs affect wage inequality can provide useful insights for developing countries that want to consistently upgrade their industries akin to the path that Korea has followed. Likewise, Korea's case has important implications for developed nations: Korea is an outlier among developed nations because it has a remarkably robust manufacturing sector as compared to services, yet, the existence of a skill bias of global supply chain trade in spite of this may imply that current high income economies tempted to engage in protectionism to "re-shore" overseas production back into national borders (such as the U.S.) might not achieve the distributional results they intended. The lower value-added assembly stages of manufacturing coming back would not necessarily contribute to reducing inequality in the home country. A careful examination of the literature on the labor market impacts of international production sharing, as well as the qualitative characteristics of Korea's offshoring, GVC-related trade, foreign direct investment, and development - industrial upgrading trajectory are factored into the formulation of several hypotheses on how heterogeneous types of GVC participation might impact workers of different skills in Korea. This is to complement the limitations of value added trade data in showing the composition of business functions as well as direction of industrial upgrading, as finding the specific mix of tasks and skills embodied in GVC trade is crucial to understanding labor market impacts. To test these hypotheses, a panel data set consisting of 7,689 individuals and 31,974 individual-year observations is constructed by merging and matching data from the Korea Labor Income Panel Survey (KLIPS) with the updated 2018 version of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) – World Trade Organization (WTO) Trade in Value Added (TiVA) indicators, which are derived from the Inter-Country Input-Output (ICIO) database. This empirical model links the 36 industry-level indicators of TiVA, which covers 64 economies for 2005-2015, with the micro-individual level data of Korean workers from 2009-2017. The skill level of labor, measured in terms of educational attainment, is interacted with three different types of GVC participation indices (total, forward, and backward) of the respective industries in which the workers are employed each year. The wages of each individual worker, the dependent variable, are regressed on this product term of skills and GVC participation, using a variation of the Mincerian human capital wage equation along with various controls and fixed effects appropriate for this multi-dimensional panel data analysis. This approach of investigating the relationship between industry-level cross-border production sharing indicators on individual-level variables has a significant methodological advantage compared to many earlier studies using industry-level wage variables. Combining the two different levels can mitigate endogeneity concerns that may arise due to simultaneity bias. Overall, the findings of this study show that differences in GVC integration at the industry level indeed have heterogeneous effects on wages of individual workers classified in different skill groups. While all three types of GVC participation have positive effects on wages when controlling for other variables, the direction and magnitude of coefficients for each group of workers suggests the existence of a "skill-bias," in which increased GVC participation has a relatively favorable impact toward higher skilled employees as opposed to low or mid-skilled workers. This skill bias is strongest for forward participation, which underlines the importance of distinguishing between different types of GVC participation, a factor which was neglected in previous empirical studies combining sector-level GVC indicators with individual-level labor data. The fact that these results directly contrast with a recent cross-country study that found skill-biased effects for backward GVC trade rather than forward supply chain linkages, suggests that the country-specific business functions, skills, and tasks embodied within intermediate inputs trade affect the causal relationship between both types of GVC participation and labor market impacts, in line with this dissertation's analysis of Korea's specific position in GVC trade and development trajectory. Moreover, robustness checks show that the results are generally stable when estimated with complementary or alternative specifications of variables and models, including time lags and the Value Added Exports (VAX) ratio. At the same time, although there is a skill bias of global supply chain trade, this research shows that overall wages of workers are positively affected through all types of GVC trade, hence leading to the suggestion that the current protectionist sentiment spreading in the global economy is not the optimal answer to deal with inequality. Although the study mostly draws insights from and fills in the gap in contemporary international trade literature and labor economics, the multi-disciplinary relevance of the findings with respect to global value chains and within-country income inequality should be of interest to scholars and policymakers of many fields, including political science, international relations, political economy, sociology, educational studies, public policy, and business management among others. ; Abstract i Table of Contents v List of Tables and Figures vii I. Introduction 1 1. Background and Research Motivation 1 2. Overview of the Study 12 II. Literature, Theoretical Framework and Hypotheses 17 1. Literature Review 17 1.1. Global Value Chains (GVCs) 17 1.1.1 Concept, History and Terminology 22 1.1.2 GVCs and Value Added Trade Data 33 1.1.3 Importance of Trade in Value Added 42 1.1.4 The Role of Services 44 1.2. Labor Market Impacts of Trade and Offshoring 46 1.2.1 Benefits of Trade 51 1.2.2 Traditional Trade and Inequality 53 1.2.3 Trade in Tasks and Wage Effects 59 1.3 Traditional Proxy Measures of Offshoring Trade 64 1.3.1 Broad and Narrow Offshoring 64 1.4. Second Generation Offshoring Statistics 68 1.4.1 Vertical Specialization 70 1.4.2 VAX Ratio 73 1.5. The GVC Participation Index 76 1.5.1 Backward Participation (Foreign VA in Gross Exports) 78 1.5.2 Forward Participation (Domestic VA in Exports to third countries) 79 1.5.3 Total GVC Participation 79 1.5.4 Data Limitation: Absence of Business Functions and Tasks 81 1.6 Additional Labor Market Impacts of GVC Participation 83 1.6.1 The Smile Curve and Industrial Upgrading 85 1.6.2 Higher growth, development and productivity 93 1.6.3 Empirical Analyses on GVCs and Employment 96 1.6.4 Cross-country Analyses on GVCs and Wages 97 1.7 Korea and Global Value Chains 101 1.7.1 Korea's Prominent Role in GVC Trade 101 1.7.2 Factors underlying Korea's GVC participation 114 1.7.3 Korea's Export-Led Growth and Industrial Upgrading Path 116 1.7.4 Shifting to Higher Value Added Activities and Offshoring Assembly 122 1.7.5 Empirical Literature on the Labor Market Impacts of Globalization in Korea 128 2. Hypotheses Formulation 144 2.1. Model Predictions 144 2.2. Summary of Hypotheses 153 III. Data and Empirical Methodology 155 1. Data Sources and Sample 155 1.1. OECD-WTO Trade in Value Added (TiVA) Indicators 155 1.2. Korea Labor Income Panel Survey (KLIPS) 158 2. Econometric Analysis 161 2.1. Baseline Panel Regression Wage Equation Model 161 3. Variable Construction 163 3.1. Constructing Variables from KLIPS 163 3.2. Skills and Educational Attainment Variables 166 3.3. Constructing GVC Trade Variables from OECD TiVA 170 3.4. Alternative GVC Measures for Robustness Checks 172 3.5. Matching GVC Industries with KLIPS 174 IV. Results and Interpretation 177 1. Main Specification 177 1.1. Total GVC Participation 180 1.2. Forward GVC Participation 187 1.3. Backward GVC Participation 192 2. Further Robustness Checks 195 2.1. International ISCED Definition of Skills 196 2.2. Robustness to Endogeneity and Simultaneous Equation Bias 198 2.3. Individual Fixed Effects 199 2.4. Alternative Specifications: Time-Lagged GVC Trade Variables 202 2.5. Alternative Specifications: Value Added Export (VAX) Ratio 208 V. Conclusion 218 1. Contribution to Economics Literature 218 2. Contribution to Policy-Making and Other Academic Fields 222 3. Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research 223 List of References (Bibliography) 228 국문 초록 (Abstract in Korean) 260 ; Master
