Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Abbagiri Tanda-2 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 644 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 88 per cent is covered by soils, 10 per cent rock outcrops, 2 per cent is by water bodies and 150 cm). About 3 per cent area in the microwatershed has sandy soils, 54 per cent soils are loamy and 31 per cent clayey soils at the surface About 14 per cent area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity. About 9 per cent in the microwatershed has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands, 74 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands and 5 per cent area is gently sloping (3-5% slope). An area of about 68 per cent is moderately (e2) eroded and 20 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded. An area of about 15 per cent soils are strongly acid (pH 5.0-5.5), an area of about 37 per cent soils are moderately acid (pH 5.5-6.0), an area of about 18 per cent soils are slightly acid (pH 6.0-6.5) in soil reaction and an area of 17 per cent is neutral (pH 6.5-7.3). The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire area of the microwatershed is dominantly 0.75%) in 72 per cent area. Available phosphorus is medium (23-57 kg/ha) in an area 18 per cent and high (>57 kg/ha) in an area of 70 per cent. About 29 per cent is low (145 kg/ha) in available potassium, 51 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 9 per cent is high (>337 kg/ha). Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in the entire area of the microwatershed. Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in 83 per cent area. Available copper and manganese are sufficient in all the soils. The land suitability for 28 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 27 (4) 103(16) Pomegranate - 271(42) Maize 23 (4) 97 (17) Guava - 253 (39) Bajra 23 (4) 356 (55) Jackfruit - 253 (39) Groundnut - 417 (65) Jamun - 266 (41) Sunflower 4 (<1) 83 (13) Musambi 4 (<1) 265(41) Cotton 4 (<1) 123(19) Lime 4 (<1) 285 (44) Red gram - 70 (10) Cashew - 246 (38) Bengalgram 61 (9) 108 (17) Custard apple 9 (1) 503 (78) Chilli - 96 (17) Amla 4 (<1) 508 (79) Tomato 23 (4) 73 (11) Tamarind - 38 (6) Drumstick - 166 (26) Marigold - 129 (20) Mulberry - 400 (62) Chrysanthemum - 129 (20) Mango - - Jasmine - 92 (14) Sapota - 233 (36) Crossandra - 92 (14) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 7 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SILENT FINDINGS OF THE STUDY The results indicated that among 35 famers 11 (22.45%) were marginal farmers, 14 (31.82 %) were small farmers, 9 (20.45 %) were semi medium farmers and 5 (11.36 %) was medium farmer. Apart from these 5 landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The data indicated that there were 98 (52.69%) men and 88 (47.31%) were women among the sampled households. The average family size of marginal farmers was 4, small farmer was 4, semi medium farmer was 5, medium farmers were 3 and for landless farmers it was 4. The data indicated that 32 (17.20 %) people were in 0-15 years of age, 81 (43.55%) were in 16-35 years of age, 59 (31.72 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 14 (7.53 %) were above 61 years of age. The results indicated that the Abbagiri Tanda-2 had 33.87 per cent illiterates, 1.61 per cent functional literates, 23.12 per cent of them had primary school education, 10.75 per cent of them had middle school education, 14.52 per cent of them had high school education, 5.91 per cent of them had PUC education, 0.54 per cent of them had ITI, 1.08 per cent them had Diploma education, 4.84 per cent of them had degree education and 3.76 per cent of them had other education. The results indicated that, 81.82 per cent of households practicing agriculture and 9.09 per cent of the household heads were general labours. The results indicated that agriculture was the major occupation for 56.45 per cent of the household members, 2.15 per cent were agricultural labourers, 5.91 per cent were general labours, 1.61 percent were in government service, 2.15 per cent of them were in private sector, 0.54 per cent of them were trade and business, 20.43 per cent of them were students and 2.69 per cent were housewives. In case of landless households 50 per cent were general labours, 5 per cent were in private service and 35 per cent were students. In case of marginal farmers 71.79 per cent were agriculturist, 2.56 percent were agricultural labour and general labour and 17.95 per cent were students. In case of small farmers, 62.07 per cent of the household members were practicing agriculture and 20.69 per cent of them were students. In case of semi medium farmers 58.54 per cent of the household members were practicing agriculture and 21.95 per cent of them were students. In case of medium farmers, 60.71 per cent of the household members were performing agriculture. The results showed that 4.30 per cent of them participated in self help groups, 1.08 per cent of them participated in user group and 94.62 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions. Landless and medium farmers were found to have no participation in any local institutions. Marginal, small farmers and semi medium farmers were found to participate in one or the other local institutions. 2 The results indicated that 68.18 per cent of the households possess Katcha house. 100 percent of the landless farmers possess Katcha house. The results showed that 68.18 per cent of the households possess TV, 36.36 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 22.73 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 43.18 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 77.27 per cent of the households possess mobile phones and 2.27 per cent of the households possess refrigerator. The results showed that the average value of television was Rs.4800, mixer grinder was Rs.1400, refrigerator Rs.15000, bicycle Rs.1727, motor cycle was Rs.30350 and mobile phone was Rs.1220. The results showed that, about 15.91 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 27.27 per cent of them possess plough, 2.27 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 9.09 per cent of the households possess tractor, 20.45 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 15.91 per cent of the households possess sprinkler, 50 per cent of the households possess weeder, 6.82 per cent of the households possess harvester, 2.27 per cent of the households possess thresher and 11.36 per cent of the households possess chaff cutter. The results show that the average value of plough was Rs.1318, the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 17000, the average value of power tiller Rs. 100000, the average value of tractor Rs. 300000, the average value of sprinkler Rs.3192, the average value of was sprayer Rs.2409, the average value of weeder Rs. 72, the average value of harvester Rs.4662 and the average value of chaff cutter Rs.3000. The results indicated that, 31.82 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 11.36 per cent of the households possess local cow, 6.82 per cent of the households possess buffalo and 2.27 per cent of the households possess sheep and goat respectively. In case of marginal farmers, 27.27 per cent of the households possess bullock. In case of small farmers, 42.86 per cent of households possess bullock, 14.29 per cent possess local cow and buffalo and 7.14 per cent possess sheep and goat respectively. In case of semi medium farmers, 44.44 per cent of the households possess bullock, 11.11 per cent possess local cow and buffalo correspondingly. In medium farmers 20 per cent of the households possess bullock and 40 per cent of the households possess local cow. The results indicated that, average own labour men available in the micro-watershed was 1.53, average own labour (women) available was 1.26, average hired labour (men) available was 11 and average hired labour (women) available was 11.82. In case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 1.36, average own labour (women) was 1.09, average hired labour (men) was 6 and average hired labour (women) available was 6. In case of small farmers, average own labour men available was 1.46, average own labour (women) was 1.08, average hired labour 3 (men) was 10.23 and average hired labour (women) available was 12.38. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 1.88, average own labour (women) was 1.63, average hired labour (men) was 19.38 and average hired labour (women) available was 20. In medium farmers average own labour men available was 1.50, average own labour (women) was 2, average hired labour (men) was 10 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.50. The results indicated that77.27 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate About 100 per cent of the marginal farmers, 92.86 per cent of small, 88.89 per cent of semi medium and 40 per cent of the medium farmers have opined that the hired labour was adequate. The results indicated that, 2 person was migrated from micro-watershed that belonged to small and semi medium farmer category. Total migration in the microwatershed was only 1.08 per cent. The results indicated that, people have migrated on an average of 375 Kms and average duration was 6.50 months. Small farmers have migrated 150 kms and on an average for 6months and semi medium farmers have migrated 600 kms and on an average for 7 months. The results indicated that, job/work was the only reason for migration for all the migrants. The results indicated that, households of the Abbagiri Tanda-2 micro-watershed possess 21.53 ha (40.38 %) of dry land and 31.79 ha (59.62%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 7.83 ha (95.08%) of dry land and 0.40 ha (4.92%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 11.27 ha (69.10%) of dry land and 5.04 ha (30.90 %) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 2.43 ha (16.18%) of dry land and 12.58 ha (83.82 %) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 13.76 ha (100%) of irrigated land. The results indicated that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 264642.86 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 380532.21. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 370372.28 for dry land and Rs. 741000 for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 221643.93 for dry land Rs. 713643.66 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 123500 for dry land and Rs. 389414.42 for irrigated land. In case of medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 239735.29 for irrigated land. The results indicated that, there were 21 functioning and 12 defunctioning bore wells in the micro watershed. The results indicated that, there was only 1 functioning open well in the micro watershed. The results indicated that, bore well was the major irrigation source for 47.73 per cent of the farmers and open well was source of irrigation source for 2.27 per cent of the farmers. The results indicated that, marginal farmers having 0.81 per cent of irrigated land. In case of small farmers there were 5.17 ha of irrigated land, semi 4 medium farmers were having 15.08 ha of irrigated land and medium farmers were having 11.34 ha of irrigated land. The results indicated that, farmers have grown Bajra (12.61 ha), Bengal gram (0.91 ha), Chilly (0.81 ha), Ground nut (1.62 ha), Kanakambara (0.40 ha), Maize (21.16 ha), Navane (3.24 ha), Paddy (0.81 ha), Papaya (1.67 ha) and Tomato (0.87 ha) in kharif season and Bengal gram (1.21 ha), Ground nut (1.74 ha), Paddy (0.81 ha) and Red gram (1.46 ha) in Rabi season. Marginal farmers have grown Maize, Bajra, Navane and Kanakambara. Small farmers have grown Bajra, Maize, Navane, Tomato, Water melon and Groundnut. Semi medium farmers have grown Bajra, Bengal Gram, Chilly, Groundnut, Maize, Paddy and Papaya. Medium farmers have grown Groundnut and Maize. The results indicated that, the cropping intensity in Abbagiri Tanda-2 microwatershed was found to be 95.82 per cent. In case of Marginal farmers, small farmers and medium farmers it was 100 per cent and in case of semi medium farmers it was 87.26 per cent. The results indicated that, 61.36 per cent of the households have bank account and savings respectively. Landless farmers 80 percent of them possess both bank account and savings. 81.82 per cent of marginal farmers possess both bank account and savings correspondingly. Small farmers possess 71.43 per cent of both bank account and savings and medium category of farmers possess 44.44 per cent of bank account and also savings in that order. The results indicated that, 80 per cent of landless, 81.82 per cent of marginal, 14.29 per cent of small and 44.44 per cent semi medium have borrowed credit from different sources. The results indicated that, 20.83 per cent have availed loan in Commercial bank, 50 per cent of the households availed loan in Grameena bank, 45.83 per cent have availed loan from money lender and 12.50 per cent have availed loan from SHGs/CBOs. The results indicated that, landless, marginal, small and semi medium have availed Rs. 26,250, Rs. 50,000, Rs. 177,000, and Rs. 137,500 respectively. Overall average credit amount availed by households in the micro-watershed is 97,666.67. The results indicated that, 93.75 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production and 6.25 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for Social functions like marriage. The results indicated that, agriculture production, bore well/irrigation related equipments, construction-house, construction-cattle shed, household consumption and other reasons were the main purpose for which marginal, small farmers, semi medium farmers borrowed loan. 33.33 per cent of the household's barrowed loan for agriculture production, 8.33 per cent of the household's barrowed loan for Bore well/irrigation related equipments, 5 Construction-house, Construction-cattle shed respectively and 25 per cent of them took loan for household consumption. The data regarding the repayment status of credit borrowed from institutional sources by households in Abbagiri Tanda-2 showed that 47.06 per cent of the households partially their loan and 52.94 per cent of the households have unpaid their loan. Results indicated that 64.29 per cent of the households have repaid their private credit partially, 21.43 percent of the households have unpaid their loan and 7.14 per cent of them fully paid their loan. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 12086.76. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26429.00. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. 14342.24, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.19. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 16778.52. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 31106.06. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs.14327.53, and the income generated from red gram was Rs.1613.22, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.85. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for navane was Rs. 11950.89. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26799.50. The net income from navane cultivation was Rs. 14848.61. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.24. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for crossandra was Rs. 54865.08. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 173888.00. The net income from crossandra cultivation was Rs.119022.92. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.17. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bengalgram was Rs. 32635.87. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 76962.18. The net income from bengalgram cultivation was Rs. 44326.31. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.36. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 42105.75. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 70296.94. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 28191.18. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.67. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 49859.57. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 222300.00. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 172440.43. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:4.46. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 50482.00. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 81510.00. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. 31028.00. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.61. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for redgram was Rs. 13048.22. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 32933.33. The net income from redgram cultivation was Rs. 19885.12. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 6 1:2.52. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Papaya was Rs. 44258.18. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 575534.00. The net income from Papaya cultivation was Rs. 531275.82. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:13.0. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Tomato was Rs. 24942.81. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs.111150.00. The net income from Tomato cultivation was Rs. 86207.19. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:4.46. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Watermelon was Rs. 32084.97. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 526018.50. The net income from Watermelon cultivation was Rs. 493933.52. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:16.39. The results indicated that, 27.27 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate, 2.27 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was inadequate also the data revealed that 22.73 per cent of the farmers opined that green fodder is adequate. The results indicated that, Bajra, Bengal Gram, Chilly, Groundnut, Maize, Navane, Paddy, Papaya, Red Gram, Tomato, Water Melon and Kanakambara flower sold to the extent of 100 per cent. The results indicated that the average income from service/salary was Rs. 10500, business Rs. 12727.27, wage Rs. 22340.91, agriculture Rs. 89061.36, dairy farm Rs. 1409.09 and goat farming was Rs. 454.55. The results indicated that the average expenditure from service/salary was Rs. 340.91, business Rs. 4818.18, wage Rs. 8204.55, agriculture Rs. 52295.45, dairy farm Rs. 795.45 and goat farming was Rs. 386.36.The overall on an average expenditure was Rs.18800. The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 36 coconut trees and 224 mango trees in their field. The results indicated that, 40.91 per cent of the households are interested in growing horticultural crops which include 81.82 per cent marginal farmers, 35.71 per cent small farmers and 44.44 per cent semi medium farmers. The results indicate that, households have planted 3 Teak and Eucalyptus trees in field respectively, also grown 108 neem tree and 1 tamarind tree in the field. The results indicated that for 38.64 per cent of the households were dependent on government subsidy for land development. Similarly for the dependency was for irrigation facility 36.36 percent, 29.55 percent for improved crop production and only 2.27 per cent for improved livestock management. The results indicated that, Bajra, Bengal Gram, Chilly, Groundnut, Maize, Navane, Paddy, Papaya, Red Gram, Tomato, Water Melon and Kanakambara flower sold to the extent of 100 per cent. 7 The results indicated that, 31.82 percent of the households have sold their produce to local/village merchants, 52.27 percent of the households sold their produce in regulated markets and 22.73 per cent of the households sold their produce to agents/traders. The results indicated that 77.27 per cent of the households have used tractor as a mode of transport and 29.55 per cent have used cart. The results indicated that, 54.55 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing i.e. 90.91 per cent of marginal farmers, 71.43 per cent of small farmers and 44.44 per cent of semi medium farmers have shown interest in soil testing. The results indicated that, 22.73 per cent of the households have adopted field bunding, 54.55 per cent of the households have adopted summer ploughing and 9.09 per cent of the households have adopted dead furrow, mulching, contour cultivation and combination of deep and shallow root crops respectively. The results indicated that 15.91 per cent of the soil conservation structures are constructed by the government and another 2.27 per cent is constructed by other organization. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households who adopted field bunding opined that 100 per cent of the bunds required full replacement. The results indicated that, 72. 73 percent used fire wood as a source of fuel, 25 percent of the households used LPG and 2.27 per cents of the households used Kerosene as a source of fuel. The results indicated that, piped supply was the source for drinking water for 63.64 per cent of the households, 25 per cent of the households were using bore well and 2.27 per cent of the households were using open well as a source of drinking water. The results indicated that, electricity was the major source of light which was found to be 97.73 per cent and only 2.27 per cent of the people were using kerosene as a source of light. The results indicated that, 50 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 40 per cent of landless, 63.64 per cent of marginal, 50 per cent of small, 44.44 per cent of semi medium and 40 per cent of medium had sanitary toilet facility. The results indicated that, 93.18 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card and 6.82 per cent of the sampled households not possessed BPL card. The results indicated that, 50 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 100 per cent of the landless, 45.45 percent of the marginal, 21.43 per cent of the small, 66.67 per cent of the semi medium and 60 percent of the medium farmers. The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits, milk, egg and meat were adequate for 100 per cent, 79.55 per cent, 34.09, 25 per cent, 2.27 per cent, 93.18 per cent, 84.09 per cent and 11.36 per cent of the households respectively. 8 The results indicated that, pulses were inadequate for 20.45 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 61.36 per cent, vegetables were inadequate for 75 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 63.64 per cent, milk was inadequate 2.27 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 4.55 per cent and meat was inadequate for 65.91 per cent of the households. The data regarding farming constraints experienced by households in Abbagiri Tanda -2 micro-watershed is presented in Table 60. The results indicated that, Lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 45.45 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (77.27%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (75%), inadequacy of irrigation water (52.27%), high cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (68.18%), high rate of interest on credit (54.55%), low price for the agricultural commodities (56.82%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (59.09%), inadequate extension services (54.55%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (56.82%), less rainfall (36.36%) and Source of Agri-technology information(Newspaper /TV/Mobile) (6.82). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Hire Shindhogi microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 526 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 83 per cent is covered by soils and 17 per cent by habitation and water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 9 soil series and 16 soil phases (management units) and 5 land management units. The length of crop growing period is 200 mm/m) in available water capacity. An area of about 18 per cent has nearly level (0-1%) and 65 per cent area has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands. An area of about 44 per cent has soils that are slightly eroded (e1) and 39 per cent moderately eroded (e2) lands. An area of about 9.0) in soil reaction. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils is non-saline (0.75%) in 32 per cent area of the soils. Available phosphorus is medium (23-57 kg/ha) in entire area of about 83 per cent in the microwatershed. About 2 per cent of the soils are medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 81 per cent soils are high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium content. Available sulphur is high (>320 ppm) in the entire area of the microwatershed. Available boron is low (0.5 ppm) in about 48 per cent area and 35 per cent are medium (0.5-1.0 ppm). Available iron is sufficient (>4.5 ppm) in 81 per cent and deficient (0.6 ppm) in about 60 per cent area. Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils. The land suitability for 31 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 70 (13) 283 (54) Sapota 18 (3) - Maize 1 (<1) 351 (67) Pomegranate 18 (3) 335 (64) Bajra 18 (3) 334 (64) Musambi 70 (13) 283 (54) Groundnut 17 (3) 57 (11) Lime 70 (13) 283 (54) Sunflower 70 (13) 283 (54) Amla 18 (3) 391 (74) Red gram 18 (3) 272 (52) Cashew 17 (3) 1 (<1) Bengalgram 52 (10) 301 (57) Jackfruit 18 (3) - Cotton 70 (13) 283 (54) Jamun 18 (3) 272 (52) Chilli 18 (3) - Custard apple 70 (13) 338 (64) Tomato 18 (3) - Tamarind 18 (3) 273 (52) Brinjal - 410 (78) Mulberry 18 (3) 207 (39) Onion - 75 (14) Marigold 18 (3) 334 (64) Bhendi - 410 (78) Chrysanthemum 18 (3) 334 (64) Drumstick 18 (3) 392 (74) Jasmine 18 (3) - Mango 18 (3) - Crossandra 18 (3) 79 (15) Guava 17 (3) 1 (<1) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 5 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops that helps in maintaining productivity and ecological balance in the microwatershed. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc. Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FEATURES OF THE SURVEY The results indicated that 38 farmers were sampled in Hire Shindhogi micro watershed among them 7 (18.42 %) were marginal farmers, 10 (26.32%) were small farmers, 11 (28.95 %) were semi medium farmers and 5 (13.16%) were medium farmers. Apart from these 5 (13.16%) landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The data indicated that there were 96 (51.06%) men and 92 (48.94%) were women among the sampled households. The average family size of marginal farmers was 5, small farmer was 5, semi medium farmer was 5, medium farmers were 6 and for landless farmers it was 4. The data indicated that 43 (22.87%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 73 (38.83%) were in 16-35 years of age, 55 (29.26 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 17 (9.04%) were above 61 years of age. The results indicated that the Hire Shindhogi had 31.38 per cent illiterates, 1.06 per cent functional literates, 33.51 per cent of them had primary school education, 5.32 per cent of them had middle school education, 13.30 per cent of them had high school education, 7.45 per cent of them had PUC education, 0.53 per cent of them had ITI, 1.60 per cent of them had degree education and 5.32 per cent of them had other education. The results indicate that, 84.21 per cent of households practicing agriculture, 5.26 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labourers and 2.63 per cent of the household heads were doing private service. The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 45.21 per cent of the household members, 21.28 per cent were agricultural labourers, 0.53 percent were in government service, 2.13 per cent of them were in private sector, 22.34 per cent of them were students and 0.53 per cent were housewives. In case of landless households 30 per cent were agricultural labourers, 5 per cent were private services and 40 per cent were students. In case of marginal farmers 50 per cent were agriculturist, 21.88 percent were agricultural labour and 25 per cent were students. In case of small farmers, 54.35 per cent of the household members were practicing agriculture and 17.39 per cent of them were students. In case of semi medium farmers 45.61 per cent of the household members were practicing agriculture and 19.30 per cent of them were students. In case of medium farmers, 48.48 per cent of the household members were performing agriculture, 18.18 per cent of them were agricultural labour and 21.21 per cent of them were students. The results showed that 1.06 per cent of them participated in Sthree Shakthi Sangha, 0.53 per cent of them participated in user group and 98.40 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions. Landless, small and medium farmers were found to have no participation in any local institutions. Marginal and semi medium farmers were found to participate in one or the other local institutions. 2 The results indicated that 73.68 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 7.89 per cent of them possess Pucca house and 21.05 per cent of them possess Semi Pacca house. 100 percent of the landless farmers possess Katcha house. The results showed that 5.26 per cent of the households possess radio, 76.32 per cent of the households possess TV, 7.89 per cent of the households possess DVD, 42.11 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 44.74 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 26.32 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 5.26 per cent of the households possess auto, 2.63 per cent of the households possess car and 78.95 per cent of the households possess mobile phones. The results showed that the average value of radio was Rs.400, average value of television was Rs.4968, the average value of DVD/VCD Player was Rs.2333, mixer grinder was Rs.2381, Auto was Rs.42500, bicycle Rs.1323, motor cycle was Rs.33150, Car was Rs. 250000 and mobile phone was Rs.1266. The results showed that about 23.68 per cent of the households possess plough, 28.95 per cent of them possess bullock cart, 2.63 cent of the households possess seed/fertilizer drill, 10.53 cent of the households possess tractor, 23.68 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 36.84 per cent of them possess weeder, 5.26 per cent of them were possess chaff cutter and 2.63 per cent of the households possess JCB/Hitachi. The results showed that the average value of plough was Rs.1655, the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 21072, the average value of seed/Fertilizer drill Rs. 15000, the average value of tractor Rs. 375000, the average value of sprayer was Rs.2655, the average value of weeder Rs. 69, the average value of chaff cutter Rs.1800, the average value of JCB Rs.1000000 and the average value of duster was Rs. 8000. The results indicated that, 31.58 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 26.32 per cent of the households possess local cow and 2.63 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow and buffalo respectively. The data showed that, in case of marginal farmers, 33.33 per cent of the households possess bullock and 50 per cent of the households possess local cow. In case of small farmers, 20 per cent of households possess bullock and local cow and 10 per cent possess buffalo. In case of semi medium farmers, 54.55 per cent of the households possess bullock, 18.18 per cent possess local cow and 9.09 per cent possess buffalo. In medium farmers, 20 per cent of the households possess bullock and 60 per cent possess local cow. The results indicated that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2, average own labour (women) available was 1.64, average hired labour (men) available was 5.03 and average hired labour (women) available was 5.36. The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 1.71, average own labour (women) was 1.29, average hired labour (men) was 4.57 and average hired labour (women) available was 5.43. In case of 3 small farmers, average own labour men available was 1.90, average own labour (women) was 1.80, average hired labour (men) was 4.50 and average hired labour (women) available was 4. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 1.82, average own labour (women) was 1.55, average hired labour (men) was 6.27 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.09. In medium farmers average own labour men available was 3, average own labour (women) was 2, average hired labour (men) was 4 and average hired labour (women) available was 4.20. The results indicated that, 65.79 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate and 21.05 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was inadequate. About 71.43 per cent of the marginal farmers, 80 per cent of small, 63.64 per cent of semi medium and 100 per cent of the medium have opined that the hired labour was adequate and 28.57 per cent marginal farmers, 20 per cent of small farmers and 36.36 per cent of semi medium farmers were opined that hired labour was inadequate. The results indicated that, 1 person was migrated from micro watershed that belonged to medium farmer category. Total migration in the micro watershed was only 0.53 per cent. The results indicated that, people have migrated on an average of 390 Kms and average duration was 12 months. I.e. medium farmers have migrated 390 kms and on an average for 12 months. The results indicated that, job/work was the only reason for migration for all the migrants. The results indicated that, improved quality of the life and construction of house were the positive consequences of migration. The results indicated that, households of the Hire Shindhogi micro watershed possess 36.16 ha (64.11%) of dry land and 20.24 ha (35.89%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 4.21 ha (90.43 %) of dry land and 0.45 ha (9.57%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 9.25 ha (84.04%) of dry land and 1.76 ha (15.96 %) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 15.01 ha (63.53%) of dry land and 8.62 ha (36.47 %) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 7.69 ha (44.93%) of dry land and 9.43 ha (55.07 %) of irrigated land. The results indicated that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 343378.10 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 409856.06. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 510625 for dry land and 1122727.25 for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 434,356.96 for dry land Rs. 512,211.99 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 246,467.10for dry land and Rs. 406,059.19 for irrigated land. In case of medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 331500 for dry land and the average land value was Rs. 360,583.94 for irrigated land. 4 The results indicated that, there were 11 functioning and 10 defunctioning bore wells in the micro watershed. The results indicated that, bore well was the major irrigation source for 28.95 per cent of the farmers. The results indicated that on an average the depth of the bore well was 31.25 meters. The results indicated that, in case of marginal farmers there was 0. 45 ha of irrigated land, in case of small farmers there was 1.85 ha of irrigated land, semi medium farmers were having 7.81 ha of irrigated land and medium farmers were having 15.62 ha of irrigated land. On an average there were 25.72 ha of irrigated land. The results indicated that, farmers have grown Bajra (6.89 ha), Banana (0.71 ha), Bengal gram (2.85 ha), Chilly (0.45 ha), Cotton (1.01 ha), Green gram (0.83 ha), Sorghum (1.62 ha), Maize (8.12 ha), Onion (0.93 ha), Red gram (4.45 ha), Sugandaraja (0.40 ha) and Sunflower (9.51 ha) in kharif season and Bajra (0.81 ha), Bengal gram (3.29 ha), Cotton (1.21 ha), Maize (5.09 ha), Sunflower (1.23 ha) and Sorghum (16.28 ha) in Rabi season. Data showed that, marginal farmers have grown Bengal Gram, chilly, bajra, cotton, Maize and Sorghum. Small farmers have grown Bajra, Green gram, Maize, Red Gram, Sunflower, Sorghum and Bengal Gram. Semi medium farmers have grown Bajra, Banana, Cotton, Bengalgram, Maize, Redgram, Sugandaraja, Sunflower and Sorghum. Medium farmers have grown Bajra, Bengal gram, Sorghum, Maize, onion, Red gram and Sunflower. The results indicated that, the cropping intensity in Hire Shindhogi micro watershed was found to be 76.82 per cent. In case of Marginal farmers it was 87.10 per cent, for small farmers it was 100 per cent, in case of semi medium farmers it was 78.94 per cent and medium farmers had cropping intensity of 61.78 per cent. The results indicated that, only 10.53 per cent of the households have bank account and savings respectively. Among marginal farmers 28.57 percent of them possess both bank account and savings respectively. Small farmers possess 9.09 per cent of both bank account and savings correspondingly and medium farmers possess 20 of bank account and savings in that order. The results indicated that 28.57 per cent marginal farmers, 9.09 per cent of semi medium farmers and 20 per cent of medium farmers have borrowed credit from different sources. The results indicated that, 50 per cent of the households have availed loan from Grameena bank and Commercial bank respectively. The results indicated that marginal farmers have availed Rs. 27500, semi medium farmers have availed Rs. 55000 and medium farmers have availed Rs.100000. Overall average credit amount availed by households in the micro watershed is 52500. 5 The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production from institutional source. The results indicated that, agriculture production was the main purpose for which semi medium farmers have borrowed loan from private credit. The results indicated that 100 per cent of the households have unpaid their institutional loan. Results indicated 50 percent of the households have unpaid their loan and 50 percent of the households have fully paid their private credit. The results indicated that 25 per cent of the households were opined that they were forced to sell the produce at low price to repay loan in time and 75 per cent of households were not given any opinion on institutional source of credit. The results indicated that 50 per cent of the households were opined that the rate of interest was high in non-institutional credit and 50 per cent of households were not given any opinion on non-institutional source of credit. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 23881.74. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 22503.93. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -1377.81, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.94. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 30364.35. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 32931.72. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs.6626.43, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.08. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 18449.10. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 27728.81. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. 9279.71. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.5. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bengalgram was Rs. 29334.18. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 48503.01. The net income from bengalgram cultivation was Rs. 19168.83. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.65. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for redgram was Rs. 32495.55. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 30698.57. The net income from redgram cultivation was Rs. -1796.98. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.94. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 63323.50. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 50427.06. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. -12896.44. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.8. 6 The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Onion was Rs. 34570.60. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 34515.28. The net income from Onion cultivation was Rs. 55.32. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.0. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Sunflower was Rs. 28043.53. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 73693.85. The net income from Sunflower cultivation was Rs. 45650.32. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.63. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Banana was Rs. 25564.87. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 105858.The net income from Banana cultivation was Rs. 80293.13. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.41. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Chilly was Rs. 69680.27. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 75447.27. The net income from Chilly cultivation was Rs. 5767. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.08. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Green gram was Rs. 26706.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 72900.97. The net income from Green gram cultivation was Rs. 46194.78. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.73. The results indicated that, 39.47 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 7.89 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was inadequate also the data revealed that 39.47 per cent of the farmers opined that green fodder is adequate and 7.89 per cent of the farmers opined that green fodder is inadequate. The results indicated that the average income from service/salary was Rs. 8578.95, business Rs. 5157.89, wage Rs. 4368.42, agriculture Rs. 53161.32 and non farm income Rs. 6842.11and dairy farm Rs. 5018.42. The results indicated that the average expenditure from service/salary was Rs. 2289.47, business Rs. 2631.58, wage Rs. 1552.63, agriculture Rs. 31,815.79 and dairy farm Rs. 1921.05. The results indicated that, sampled households have grown 53 coconut trees, 20 lemon trees and 1 mango tree in their field and also grown 1 coconut tree in back yard. The results indicated that, 2.63 per cent of the households are interested in growing horticultural crops which include 14.29 per cent marginal farmers. The results indicated that, households have planted 90 Neem, 8 Banyan trees and 2 people trees in their field and also grown 27 Neem tree in the backyard. The results indicated that for 2.63 per cent of the households were dependent on government subsidy for irrigation facility and 5.26 percent of the households were have their own fund for additional investment. 7 The results indicated that, Bajra, Chilly, Green gram Cotton and Onion were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. Banana, Bengal gram, Sorghum, Maize, Red gram and Sunflower were sold to the extent of 72 per cent, 96.30 per cent, 98.36 per cent, 85.30 per cent, 91.67 per cent and 95.19 per cent respectively. The results indicated that, 65.79 percent of the households have sold their produce to agents/ traders, 34.21 percent of the households sold their produce in local/village merchant, 31.58 percent of the households sold their produce to regulated market and 7.89 percent of the households sold their produce to cooperative marketing society and contract marketing arrangement respectively. The results indicated that 57.89 per cent of the households have used cart as a mode of transport, 71.05 per cent have used tractor and 2.63 per cent have used Bus and Truck respectively. 5.26 households have used head load as a mode of transport. The results indicated that, 5.26 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 14.29 percent of marginal farmers and 9.09 percent of semi medium farmers. The results indicated that only 5.26 per cent of the households have showed interest in soil testing i.e. 14.29 per cent of marginal farmers and 9.09 per cent of semi medium farmers have showed interest in soil testing. The results indicated that, 5.26 per cent of the households have adopted field bunding which includes 14.29 per cent of marginal and 9.09 per cent of semi medium farmers. Farm pond was adopted by 2.63 per cent of the households i.e. 9.09 per cent of the semi medium farmers. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households who adopted farm pond opined that farm ponds are good, 50 per cent opined that field bunds are good and another 50 per cent of the households have opined that field bunds are slightly damaged. The results indicated that 5.26 per cent of soil conservation structure is constructed by farmers on their own and 2.63 per cent of the soil conservation structures are constructed by the farmer's organization. The results indicated that, 84.21 percent used fire wood, 10.53 percent of the households used LPG and 2.63 percent of the households used Biogas as a source of fuel. The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source for drinking water for 50 per cent, 31.58 per cent of households used bore well water and 15.79 per cent of households used bore well water. The results indicated that, electricity was the major source of light for 97.37 per cent of the households in micro watershed. The results indicated that, 34.21 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 60 per cent of landless, 14.29 per cent of marginal, 50 per cent of small, 18.18 per cent of semi medium and 40 per cent of medium had sanitary toilet facility. 8 The results indicated that, 81.58 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card, 7.89 per cent of the sample households possess APL card and 7.89 per cent of the households have not possessed BPL card. The results indicated that, 34.21 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 100 per cent of the landless, 28.57 percent of the marginal, 30 per cent of the small, 9.09 per cent of the semi medium and 40 percent of the medium farmers. The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits, milk, Egg and meat were adequate for 89.47 percent, 39.47 percent, 18.42 percent, 47.37 percent, 42.11 percent, 55.26 percent, 31.58 percent, and 13.16 percent of the households respectively. The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits, milk, egg and meat were inadequate for 7.89 per cent, 57.89 per cent, 50 per cent, 28.95 per cent, 34.21 per cent, 28.95 per cent, 44.74 per cent and 52.63 per cent of the households respectively. The results indicated that, Lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 15.79 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (39.47%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (34.21%), inadequacy of irrigation water (18.42%), high cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (36.84%), high rate of interest on credit (47.37%), low price for the agricultural commodities (18.42%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (31.58%), inadequate extension services (5.26%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (60.53%), less rainfall (89.47%) and Source of Agritechnology information(Newspaper/TV/Mobile) (57.89). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Bisarahalli-2 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the Microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 531 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 99 per cent is covered by soil and 1 per cent by water body. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below The soils belong to 21 soil series and 30 soil phases (management units) and 7 land management units. The length of crop growing period is 150cm) soils. About 35 per cent loamy (sandy loam and sandy clay loam) and 64 per cent has clayey (sandy clay and clay) soils at the surface. About 71 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (200mm/m) in available water capacity. An area of about 1 per cent has nearly level (0-1%) lands and 98 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands. An area of about 19 per cent is slightly eroded (e1) and 80 per cent is moderately eroded (e2) lands. An area of about 3 per cent is slightly acidic (pH 6.0-6.5), 18 per cent is neutral (pH 6.5-7.3), 32 per cent is slightly alkaline (pH 7.3-7.8), 24 per cent is moderately alkaline (pH 7.8-8.4), 22 per cent is strongly alkaline (pH 8.4-9.0) and 9.00) in reaction. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are non saline (0.75%) in 89 per cent area of the soils. Available phosphorus is medium (23-57 kg/ha) in entire area of the microwatershed. Available potassium is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in 48 per cent and high (>337 kg/ha) in 51 per cent of the soils. Available sulphur is medium (10-20 ppm) in 1per cent and high (>20 ppm) in 98 per cent area of the soils. Available boron is low (4.5 ppm) in the entire area. Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire area of the microwatershed. Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire area. The land suitability for 31 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (class S1) and moderately suitable (class S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price, and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 62(12) 275(52) Sapota 27(5) 93(18) Maize 27(5) 310(59) Pomegranate 27(5) 196(37) Bajra 66(12) 332(63) Musambi 32(6) 191(35) Groundnut 5(1) 358(67) Lime 32(6) 191(35) Sunflower 32(6) 159(30) Amla 66(13) 439(82) Redgram 27(5) 100(19) Cashew - 97(18) Bengal gram 16(3) 321(60) Jackfruit 27(5) 93(18) Cotton 43(8) 293(55) Jamun 27(5) 99(19) Chilli 61(11) 155(30) Custard apple 82(16) 422(79) Tomato 61(11) 155(30) Tamarind 27(5) 28(5) Brinjal 40(7) 339(65) Mulberry 27(5) 315(59) Onion 5(1) 254(48) Marigold 27(5) 310(58) Bhendi 5(1) 375(71) Chrysanthemum 27(5) 310(58) Drumstick 27(5) 271(50) Jasmine 27(5) 207(39) Mango 27(5) - Crossandra 27(5) 253(49) Guava - 119(22) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 7 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation and drainage line treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE STUDY The results indicated that 35 farmers were sampled in Bisrahalli-2 micro watershed among them 6 (17.14%) were marginal farmers, 12 (34.29 %) were small farmers, 8 (22.86 %) were semi medium farmers, 7 (20%) were medium farmers and 2(5.71%) landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The data indicated that there were 190 population households were there in the studied micro watershed. Among them 97 (51.05%) men and 93 (48.95 %) were women. The average family size of landless was 5, marginal farmer was 4, small farmer was 5, semi medium farmer was 7 and medium farmer was 6. On an average the family size was 5. The data indicated that 39 (20.53%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 87 (45.79 %) were in 16-35 years of age, 47 (24.74 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 17 (8.95 %) were above 61 years of age. The results indicated that the Bisrahalli-2 had 28.95 per cent illiterates, 24.74 per cent of them had primary school education, 5.26 per cent of them had middle school, 15.79 per cent them had high school education, 7.37 per cent of them had PUC education, 2.63 per cent of them had ITI education, 3.68 per cent of them had degree education, 1.05 per cent of them had masters education and 10.53 per cent them had others. The results indicated that, 82.86 per cent of households practicing agriculture, 5.71 per cent of the household heads were housewives and 2.86 per cent of the household heads were in government service and in trade & business respectively. The results indicated that agriculture was the major occupation for 30 per cent of the household members, 35.26 per cent were agricultural labourers, 2.63 per cent government service and private sector, 0.53 per cent of them were trade and business, 17.37 per cent of them were students, 7.89 per cent of them were children and 2.11 per cent were housewives. In case of landless households 20 per cent were doing agriculture, 40 per cent of them were agricultural labour and 30 per cent were students. In case of marginal farmers 34.62 per cent were agriculturist, 46.15 percent was in agricultural labour and 15.38 per cent were students. In case of small farmers 33.33 per cent of them were agriculturist, 31.58 percent were in agricultural labour and 19.30 per cent of them were students. In case of semi medium farmers 30.19 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, 32.08 per cent of them were agricultural labour and 13.21 per cent of them were students. In case of medium farmers 25 per cent of the family members were agriculturist, 36.36 per cent of them were in agricultural labour and 18.18 per cent of them were students. The results showed that 1.05 per cent of them participated in Sthree Shakthi Sangha, 0.53 per cent of them participated in Raitha Sangha and 98.42 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions. Landless and medium farmers were found to 2 have no participation in any local institutions. Marginal, small and semi medium farmers were found to participate in one or the other local institutions. The results indicated that 65.71 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 22.86 per cent of the households possess Pucca house and 14.29 per cent of the households possess Semi Pacca house. 100 percent of the landless and marginal farmers possess Katcha house. The results showed that, 2.86 per cent of the households possess radio, 80 per cent of the households possess TV, 14.29 per cent of the households possess DVD/VCD Player, 40 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 68.57 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 34.29 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 2.86 per cent of the households possess both Auto and tempo, 8.57 per cent of the households possess Car/Four Wheeler and 88.57 per cent of the households possess mobile phones. The results showed that the average value of radio was Rs.1000, television was Rs. 5123, DVD/VCD Player was Rs. 2200, mixer grinder was Rs.2030, bicycle was Rs.2503, motor cycle was Rs.27642, Auto was Rs. 300000, Tempo was Rs.500000, car was Rs.333333 and mobile phone was Rs.1346. The results indicated that about 17.14 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 22.86 per cent of them possess plough, 2.86 per cent of the households possess power tiller, 14.29 per cent of the households possess tractor, 11.43 per cent of the households possess sprayer, 2.86 per cent of the households possess sprinkler, 28.57 per cent of the households possess weeder and 2.86 per cent of the households possess chaff cutter. The results showed that the average value of bullock cart was Rs.21166; the average value of plough was Rs. 2812, the average value of power tiller was Rs. 200000, the average value of tractor was Rs. 460000, the average value of sprayer was Rs. 1825, the average value of sprinkler was Rs. 2000, the average value of weeder was Rs. 90 and the average value of chaff cutter was Rs. 1600. The results indicated that, 20 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 22.86 per cent of the households possess local cow, 2.86 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow and 8.57 per cent of the households possess sheep. In case of marginal farmers, 16.67 per cent of the households possess local cow and sheep respectively. In case of small farmers, 8.33 per cent of households possess bullock, 16.67 per cent possess local cow and sheep respectively. In case of semi medium farmers, 50 per cent of the households possess bullock and 37.50 per cent of the households possess local cow and 28.57 medium farmers possess both bullock and local cow respectively and 14.29 per cent of them possess crossbred cow. The results indicated that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.09, average own labour (women) available was 1.52, average hired labour (men) available was 4.19 and average hired labour (women) available was 3.28. 3 In case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 1.33, average own labour (women) was also 1.67, average hired labour (men) was 3 and average hired labour (women) available was 3.17. In case of small farmers, average own labour men available was 2, average own labour (women) was 1.42, average hired labour (men) was 4 and average hired labour (women) available was 2.92. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 2.25, average own labour (women) was 1.75, average hired labour (men) was 3.86 and average hired labour (women) available was 3. In medium farmers average own labour men available was 2.71 average own labour (women) was 1.29, average hired labour (men) was 5.86 and average hired labour (women) available was 4.29. The results indicated that, 45.71 per cent of the household opined equally that the hired labour was adequate and hired labour was inadequate respectively. The results indicated that, 1 person was migrated from micro-watershed that belonged to small farmer category. Total migration in the micro-watershed was only 0.53 per cent. The results indicated that, people have migrated on an average of 650 Kms and average duration was 12 months. Small farmers have migrated 650 kms and on an average for 12 months. The results indicated that, job/work was the only reason for migration for all the migrants. The results indicate that, Construction of house was the major positive consequences of migration for 100 per cent of the persons who migrated from the micro watershed. The results indicate that, 100 per cent of the migrated persons opined that there health hazards was the negative consequences of migration. The results indicated that, households of the Bisrahalli-2 micro watershed possess 48.72 ha (77.13%) of dry land and 14.45 ha (22.87 %) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 3.24 ha (100 %) of dry land. Small farmers possess 14.96 ha (91.35 %) of dry land and 1.42 ha (8.65 %) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 11.04 ha (70.89 %) of dry land and 4.53 ha (29.11 %) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 19.49 ha (69.63%) of dry land and 8.50 ha (30.37%) irrigated land. The results indicated that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 262,613.17 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 404,747.90. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 540,312.50 for dry land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 327,373.55 for dry land Rs. 705,714.29 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 303,428.68 for dry land and Rs. 573,392.85 for irrigated land. In case of medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 143,634.47 for dry land and Rs. 264,642.86 for irrigated land. The results indicated that, there were 13 functioning bore wells and 11 defunctioning bore wells in the micro watershed. 4 The results indicated that, bore well was the major irrigation source for 37.14 per cent of the farmers. The results indicated that on an average the depth of the bore well was 27.01 meters. The results indicated that, in case of small farmers there was 2.63 ha of irrigated land, in case of semi medium farmers there was 4.57 ha of irrigated land and medium farmers were having 8.91 ha of irrigated land. On an average there were 16.11 ha of irrigated land. The results indicated that, farmers have grown bajra (4.45 ha), Bengal gram (3.64 ha), cotton (1.21 ha), sorghum (5.26 ha), maize (27.02 ha), red gram (0.61 ha) and sunflower (6.88 ha) in kharif season. Farmers also grown bajra (10.99 ha), Bengal gram (3.64 ha) and maize (3.64 ha) in Rabi season. Marginal farmers have grown maize and bajra. Small farmers have grown bajra, cotton, maize, red gram and sunflower. Semi medium farmers have grown bajra, Bengal gram, sorghum, maize and sunflower. Medium farmers have grown Bengal gram, sorghum, maize and sunflower. The results indicated that, the cropping intensity in Bisrahalli-2 micro watershed was found to be 79.87 per cent. In case of marginal farmers it was 100 per cent, in small farmers it was 76.35, in semi medium farmers it was 78.31 and in medium farmers it was 80.88 per cent. The results indicated that, 11.43 per cent of the households have bank account and 8.57 per cent of the households have savings. Among marginal farmers 33.33 percent of them possess bank account and 16.67 per cent of the households have savings. 8.33 per cent of small farmers possess both bank account and savings correspondingly. Medium farmers possess 14.29 per cent of both bank account and savings respectively. The results indicated that, 16.67 per cent of marginal, 8.33 per cent of small and 14.29 per cent of medium farmers have borrowed credit from different sources. The results indicated that, 66.67 per cent have availed loan in commercial bank and 33.33 per cent have availed loan in cooperative bank. The results indicated that, marginal, small and medium have availed Rs.162000, Rs. 100000 and Rs. 305000 respectively. Overall average credit amount availed by households in the micro watershed is 199000. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture production. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the household's barrowed private credit for household consumption. Results indicated that 33.33 per cent of the households have repaid their institutional credit partially, 33.33 per cent of them were unpaid their loan and 33.33 per cent of them were fully paid their loan. Results indicated that 100 per cent of the households have unpaid their private credit. 5 The results indicated that 66.66 per cent of the households were opined that easy accessibility of credit and 33.34 per cent of the households were opined that loan amount was adequate to fulfill the requirement. The results indicated that, 50 per cent of the households were opined that higher rate of interest and 50 per cent of the households were opined that they were forced to sell the produce at low price to repay loan in time. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 40736.58. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 12830.39. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -27906.19, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.31. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 30806.84. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24111.70. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. -6695.14. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.78. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Sorghum was Rs. 17401.03. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24763.72. The net income from Sorghum cultivation was Rs. 7362.69. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.42. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 59633.56. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 46312.50. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. -13321.06. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.78. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Bengal gram was Rs. 33952.88. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 39204.59. The net income from Bengal gram cultivation was Rs. 5251.71. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.15. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Sunflower was Rs. 44382.42. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 33152.89. The net income from Sunflower cultivation was Rs. -11229.53. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.75. The results indicated that, the total cost of cultivation for Red gram was Rs. 42805.27. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 37050.00. The net income from Red gram cultivation was Rs. -5755.27. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.87. The results indicated that, 17.14 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 25.71 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was inadequate. Similarly 40 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate and 8.57 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was inadequate. The results indicated that, in landless farmers, the average income from wage was Rs. 22500. In marginal farmers the average income from service/salary was Rs.4000, business was Rs.8333.33, wage was Rs.5833.33, agriculture was Rs.22916.67 and non farm income was Rs.21166.67. In small farmers the average income from 6 service/salary was Rs.11333.33, business was Rs.7333.33, wage was Rs.2000, agriculture was Rs.49933.33, non farm income was Rs.7750 and dairy farm was Rs.1500. In semi medium farmers the average income from service/salary was Rs.12000, wage was Rs.3750, agriculture was Rs.38750, non farm income was Rs.21875 and dairy farm was Rs.2330. In medium farmers the average income from service/salary was Rs.65714.29, business was Rs.9285.71, agriculture was Rs.169285.71, non farm income was Rs.17571.43 and dairy farm was Rs.5331.43. On an average, the average income from the service/ salary was Rs.20457.14, business was Rs.5800, wage was Rs.3828.57, agriculture was Rs.63762.86, non farm income was Rs.14800 and dairy farm was Rs. 2113.14. The results indicated that, in landless farmers, the average expenditure from wage was Rs. 30000, in marginal farmers the average expenditure from service/salary was Rs.600, business was Rs.27000, wage was Rs.25000, agriculture was Rs.12833.33 and non farm income was Rs.3000. In case of small farmers the average expenditure from service/salary was Rs.25000, business was Rs.19500, wage was Rs.1333.33, agriculture was Rs.29000 and dairy farm was Rs.4250. In case of semi medium farmers the average expenditure from service/salary was Rs.20000, wage was Rs.1000, agriculture was Rs.23000, non farm income was Rs.2750 and dairy farm was Rs.2333.33.In case of medium farmers the average expenditure from service/salary was Rs.50000, business was Rs. 25000, agriculture was Rs.69500, non farm income was Rs.10000 and dairy farm was Rs.7500. The results indicated that, sampled households have grown 16 coconut trees in their field and also planted 4 coconut and 2 mango trees in their back yard. The results indicated that, households have planted 39 Neem, 1 tamarind, 1 acacia and 10 banyan trees in their field and also planted 3 neem and 1 peeple trees in their back yard. The results indicate that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs.1142.26 for land development and Rs.1428.57 in irrigation facility. Marginal households have an average investment capacity of Rs.329.67 for land development. Small farm households have an average investment capacity Rs.166.75 for land development. Medium households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 5142.86 for land development and Rs. 7142.86 for irrigation facility. The results indicated that for 14.29 per cent of the households were dependent on own funds for land development and 5.71 per cent of the households were depend on loan from bank for irrigation facility. The results indicated that, Bajra, Bengal gram, cotton, maize and red gram crops were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. Sorghum and sunflower were sold to the extent of 80.13 per cent and 72.58 per cent respectively. Average price obtained by bajra was Rs.1288.33/q, Bengal gram was Rs.3690/q, cotton was Rs.3750/q, sorghum was 7 Rs.1500/q, maize was Rs.1160.87/q, Red gram was Rs.4500/q and sunflower was Rs.2120/q. The results indicated that, 51.43 percent of the households have sold their produce to agent/traders, 17.14 percent of the households have sold their produce to local/village merchant, 62.86 percent of the households sold their produce in regulated markets, 28.53 percent of the households sold their produce in cooperative marketing society and 8.57 percent of the households sold their produce in contract marketing arrangement. The results indicated that 8.57 per cent of the households have used head load as a mode of transport, 25.71 per cent of them have used cart, 120 per cent have used tractor and 14.29 per cent have used truck as a mode of transport. The results indicated that, 17.14 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 33.33 percent of marginal farmers, 16.67 per cent of small farmers, 12.50 per cent of semi medium farmers and 14.29 percent of medium farmers. The results indicated that, 22.86 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing including 66.67 per cent of marginal farmers, 16.67 per cent of small farmers, 12.50 per cent of semi medium farmers and 14.29 per cent of medium farmers. The results indicated that, 17.14 per cent of the households have adopted field bunding which includes 16.67 per cent of marginal, 8.33 per cent of small farmers and 57.14 per cent of medium farmers. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households who adopted field bunding opined that bunds are good. The results indicated that 14.29 per cent of soil conservation structure is constructed by own and 2.86 per cent is constructed by farmers organization. The results indicated that, 88.57 percent used fire wood as a source of fuel and 11.43 percent of the households used LPG. The results indicated that, piped supply was the source of drinking water for 28.57 per cent, 48.57 per cent of them were using bore well, 20 per cent of the households were depend on open well and 2.86 per cents of the households were using canal/nala for drinking water. The results indicated that, electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, 60 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 100 per cent of landless, 66.67 per cent of marginal, 75 per cent of small, 62.50 per cent of semi medium and 14.29 per cent of medium had sanitary toilet facility. The results indicated that, 82.86 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card, 11.43 per cent of the sampled households have possessed APL card and 5.71 per cent of the sampled households have not possessed BPL card. 8 The results indicated that, 48.57 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 100 per cent of the landless, 66.67 percent of the marginal, 41.67 per cent of the small, 50 per cent of the semi medium and 28.57 percent of the medium farmers. The results indicated that, cereals, pulses, oilseeds, vegetables, fruits , milk, egg and meat were adequate for 100 per cent, 37.14 per cent, 8.57 per cent, 40 per cent, 40 per cent, 45.71 per cent, 34.29 per cent and 5.71 per cent respectively. The results indicated that, pulses, oilseed, vegetables, fruits, milk, egg and meat were inadequate for 60 per cent, 48.57 per cent, 8.57 per cent, 17.14 per cent, 34.29 per cent, 51.43 per cent and 45.71 per cent respectively. The results indicated that oilseed were market surplus for 40 per cent of the households, vegetables were market surplus for 51.43 per cent, fruits were market surplus for 40 per cent and milk was market surplus for 2.86 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, Lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 22.86 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field was experienced by 17.14 per cent of the households, frequent incidence of pest and diseases was experienced by 85.71 per cent of the farmers, inadequacy of irrigation water was experienced by 14.29 per cent of the households, high cost of Fertilizers and plant protection chemicals was experienced by 40 per cent of the farmers, high rate of interest on credit was experienced by 14.29 per cent of the farmers, low price for the agricultural commodities was experienced by 22.86 per cent of the farmers, lack of marketing facilities in the area was experienced 91.43 per cent of the households, lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market was experienced by less rainfall was experienced by 97.14 per cent of the farmers and source of Agri technology information was experienced by 74.29 per cent of the farmers. ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
El objeto de esta investigación erige es la indagación sobre la severidad punitiva de las decisiones judiciales, tomando como referencia nuclear la violencia contra las mujeres en relaciones de la pareja y los discursos judiciales manifestados en las decisiones pronunciadas por los juzgados y tribunales. Al enjuiciador le cabe siempre optar entre el abanico de proposiciones jurídicas, desvelando si son, o no, aplicables a la factualidad y, en caso afirmativo, cuáles son las consecuencias que se derivan de ellas (Larenz, 1978). La violencia de la pareja es un problema históricamente recurrente y un problema de género, las mujeres son las principales víctimas, que no sólo en Portugal, sino en la generalidad de los países y culturas, que ha reclamado la atención particular de juristas, psicólogos, sociólogos, políticos y, naturalmente, de las comunidades. Sin embargo, no se trata de un fenómeno nuevo, sino antes bien de una compleja e intrincada cuestión social, que atraviesa todas las épocas, aunque presentemente ocupe tal vez un protagonismo mayor en los debates y en las preocupaciones humanas, una vez que el devenir social y la creciente consciencia colectiva sobre la dimensión y efectividad de los derechos humanos vienen suscitando la formulación de otros mecanismos de control, presumiblemente adecuados. Esta es la razón por la que, en las últimas décadas, se han traído a colación interrogaciones, derivadas de los choques y contradicciones que van surgiendo a nivel de las representaciones sociales, de las tradiciones y de la cultura, a muchos títulos aún dominantes en nuestra sociedad; no obstante, por todos lados ha ido sedimentando –por lo menos a nivel de las intenciones– la idea de la tolerancia cero en relación a este tipo de violencia. VII El espacio inaugural donde todas estas cuestiones asumen un papel determinante, de resultas del cual se procede a la construcción de una arquitectura normativa, de definiciones uniformizadas, es el proceso de criminalización. El Derecho es, por lo tanto, un regulador de relaciones interpersonales que, fijando patrones de comportamiento, procura encontrar formas de colmatar el desorden y promover el bienestar de una sociedad (Hart,1995). Para ello, opera en la regulación de las situaciones, que divergen de un país a otro, como sucede en las diversas etapas de la criminalización, en especial en sus fases primarias (producción legislativa) y secundaria (aplicación judicial), cada una de ellas organizada según una gramática específica, aunque interconectada, reflejando una lógica propia, emergente de sus tiempos histórico-culturales y político-sociales (Debuyst & Digneffe,1998). Dichas lógicas emanan de los titulares del Poder y de quienes dirigen el sistema, de sus intereses e ideologías, partiendo de estos para emitir juicios de valor; según Larenz (1978), estos juicios constituyen expresiones de una toma de posición personal del Legislador y, posteriormente, del Aplicador, realizadas en el respeto por valores que se reconocen como tales; para fundamentarlos, el juez no está limitado tan solo a la intuición axiológica, debiendo aplicar criterios que gestionan los valores (positivos y negativos) considerados vinculantes en la comunidad sociopolítica y jurídica, y por ella. Los dilemas de la justicia tienen origen en el funcionamiento actual y global de la sociedad; las representaciones individuales nacen de procesos más amplios y, en muchas ocasiones, ajenos al propio individuo, es decir, la relación entre la autonomía individual y social está en juego cuando las reglas de una comunidad precisan ser determinadas (Wagner, 2011; Dias, 2010). La violencia conyugal es un fenómeno bastante complejo y compuesto por diversos factores, de cariz social, cultural, psicológico, ideológico, económico, entre otros (Costa, 2003). Actualmente, el Código Penal portugués ya consagra expresamente (en su artículo 152) el delito de violencia doméstica. Más allá de este artículo específico, la ley también criminaliza, por ejemplo, las amenazas, la coacción, la difamación, las injurias, la sustracción de menor, el incumplimiento de la obligación de manutención, la violación, el abuso sexual y el homicidio o tentativa de homicidio (APAV, 2014). Las penas criminales, a nivel de marco central, van desde 1 a 5 años de prisión, lo que permite que el juez pueda suspender la pena, dado que su límite máximo no supera los 5 años. Éste es precisamente el eje del problema, pues el propio Legislador abrió la puerta al expediente de la suspensión. La tipificación de la violencia doméstica (malos tratos físicos o psíquicos, incluyendo privaciones de libertad y ofensas sexuales) comprende, como víctimas, a las siguientes personas: cónyuge o ex-cónyuge; uniones de hecho heterosexuales y homosexuales (incluso sin cohabitación); progenitor de descendiente común en 1er grado; persona particularmente indefensa en virtud de la edad, deficiencia, enfermedad, embarazo o los dependientes económicos que con él cohabiten (se exige la cohabitación). En el caso previsto, si el agente practica el acto contra menor, en presencia de menor, en el domicilio común o en el domicilio de la víctima, es castigado con pena de prisión de 2 a 5 años (artículo 152). En cuanto a las penas accesorias, la ley penal establece las siguientes: a) prohibición de contacto con la víctima, en particular el alejamiento de la residencia, el alejamiento del lugar de trabajo y supervisión por medios técnicos de control a distancia; b) prohibición de uso y porte de armas y, c) obligación de asistencia a programas de prevención de la violencia doméstica. En el presente trabajo nos ceñimos a la violencia conyugal, entre personas heterosexuales, que mantengan vida en común, en una relación análoga a la de los cónyuges. Diversos estudios han mostrado que, a pesar de que la violencia contra las mujeres no se circunscribe a los espacios domésticos, pudiendo también producirse en la calle o en el lugar de trabajo, lo cierto es que gran parte de este tipo de violencia tiene lugar sobre todo en casa. En Portugal, la vivienda es el espacio privilegiado donde ocurre esta violencia (43%), como quedó demostrado en el informe de la APAV (2014) recientemente publicado, siendo en ese espacio familiar donde los maridos actúan como los principales ofensores de las mujeres. En ese mismo estudio se comprobó que la violencia contra las mujeres es sobre todo física y psicológica, cuando ocurre en el espacio doméstico; discriminación sociocultural, cuando se produce en el lugar de trabajo, mientras que la violencia sexual tiene lugar sobre todo en la calle. ¿Tendremos que preguntarnos si en Portugal la violencia sexual cometida en el interior de las familias y, por lo tanto, la que sucede en los espacios domésticos, tiene una relevancia menor que la violencia sexual que se produce en la calle, o si las mujeres no la valoran de igual forma y, por eso mismo, no denuncian a los ofensores sexuales con los que viven, dejando que una vez más la tradición se sobreponga a lo que la ley ya contempla? ¿Será que la ideación de los antes denominados deberes conyugales, incluyendo el débito sexual, aún permanece en las creencias de los ciudadanos? La experiencia de la APAV, en sus diversos Gabinetes de Apoyo a la Víctima, que reciben y actúan con mujeres víctimas de violencia conyugal, tal como los múltiples estudios que han sido realizados, confirma que la violencia es practicada en el seno de la relación conyugal (entre personas que viven en situación conyugal, casadas o no). Se trata de un sistema circular, que surge, se desarrolla y termina, iniciándose nuevamente, de forma semejante, por lo que se lo denomina ciclo de la violencia conyugal o doméstica, dado que puede ser entendido, en este sentido, como un círculo, en el cual las dinámicas de la relación de la pareja se manifiestan sistemáticamente, pasando siempre por determinadas fases. Así, en este ciclo pueden identificarse las siguientes fases: a) la fase de construcción de la tensión; b) la fase de la violencia; y c) la fase del apaciguamiento o "luna de miel". El ciclo de la violencia conyugal dificulta mucho las tomas de decisión de la mujer víctima, pues experimenta fases muy dramáticas (la tensión y el ataque violento), pero que terminan en una fase considerada gratificante (el apaciguamiento), en la cual se reanima la esperanza de tener una relación conyugal sin violencia, que implica creer e intentar nuevamente el proyecto de vida soñado o evitar la compleja y en ocasiones dramática salida del hogar. Entre otros aspectos, la relación con el ofensor, la historia de vida anterior, los apoyos de los que dispone (o de los que carece), la violencia implicada y todos los actos que la constituyen, el impacto que tienen –y, sobre todo, el significado que ella atribuye a cada uno de esos actos– determinan la singularidad de su reacción (APAV, 2013). La revisión de varios estudios interculturales y antropológicos indica que la violencia conyugal es indisociable de la cuestión del género (Dias & Machado, 2008). La relación entre el género y la violencia conyugal ha generado, no obstante, bastante discusión y controversia (Miller & White, 2003), habiendo autores que defienden la neutralidad/simetría de género (Moffit, Robins & Caspi, 2001) y otros que afirman que el género y el poder suponen el proceso clave de la violencia conyugal, sin reducirse a ser un mero componente de ésta. A pesar de que la creciente superposición de los papeles en la relación conyugal lleve a la dilución de los papeles sexuales en la familia, las diferencias de género normalmente existen en todas las sociedades, como indica Giddens (2010). Dichas diferencias de género se expresan, aunque de forma diferente, a todos los niveles de la estratificación social, reflejándose en las diversas partes de la vida social, a nivel de las oportunidades y presunciones que desempeñan en ella, desde la familia al Estado. Según el mismo autor, a pesar de que en algunos países las mujeres hayan progresado de forma significativa, las diferencias de género aún son notables, y la violencia doméstica se ha ido perpetuando en silencio (Dias, 2004); las mujeres siguen asumiendo la responsabilidad de educar a los hijos y cuidar de la casa y los hombres la de sustentar a la familia, prevaleciendo la desigualdad de roles a nivel de «[…] poder, prestigio y riqueza» (Giddens, 2010, p. 114). Como dice provocadoramente Foucault (1980), en la obra Power/knowledge, donde hay poder hay resistencia y, no obstante, o tal vez por eso mismo, ésta nunca está en una posición de exterioridad en relación al poder. Así, si es verdad que la igualdad declarada e incluso promovida en la ley encuentra numerosos obstáculos en su aplicación práctica, el Derecho no controla definitiva o aisladamente la vida social y sus valores, pero no se limita, al contrario de los más escépticos, a plasmar en letra de ley las concepciones socialmente dominantes. El Derecho –las leyes, la jurisprudencia, las prácticas jurídicas y judiciarias– ha tenido un papel constitutivo importante en la segregación discursiva de grupos de personas, especialmente las mujeres. Se entroncará ahí, quizás, la función correctora del Derecho, pasando a contribuir en la búsqueda de formas de deshacer esa segregación, no sólo prohibiendo tratamientos discriminatorios, sino obligando a las oportunas instancias a tomar medidas que contraríen la real situación de inferioridad socio-familiar de algunas personas: transmitir, por ejemplo, a la sociedad que la violencia doméstica es realmente un delito que se produce en su seno a causa de las desigualdades de género e incluso de la apatía judicial que en ocasiones se revela. Como ya mencionamos anteriormente, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivos averiguar: (i) ¿cómo absorbe el Aplicador el mensaje dimanado del Legislador, entidad política? Es decir: ¿el Aplicador adopta el racional legislativo o se apropia de él, por ejemplo a través de la memorización de su dimensión legislativa, produciendo otros (o diferentes) enunciados aplicativos? Y, (ii) ¿de verificarse semejante distorsión aplicativa, al existir una severidad menor, el transgresor ya se ha percatado de ese hecho? Es decir: ¿el delincuente doméstico presenta una cierta impunidad? De donde se deduce la cuestión crucial: (iii) ¿podrán los tribunales convertirse en entes susceptibles de contribuir a desculpabilizar el delito de violencia de la pareja? Cual la credibilidad del testimonio de las víctimas? Teniendo en cuenta los objetivos y las características del estudio y los recursos disponibles para la investigación, optamos por un tipo de estudio exploratorio, descriptivo-correlacional. Lo clasificamos como exploratorio porque se desconoce la existencia de estudios de esta índole; asume también carácter descriptivo-correlacional una vez que pretendemos describir el universo de una determinada problemática o fenómeno (violencia conyugal) y establecer relación entre variables (entre otras variables, la dependencia económica de las víctimas en relación al acusado), "en el estudio descriptivo-correlacional, el investigador intenta explorar y determinar la existencia de relaciones entre variables, con miras a describir esas relaciones. El principal objetivo del estudio descriptivo-correlacional es el hallazgo de factores relacionados con un fenómeno." (Fortin, 2003, p.174) La parte práctica se apoya en una recogida de datos de procedimientos archivados referentes al delito de violencia conyugal y su análisis ius psicológico, utilizando, con ese fin, el instrumento Índice de Severidad Penalizadora y Psicologización (Criminalización Secundaria) – (ISPP-CS) (Poiares, 2009). Como el Índice fue construido para el análisis de procedimientos penales sin especificación del tipo legal, fue necesario, de acuerdo con la literatura, del estudio de procedimientos, por la propia especificidad del delito de violencia conyugal, teniendo como base el ISPP-CS, añadir más variables , que son las siguientes: relación con el acusado; dependencia económica de las víctimas en relación al acusado; dependencia económica de los acusados en relación a la víctima; posesión de arma; otros procedimientos relacionados con violencia conyugal; número de procedimientos de violencia conyugal; información de los procedimientos de violencia conyugal a nivel de los hijos y menores de edad (número de hijos de ambos, de la víctima y del agresor; si el caso fue presenciado por menores hasta los18 años; si se contactó la Comisión de Protección de Niños y Jóvenes en Peligro ; datos de los procedimientos sobre el historial de los episodios de violencia (tipos de violencia, consecuencias físicas para la víctima; víctima observada en el hospital, víctima en internamiento; el acusado suele exhibir armas o hacer alusión a ellas durante las amenazas o agresiones; casos anteriores por agresiones a la víctima y/o a otro familiar, practicadas por el mismo acusado); solicitud de informe social/evaluación psicológica; medida de coacción; género del magistrado que dirigió el juicio, así como tiempo transcurrido entre la queja y la sentencia. Estos datos tuvieron un tratamiento estadístico en Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). El Índice de Severidad Penalizadora y Psicologización (Criminalización Secundaria) - ISPP-CS) tiene como objetivo general analizar la severidad penalizadora, así como permite verificar el grado de psicologización del procedimiento judicial, o sea, la utilización de información y conocimiento científico proporcionado por la Psicología Forense y su recepción a la hora de juzgar. En la vertiente severidad, el índice pretende evaluar cuál es el grado de penalización, oscilando entre un grado nulo y un grado elevado, pudiendo aplicarse a cualquier delito, una vez que el estudio se basa en los patrones de la dosimetría penal (= marco de la pena para cada tipo criminal), siendo el resultado expresado en porcentaje. Considera tres ejes: Acusado, Procedimiento Actual y Medida Final Adoptada. El primero proporciona diversa información sobre cada acusado en el procedimiento, en particular en las dimensiones socio-demográfica, cultural, clínica y forense. El segundo, tal como su propio nombre indica, remite al procedimiento actual del individuo: delitos en los que se encuentra pronunciado y medidas de coacción. Por último, la Medida Final Adoptada sugiere lo que fue determinado en tribunal y si se tuvieron en consideración la evaluación psicológica o la peritaje de personalidad, en el agravamiento o atenuación de la pena. El tipo de respuesta de los ítems varía entre las de respuesta múltiple o respuesta específica y directa. Se aplica a procedimientos ya archivados y el tiempo de duración de la aplicación del procedimiento es variable con la dimensión del procedimiento. El primer eje, el Acusado, está compuesto por las dimensiones socio-demográfica, cultural y por la anamnesis judicial, diferenciada por las sub-dimensiones clínica y forense. El segundo eje, el Procedimiento Actual, referencia el (1) delito(s) que se le imputa (respuesta especifica); en relación a los delitos imputados: (2) Tipo (respuesta específica); (3) Precepto Incriminador (respuesta específica); (4) Dosimetría penal (colocar el valor mínimo y el valor máximo). Por último, el tercer eje, "Medida Penal Adoptada", se refiere a: (1) Medida aplicada a cada delito (respuesta específica); (2) Acumulación jurídica (sí o no) (b) Medida aplicada en acumulación (respuesta específica); (3) La decisión refirió la realización de evaluación psicológica (sí o no); (4) La decisión refirió la realización de peritaje de personalidad (sí o no); (5) La evaluación psicológica fue utilizada para fundamentar la atenuación de la medida (sí o no); (6) El peritaje de personalidad sirvió de fundamento a la atenuación de la medida (sí o no); (7) La evaluación psicológica determinó el agravamiento de la medida (sí o no); (8). El peritaje determinó el agravamiento de la medida (sí o no); (9) En la decisión se invocaron razones para la atenuación de la medida (respuesta específica, cuáles); (10) Observaciones (respuesta específica). Este eje termina con una sinopsis general, que se aplicará a todos los delitos por los que haya sido condenado el sujeto. Referencia la dosimetría, diferenciando todos los delitos del individuo; (11) Medida aplicada (respuesta específica); (12) Medida aplicada en acumulación (respuesta específica); (13) Puntuación total (respuesta específica). La hoja de puntuación está constituida por ítems de cumplimentación referentes a los límites mínimo y máximo de la medida penal aplicable y a la pena concreta, en meses. Tal hoja de puntuación contiene asimismo una tabla formada por cinco columnas, cada una de ellas conteniendo cuatro puntos de escala referentes a la evolución del agravamiento de la pena; y una línea de cumplimentación, por acusado (Anexo II). En alternativa, se puede utilizar una plataforma informática construida por Branco (2013), destinada exclusivamente a facilitar el tratamiento de la información obtenida por este instrumento, transformando los resultados en una escala de 0-100%. En cuanto a los ítems relativos con el tipo de tribunal (singular o colectivo), número convencional, número de acusados, decisión (absolutoria o condenatoria), pena aplicada por acusado, fecha e identificación del asistente de investigación, debiendo éste indicar con una cruz cuál es el tipo de tribunal y de decisión; en lo que concierne al número convencional (número del procedimiento en la investigación), número de acusado y penas aplicadas, el asistente de investigación apunta objetivamente la información relativa a esos ítems, información recogida en el procedimiento analizado. La fecha y la identificación del asistente también deben ser indicadas. En lo tocante a la primera sección, correspondiente al Acusado, en su dimensión socio-demográfica, debe indicarse únicamente uno de los ítems relativos a la naturalidad (urbana/rural) y tan sólo uno de los ítems referentes al estado civil, así como a la situación profesional (empleado; desempleado; jubilado); deben ser indicadas, por escrito, las informaciones recogidas acerca del distrito municipal, municipio y edad; profesión; y la relativa al tiempo que hace que el sujeto está desempleado, si fuere el caso. En la dimensión cultural, el asistente debe indicar por escrito la etnia e indicar uno de los puntos referentes a la categoría formación académica, indicando si está completo o incompleto, siempre que sea el caso. Si, en el procedimiento analizado, otro fuere el ítem adecuado, especificarlo, indicando cuál, siempre que se haya facilitado dicha información. Con respecto a la categoría residencia urbana/rural, indicar tan sólo uno de los ítems e indicar por escrito el distrito municipal, municipio y tipo de alojamiento. Igualmente, indicar por escrito cuál es la relación afectiva o de parentesco entre los diversos acusados, siempre que exista. Con respecto a la Anamnesis Judicial, más específicamente a la dimensión clínica, en lo que concierne a la salud mental, indicar referencia de diagnóstico y cuál, así como indicar la existencia, o no, de acompañamiento; el mismo procedimiento en lo que se refiere a las adicciones; en este caso, el asistente debe indicar cuál es la sustancia e indicar debidamente si el sujeto es toxicómano o consumidor. En lo que atañe a las patologías físicas, indicar por escrito una referencia de diagnóstico, indicar la existencia o no de discapacidad, señalando cuál. En la dimensión forense, indicar si existió realización de evaluación psicológica o de peritaje de personalidad, indicando el tipo de institución responsable de su elaboración; indicar por escrito cuáles son las conclusiones, tanto de la evaluación como del peritaje; de la misma forma, indicar si existió, o no, decisión sobre inimputabilidad e indicar cuáles fueron las conclusiones. Aún en referencia a la decisión anterior, indicar si fue fundamentada por peritaje de personalidad o por evaluación psicológica forense. El asistente de investigación debe indicar la existencia, o no, de antecedentes criminales, registrando los delitos anteriormente cometidos y las medidas de coacción sufridas. Igualmente, debe indicarse con sí o no la existencia de prisión preventiva, mencionándose en su caso su duración; en lo que concierne a las medidas aplicadas, deben apuntarse las verificadas, tales como suspensión del procedimiento, multa, prisión, multa con pena suspendida, prisión con pena suspendida, prestación de trabajo a favor de la comunidad (PTFC), u otros; para todas las medidas verificadas, deberá ser indicado el delito. Deben ser anotadas cuáles son las medidas de coacción en el presente procedimiento y si se verificó o no prisión preventiva y cuál fue su tiempo de duración. Debe señalizarse la existencia de acompañamiento terapéutico durante el procedimiento (sí/no), indicando cuál y si tal fue o no cumplido. En relación a la revocación de la suspensión de la pena, debe ser registrado si tuvo lugar, y, en caso afirmativo, indicarse la razón. Obedeciendo al mismo criterio, debe indicarse el cumplimento o no de la pena y el tiempo de reclusión cumplido; con respecto a la libertad condicional, debe ser apuntada su verificación, o no, así como la revocación, o no, debiendo ser indicado cuál fue el motivo. En lo que concierne al procedimiento actual, indicar con sí o no la verificación de acompañamiento terapéutico, especificando cuál. En la segunda sección, relativa al Procedimiento Actual, especificar los delitos por los cuales el acusado se encuentra pronunciado, indicando la medida de coacción: prisión preventiva (sí/no); si se aplica otra medida, indicar cuál. En el caso de que el acusado haya cumplido prisión preventiva, indicar sí o no, en función de si se produjo desde el inicio del procedimiento o especificar desde cuándo y hasta cuándo se mantuvo. Para los delitos imputados, especificar el tipo, el precepto incriminador (artículo del CP o de ley suelta) y la dosimetría penal (medida de la pena), indicando la presencia de pena de multa y su valor, en el caso de que haya sido aplicada. En lo tocante a la tercera sección, Medida Penal Adoptada, especificar la pena aplicada a cada delito, la existencia o inexistencia de acumulación jurídica y cuál es la pena correspondiente a dicha acumulación; indicar si hubo o no decisión de prisión efectiva, especificando cuál es la medida penal efectivamente decretada. En lo que se refiere a la evaluación psicológica forense y al peritaje de personalidad, indicar con sí o no la referencia a su realización, su utilización para proceder a atenuación o agravamiento de la pena; indicar si fueron invocadas razones para atenuación de pena y, en caso afirmativo, cuáles. Con respecto a la sinopsis general, tomar en cuenta todos los delitos por los cuales el acusado fue condenado e indicar la dosimetría de cada uno; indicar con sí o no la aplicación de la Ley de los Jóvenes Imputables; especificar cuál es la pena aplicada, referente a cada delito; y cuál es la pena aplicada en acumulación jurídica. En relación a la interpretación del Índice de Psicologización, este indica el grado de exigencia y el grado de importancia atribuida a las evaluaciones psicológicas forenses y a los peritajes de personalidad en la decisión que culmina con la atribución de una medida penal, eventual agravamiento o atenuación: tal importancia se basa en la puntuación de los ítems relativos a la decisión integrada en la sección Medida Penal Adoptada. En el presente caso, cuanto mayor sea el índice, mayor relieve tuvo la presencia del trabajo llevado a cabo por los técnicos de Psicología Forense en contexto judicial. La población comprende todos los elementos que comparten características comunes, definidas por los criterios establecidos para el estudio: procedimientos de violencia conyugal, con nacionalidad portuguesa. Se optó por una muestra del tipo no probabilístico por juicio. Es el tipo de muestra en que los elementos que componen el subgrupo son escogidos en razón de su presencia en un lugar en determinado momento. Este tipo de muestreo es ideal cuando el tamaño de la población es pequeño y en estudios exploratorios (Fortin, 2003). La recogida de datos se realizó en el Partido Judicial de Lisboa, Instancia Local Criminal - 1ª Sección Central de Instrucción Criminal. La muestra está formada por treinta y cinco procedimientos (n= 35), todos en el ámbito de la violencia doméstica (artículo 15), en lo que atañe al cónyuge o ex-cónyuge o personas en una relación análoga a la de los cónyuges. El análisis de resultados al que procedimos nos permite concluir que el déficit de la lucha contra la violencia conyugal se sitúa en dos fases del procedimiento criminalizador: en la primaria, porque las penas aplicadas tienen una dosimetría correspondiente en el requisito de duración para suspensión de la pena (artículo 50 del CP); y en la secundaria, dado que, como se deduce de la investigación empírica, los jueces usan de forma casi perdularia la suspensión de la pena, conjugándose ambos niveles para la transmisión de un mensaje de impunidad que es el principal amigo de la reproducción de los comportamientos violentos. En la vertiente de la violencia en contexto de relación conyugal, con y sin vínculos jurídicos, importa viabilizar medidas de castigo y de ayuda psicológica, que puedan reprogramar el sujeto delincuente - este es el espacio de la criminalización terciaria (donde se consagran la ejecución de la pena y la reinserción); y el tiempo de castigo debe, en este como en las otras expresiones de la criminalidad, coincidir con el tiempo resocializador, dejando bien clara la ilicitud del comportamiento y posibilitando la interiorización de las interdicciones. El análisis de los resultados demuestra la incoherencia entre el Derecho dicho y el Derecho hecho y, del mismo paso, la línea de incoherencia entre la psicologización que se impone, tanto en relación al agresor como en lo que toca a la víctima, y la psicologización efectivamente practicada. Uno de los objetivos del instrumento que aplicamos reside en la indagación de la contribución que la Psicología aporta al espacio judiciario: se detectó una incidencia mínima, incluso si consideramos los llamados informes sociales, cuya dimensión psicológica es con frecuencia exigua. Los resultados, aunque meramente indicativos, demuestran una baja severidad punitiva en el ámbito de la violencia conyugal, lo que parece indicar la necesidad de reestructurar el contexto punitivo en delitos de esta naturaleza, tanto en la criminalización primaria como en la secundaria, reclamando un enfoque ius psicológico de esta problemática.ABSTRACT The intention of this work lies in the question of punitive severity of judicial decisions, erecting domestic violence as crime. To do so, was adopted the use of an instrument - the Punitive and Psychologizing Severity Index (Secondary Criminalization - ISPP-CS) (Poiares, 2009) - whose purpose involves analyzing the severity of criminal measures and the extent to which psychology influences the choice of the type of sentence imposed. The sample consists of 35 case, gathered in the region of Lisbon: Local Criminal Court - 1st Section Central Criminal Procedure. The results, even if merely indicative, demonstrate a low punitive severity within the conjugal violence, which may indicate the need to restructure the punitive context in such crimes, whether in primary or in secondary criminalization, demanding a judicial psychological approach to the problem.
La presente Tesis Doctoral viene titulada como "Presencia de las Redes Sociales y Medios de Comunicación: representación y participación periodística en el nuevo contexto social". Se hace preciso advertir que esta investigación que elaboro pretende cumplir los requisitos necesarios para la obtención del título de Doctor bajo la modalidad de "Tesis por compendio de publicaciones" según viene determinado por el artículo 9 de la Normativa Reguladora del Régimen de Tesis Doctoral (acuerdo 9.1/CG 19-4-12) de la Universidad de Sevilla, publicada en el Boletín Oficial de la Universidad de Sevilla (BOUS) número 3, de 23 de mayo de 2012, y que se desarrolla en el Real Decreto 99/2011 de 28 de enero, por el que se regulan las enseñanzas oficiales de doctorado (BOE de 10 de febrero), donde sus artículos del 11 al 15 establecen el régimen relativo a la admisión a un programa de doctorado, realización, evaluación y defensa de la Tesis Doctoral. Según lo dispuesto por la Disposición Transitoria Primera del RD 99/2011 que habilita la aplicación de la nueva regulación del régimen de Tesis a los estudiantes de anteriores ordenaciones en lo relativo a tribunal, defensa y evaluación de la Tesis Doctoral, la Normativa Reguladora del Régimen de Tesis Doctoral (acuerdo 9.1/CG 19-4-12) de la Universidad de Sevilla indica en su artículo 1 que "queda por tanto así derogada la Normativa de régimen de tesis adoptada por Acuerdo 6.1/C.G. 30-9-08 que es sustituida por la presente Normativa". Esta advertencia es imprescindible para entender la estructura y forma de la materialización escrita de un largo proceso investigador. Es preciso apuntar que, según la Normativa antes indicada, se pueden presentar para su evaluación como Tesis Doctoral un conjunto de trabajos publicados por la doctoranda que "deberá estar relacionado con el proyecto de tesis doctoral en programas regulados por el RD 1393/2007 o anteriores, o con el plan de investigación que conste en el documento de actividades del doctorando en programas regulados por el RD 99/2011". Además, "el conjunto de trabajos deberá estar conformado por un mínimo de dos artículos publicados o aceptados o capítulos de libro o un libro, debiendo ser el doctorando preferentemente el primer autor […]". El compendio de la presente Tesis Doctoral está compuesto por dos libros que son los siguientes: § GARCÍA ESTÉVEZ, Noelia: Redes Sociales en Internet. Implicaciones y consecuencias de las plataformas 2.0 en la sociedad. Editorial Universitas, Madrid, 2012. ISBN: 978-84-7991-359-5. D.L.: M-7755-2012. § GARCÍA ESTÉVEZ, Noelia: Realidad Periodística, contexto social y era tecnológica. Equipo de Investigación de Análisis y Técnica de la Información, Sevilla, 2012. ISBN -13: 978-84-695-6109-6. ISBN -10: 84-695-6109-X. D.L.: SE-6872-2012. Comprobamos que la Tesis Doctoral aquí presentada por compendio de publicaciones cumple los requisitos de la Normativa. Así, el título que encabeza estas páginas fue el propuesto para el Proyecto de Tesis Doctoral presentado en su día y con la posterior aprobación de la Comisión de Doctorado del Departamento de Periodismo II de la Universidad de Sevilla, en el que se circunscribe esta Tesis. Por lo tanto, observamos una evidente relación entre el tema del Proyecto de Tesis Doctoral y las publicaciones aquí presentadas: las Redes Sociales, el Periodismo y la Sociedad. Por otro lado, en cuanto a la autoría de los trabajos presentados, en ambas publicaciones la única autora es la doctoranda, Noelia García Estévez, ciñéndose así a lo indicado en la Normativa que precisa que debe ser la primera autora, y que como puede apreciarse es la única. Siguiendo las indicaciones de la citada Normativa que regula la presentación de una Tesis Doctoral por compendio, a las publicaciones ya mencionadas se incluyen estas páginas en las que figuran los siguientes apartados: A. Una introducción en la que se desarrolla la justificación de la unidad temática de la Tesis. (Véase Capítulo 1). B. Los objetivos, las hipótesis y los principales aspectos del sistema metodológico que ha regido esta investigación. (Véase Capítulo 2). C. Un resumen global de los resultados, donde se enlazan y se contrastan los principales resultados obtenidos y plasmados de forma independiente en las publicaciones presentadas. (Véase Capítulo 4). D. Una discusión de estos resultados, en la que se contrasten estos resultados con las hipótesis planteadas y se reflexione de manera crítica sobre la calidad de la validez interna y externa de la investigación. (Véase Capítulo 5). E. Las conclusiones alcanzadas tras la investigación. (Véase Capítulo 6). F. Aunque la Normativa no lo exige, hemos creído conveniente añadir los apartados de "Publicaciones y sus canalizaciones" donde desarrollamos la optabilidad de editar nuestras investigaciones y las tangibilidades al efectuar las ediciones (véase Capítulo 3) y de "Bibliografía utilizada" en el cual hemos recopilado y clasificado todas las fuentes bibliográficas y hemerográficas que han sido utilizadas a lo largo de las dos publicaciones presentadas y de las siguientes páginas. (Véase Capítulo 7). La presente Tesis Doctoral, titulada "Presencia de las Redes Sociales y Medios de Comunicación: representación y participación periodística en el nuevo contexto social", tiene como objeto de estudio el análisis de la actividad periodística en el nuevo contexto social donde las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación han adquirido un papel crucial. Centraremos nuestra investigación en el ámbito de las Redes Sociales en Internet, pues se han erigido como un elemento fundamental cuyas implicaciones se extienden de manera transversal en todos los aspectos de la sociedad. Por lo tanto, nos enfrentamos al estudio del Periodismo en un momento en el que los avances tecnológicos y la comunicación basada en el paradigma 2.0 influyen, por un lado, en el propio quehacer periodístico, desde el punto de vista del profesional de la información, y, por otro, afecta de manera importante en el entorno social en el que encontramos un ciudadano, receptor de la información periodística, con nuevos hábitos y costumbres y con nuevas demandas y exigencias. Dice Klaus Krippendorff que "toda investigación científica está motivada por el deseo de conocer o entender mejor una porción del mundo real". Esa porción del mundo real a la que se refiere el citado autor y que de forma genérica se conoce como acotación del objeto de estudio es en esta investigación la interrelación entre las Redes Sociales, el Periodismo y la Sociedad. Más concretamente, el papel del Periodismo en un nuevo contexto social en el que impera una comunicación 2.0. Desde finales del pasado siglo y muy especialmente con el inicio del siglo XXI se inauguró una nueva etapa para la humanidad, marcada en gran medida por el imparable desarrollo de las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación. Es obvio que hoy día el ciudadano posee una gran capacidad para comunicarse y mantener relaciones profesionales y/o afectivas con otras personas situadas en cualquier parte del globo terráqueo, superando barreras no sólo geográficas, sino también sociales, culturales, políticas, etc. Además, la popularización y el abaratamiento paulatino de los dispositivos y terminales desde los que se pueden acceder a estas redes ha impulsado la generación de conexiones en el ciberespacio. Como dice Cebrián "la web 2.0 es una plataforma de redes sociales de información en sentido amplio y general concerniente a muchos campos del conocimiento y de la vida real, en sentido periodístico o de información de actualidad, veraz y de interés general de la sociedad, en sentido interpersonal, o de relaciones entre dos o más personas y grupos, y en sentido personal o de comunicación de cada individuo con su entorno inmediato a través de sus sistemas captores del exterior y de sus reacciones ante ellos". Con todo ello, nosotros abordamos una investigación de un fenómeno comunicacional que ha supuesto un profundo cambio en la estructura de los Medios de Comunicación y en los modos en que la sociedad recibe la información. El impacto de la web 2.0 ha supuesto una mutación del receptor pasivo de la comunicación a un creador y gestor de contenidos. Ha supuesto, además, la ruptura del paradigma tradicional de la comunicación consistente en la tríada emisor-canal-receptor, donde el mensaje ya no es unidireccional, sino que fluye de manera transversal hasta convertirse en una gran conversación global y multidireccional gracias a la accesibilidad, instantaneidad y viralidad de la red. La planificación y el trazado del proyecto de la investigación por realizar supusieron el inicio de esta investigación, pues se trata de una etapa crucial para el éxito del proceso investigador ya que sin una buena planificación difícilmente se podrán establecer unos objetivos concretos y los mecanismos necesarios para conseguiros. Esta etapa se divide en los siguientes pasos: Selección del tema: consiste en "la definición y posterior delimitación del campo de conocimientos sobre el que piensa trabajar". Identificación de un problema: se trata de detectar algún aspecto no conocido dentro de un área temática y que amerite de una indagación para su solución, también enunciado. Formulación del anteproyecto: se refiere a la realización de "un primer borrador o papel de trabajo que ha de contener las ideas básicas sobre la investigación que nos proponemos llevar a cabo". La elección del tema es la primera gran encrucijada a la que se enfrenta todo investigador en su andadura hacia la obtención del Título de Doctor. No obstante, antes del tema está el problema, pues tal y como apunta Jorge Felibertt "el problema es el punto de partida de toda investigación. Se origina cuando el investigador observa dudas sobre una realidad, o hecho o teorías, aparece a raíz de alguna dificultad, nace de una necesidad, con dificultades sin resolver. Una vez que se viene una idea sin resolver, se procede a enmarcar dicho problema en forma de un título de investigación, luego se plantea de forma específica el problema que se acaba de originar el cual estará contenido en el tema seleccionado". Ahora bien, está claro que el problema que el investigador detecte y que le incite a embarcarse en una investigación profunda como es una Tesis Doctoral estará enmarcado en las áreas de conocimiento y de interés del propio investigador. Esto es, una persona puede hallar diversos problemas que se presten a ser investigados, pero la elección del problema a investigar vendrá determinado en gran medida por las características y la propia naturaleza del investigador. Así, el tema, y su pertinente problema, es el primer interrogante que, una vez resuelto, iniciará un largo camino hasta su materialización en una Tesis Doctoral. No siempre es posible formular el problema de forma clara, precisa y manipulable. Éste es propio de la naturaleza misa de la investigación científica, de sus dificultades y complejidades. La capacidad de plantear problemas, dice Cohen y Nagel, "es una señal de posesión del genio científico" y es que los problemas no surgen de la nada, sino que son los investigadores con sus conocimientos y bases teóricas quienes los formulan. En nuestro caso, la elección del tema vino determinada, en primer lugar, por corresponderse a las predilecciones de la doctoranda y estar en sintonía con el Equipo de Investigación de Análisis y Técnica de la Información de la Universidad de Sevilla, al que pertenece la doctoranda desde 2009. Además, y siguiendo las recomendaciones de Umberto Eco, las fuentes a las que se debía recurrir eran, en general, accesibles y manejables. Por su parte, los directores de la Tesis y la propia investigadora han trabajado en la elaboración de un cuadro metodológico apto y efectivo para esta investigación y para la obtención de unos resultados. Recordemos que la realización de una Tesis Doctoral "constituye un trabajo original de investigación con el cual el aspirante ha de demostrar que es un estudioso capaz de hacer avanzar la disciplina a la que se dedica". Esa es la verdadera vocación de este trabajo, hacer avanzar las Ciencias del Periodismo e incluir en ellas investigaciones y teorías válidas sobre fenómenos actuales que repercuten en la sociedad en general y en el Periodismo en particular y que nos obligan a un replanteamiento constante de las bases teóricas de la ciencia. Las Redes Sociales en Internet han calado en la sociedad como en su día lo hiciera la televisión, el teléfono móvil o el propio Internet. Como ya lo dijera el sociólogo Marshall McLuhan en la década de los 60 del pasado siglo, la tecnología constituye una prolongación de nuestro cuerpo. Internet, que más que una tecnología es un efecto de la misma, ha creado el marco de la nueva sociedad, un entorno vital a medio camino entre lo virtual y lo real. El surgimiento de la web 2.0 o web social ha supuesto un antes y un después para el conjunto de la sociedad en, prácticamente, todas las esferas de la vida. Desde el plano más personal e íntimo, hasta el profesional o académico. Todo se ha visto impregnado de la presencia de Blogs, Wikis o Redes Sociales (como Facebook, Twitter…). La tecnología es omnipresente hoy día y media gran parte de la comunicación social. Este nuevo paradigma en el proceso de la comunicación subyace también en el entorno del Periodismo y los Medios de Comunicación. Por lo tanto, en esta investigación nos aproximamos al papel del Periodismo como un ente que ha de evolucionar y adaptarse al propio desarrollo tecnológico, por un lado, y a la nueva sociedad receptora del discurso mediático, por otro. Desde la ciencia poco se ha abordado aún un estudio profundo y amplio sobre el surgimiento, desarrollo y situación actual de las plataformas sociales y sus implicaciones en el Periodismo. Estamos convencidos de que, como bien apuntaba Castells, "la teoría y la investigación […] deben considerarse medios para comprender nuestro mundo y deben juzgarse por su precisión, rigor y pertinencia". De aquí deriva el interés de esta investigación la cual pretende analizar cómo funciona la actividad periodística en el marco de la sociedad actual desde la inclusión de la web 2.0 y las Redes Sociales. Aspirando a ofrecer un conocimiento válido y útil para hacer frente a las nuevas exigencias del profesional de la información de nuestro mundo. Asistimos a cambios profundos, más grandes de los que vivieron cualquiera de nuestros antepasados. Se trata, según palabras de Vázquez Medel, de un proceso de "trashumanización, en el que se están transformando radicalmente las claves que rigen la economía y el mundo empresarial, la política y las organizaciones sociales, las relaciones interculturales y el mundo del derecho, la evolución de la ciencia y la tecnología, y hasta la experiencia individual del mundo, de la vivencia de la espacialidad, la temporalidad, la corporeidad, la relacionalidad". En esta encrucijada ya no sirven las respuestas que hasta ahora eran válidas, ya se quedan obsoletas las fórmulas que parecían efectivas. Ahora, advierte Vázquez Medel, "se hace imprescindible buscar activa y creativamente nuevas soluciones". En última instancia, ése es precisamente nuestro objetivo: buscar respuestas a las nuevas preguntas surgidas en el ámbito del Periodismo tras una revolución tecnológica y cibernética masiva, en la que los usuarios ya no sólo consumen sino que también producen. Un espacio heterogéneo en cuanto a las características de sus miembros así como a la naturaleza de las relaciones que entre ellos se establecen. 1.3. Antecedentes e interés actual de la investigación. El Análisis de Redes Sociales (en adelante, ARS) y la Teoría de Redes se han configurado como una metodología clave en las modernas Ciencias Sociales, entre las que se incluyen la Sociología, la Antropología, la Psicología Social, la Economía, la Geografía, las Ciencias Políticas, la Cienciometría, los estudios de Comunicación, estudios Organizacionales y la Sociolingüística. También ha ganado un apoyo significativo en la Física y la Biología entre otras. En el ámbito de las Ciencias Sociales, una Red Social es una estructura, un grupo de personas relacionadas entre sí que puede representarse analíticamente en forma de uno o varios grafos, en los cuales los nodos representan a los agentes o individuos -también llamados actores- y los arcos -o lazos- representan las relaciones entre ellos. El ARS surge en la década de 1950 con una ingente cantidad de estudios desde diferentes disciplinas: en la sociometría Jacobo Moreno desarrolla la teoría matemática de los grafos; en la psicología social encontramos las teorías del equilibrio estructural de Harary y Cartwright; en la antropología destacan John Barnes, J. Clyde Mitchell y, especialmente, Elizabeth Bott; desde la sociología también se ha entendido el ARS como una variedad de la teoría general de la Sociología estructural con autores como Radcliffe-Brown y, sobre todo, Simmel. En el ámbito español suele considerarse pionero en la introducción del ARS el artículo "El concepto de red social" de Félix Requena Santos en la Revista Española de Investigaciones Sociológicas (REIS). También ha sido fructífero el trabajo de Josep A. Rodríguez desde el Departamento de Sociología y Análisis de las Organizaciones de la Universidad de Barcelona y el Grupo de Análisis de Redes (NAGAR) y el de José Luis Molina desde el Departamento de Antropología Social y Cultural de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona y su grupo de investigación Egoredes. Sin embargo, hemos de advertir que nuestro objeto de estudio no es el concepto tradicional y sociológico de Red Social, sino que nosotros indagamos sobre las características, efectos, desarrollo y evolución de las Redes Sociales en Internet. En esta parcela, son mucho menos numerosos los estudios e investigaciones que actualmente encontramos, especialmente en el campo de las Ciencias del Periodismo. Si bien es cierto que desde el principio Internet, las Redes Sociales y el desarrollo tecnológico han despertado el interés de la Academia, la mayoría de los estudios que encontramos carecen aún de la profundidad y la amplitud necesarias. En efecto, nos hallamos ante un fenómeno coetáneo y de imparable evolución, lo cual no nos permite gozar de perspectiva histórica para su análisis. Sin embargo, es imprescindible la realización de investigaciones exploratorias que empiecen a teorizar y argumentar sobre los procesos de los que son testigos. En el ámbito internacional hallamos las aportaciones de autores como el propio Stanley Milgram y su teoría del mundo pequeño; Dan Gillmor y sus aportaciones sobre el Periodismo Ciudadano; Davenport y Prusak y sus estudios sobre la gestión del conocimiento; Fowler y Christakis y sus estudios sobre el poder las Redes Sociales; Godins y su concepto de ideavirus; Jeff Jarvis y el marketing de código abierto; Palfrey y Gassser y su descripción del nativo digital; Rheingol y sus observaciones sobre las comunidades virtuales y las multitudes inteligentes; Lévy y su idea de inteligencia colectiva; Prensky y su teoría de la inmigración digital… Dentro del habla castellana o española también encontramos una serie de autores que se han convertido en referencia dentro de la temática de Redes Sociales en Internet y sus diversas implicaciones sociales y profesionales. No podemos dejar de citar el trabajo y las contribuciones de autores como Manuel Castells y su teoría sobre la Sociedad de la Información y la Sociedad en Red; Enrique Dans y sus constantes reflexiones sobre tecnología y evolución; José Luis Orihuela y sus indagaciones en torno a la Cibercultura, Periodismo y Comunicación digital; Ugarte y su concepto de ciberturba en torno al papel de las Redes Sociales en la movilización social; Alfons Cornellá y su indagación sobre la gestión del conocimiento en red; Juan Varela, José Manuel Gómez y Méndez y Sandra Méndez Muros y su visión del Periodismo Ciudadano; Juan Freire; Mariano Cebrián; Jesús Miguel Flores Vivar; María Ángeles Cabrera González; Antonio Fumero; Adolfo Plasencia; Javier Celaya; Ramón Salaverría; Luis Rull… Diversos investigadores han optado también por esta temática en su andadura hacia la consecución del título de Doctor. Aparte de nuestro caso y de la presente Tesis Doctoral, debemos señalar la investigación llevada a cabo por Sonia Ruiz Blanco sobre la evolución del blog y el papel del receptor en generador y emisor de contenidos y la de César Viana Teixeira en torno a una concepción de las Redes Sociales como modelos de agencias ciudadanas de Comunicación. Desde el ámbito de la Comunicación también encontramos investigaciones de Tesis Doctoral que indagan acerca de los aspectos publicitarios y de marketing de estas herramientas, tal y como la de Fanny Yolanda Paladines Galarza, la de Pedro Álvaro Pereira Correia o la de Virginia Piazzo. Desde la organización y la gestión de empresas encontramos las Tesis Doctorales de Mª. del Carmen Alarcón del Amo o la de Silvia Rodríguez Donaire. Destacamos también las investigaciones de Pedro Román Graván, de Marco Vinicio Ferruzca Navarro o de Paloma López Sánchez, todas ellas insertadas en el campo educativo. Desde otras parcelas como las Matemáticas o la propia Informática también se han realizado interesantes trabajos de Tesis Doctorales, si bien las perspectivas aplicadas en estas investigaciones se alejan considerablemente de nuestra acotación del objeto de estudio, por lo que tienen menos pertinencia en nuestra investigación. Consideramos oportuna la realización de una investigación con rigor científico que sea capaz de analizar el papel de los Medios de Comunicación y de la propia profesión ante una evolución tecnológica evidente que ha conllevado nuevas fórmulas de comunicación social y ante una sociedad interconectada con nuevos hábitos y costumbres pero también con nuevas demandas y exigencias. Los orígenes de Internet se remontan a los años de la Guerra Fría y nace como un proyecto de investigación en redes de conmutación de paquetes, dentro del ámbito militar. A finales de los años sesenta el Departamento de Defensa Americano (DoD) llegó a la conclusión de que su sistema de comunicaciones basado en la comunicación telefónica (Red Telefónica Commutada, RTC) era demasiado vulnerable, puesto que establecía enlaces únicos y limitados entre importantes nodos o centrales, con el consiguiente riesgo de quedar aislado parte del país en caso de un ataque militar sobre esas arterias de comunicación. Como alternativa, el citado Departamento de Defensa, a través de su Agencia de Proyectos de Investigación Avanzados (Advanced Research Projects Agency, ARPA) decidió estimular las redes de ordenadores hasta llegar a una red experimental de cuatro nodos, que arrancó en diciembre de 1969, se denominó ARPAnet. La idea central de esta red era conseguir que la información llegara a su destino aunque parte de la red estuviera destruida. De esta manera nacen los cimientos de Internet. Hoy, su gran popularización y asimilación por parte de la ciudadanía nos lleva a reflexionar sobre la evolución de una herramienta que nació con fines militares y que en la actualidad tiene una clara orientación social. Como expresa Millán, Internet es el fruto caliente de la Guerra Fría pues "aquel producto de la guerra fría se ha convertido (valga el juego de palabras) en el medio más caliente de la actualidad". Al hablar de Internet en España hemos de tener en cuenta que su origen, evolución y situación actual tienen unas características definitorias concretas. Si bien es cierto que los inicios fueron más tardíos y lentos que en otras áreas geográficas, hemos de reconocer que en la actualidad existe un abultado número de usuarios con una gran actividad en los contextos digitales. Desde la aparición de Internet, el crecimiento de número de usuarios ha ido a un ritmo exponencial, alcanzando los 2.400 millones de usuarios en todo el mundo en 2012, según la empresa de servicios online Pingdom. En España, un total de 25 millones de personas se conectaron a Internet en diciembre de 2013, lo que supone un 9,5% más que en el mismo mes de 2011, según el informe elaborado por la consultora Barlovento con datos de la empresa de medición comScore. En octubre de 2012, Facebook llegó a los 1.000 millones de usuarios, con más de 600 millones de usuarios móviles. En Twitter existen ya más de 140 millones de usuarios activos, enviándose más de 340 de millones de tweets al día. Más de mil millones de usuarios únicos visitan YouTube cada mes, reproduciéndose más de 4.000 millones de horas de vídeo al mes. Cada vez más gente se conecta y por más tiempo. En 2012 ese tiempo aumentó un 21%, con respecto a 2011. Los usuarios invierten más tiempo en las Redes Sociales que en otros sitios de Internet. En EE.UU., por ejemplo, el 17% del tiempo en Internet están en la Red Social Facebook. En cuanto al tiempo dedicado por persona a las Redes Sociales: por género, son las mujeres con 8:37 horas al mes a través del ordenador y 9:43 horas a través de dispositivo móvil. En cuanto a franja de edad y género, quienes más tiempo pasan son los hombres de entre 18 a 24 años y las mujeres de entre 25 a 34 años que están 11 horas al mes. Sociales han irrumpido en nuestra sociedad y en nuestras formas de comunicación transformando el panorama actual. Como ya hemos dicho, el paradigma comunicacional ha variado, se ha visto alterado por estas plataformas 2.0 generando nuevas maneras de informar y ser informados. Por lo tanto, la principal innovación en esta investigación es que en ella se entremezclan tres elementos que en la práctica están inevitablemente vinculados: las Tecnologías de la Información y la Comunicación en general y las Redes Sociales en particular; la sociedad interconectada y el ciudadano 2.0 "prosumidor"; y el Periodismo, los Medios de Comunicación y el periodista. La actual sociedad "viene marcada por la aparición de nuevos sectores laborales, la complejidad de los procesos y los productos alcanzados, la inmediatez, el progreso y la búsqueda constante de la eficacia, la globalización de los medios de comunicación, el pluralismo ideológico y la multifocalidad de la comunidad. Pero de todos estos hechos, sobresale el hecho de que las nuevas tecnologías giran en torno a todos los procesos de la información y de la comunicación". La realización de esta Tesis Doctoral se justifica por la necesidad de estudiar las características comunicacionales surgidas tras el fenómeno 2.0 y sus repercusiones en el ejercicio, estructura y recepción del Periodismo. Se ha indagado esta temática en primer lugar desde un punto de vista de la teoría, creando un importante corpus teórico sobre nuestro objeto de estudio. Además, se ha realizado un estudio de campo analizando aspectos concretos de nuestro objeto de estudio e intentando vislumbrar algunas dinámicas y tendencias en el Periodismo y la sociedad actual. Por lo tanto, se trata de una justificación doble: la primera consiste en hacer una aportación teórica, lo más completa posible, sobre las características de las Redes Sociales en Internet y el Periodismo y la sociedad bajo el paraguas de la comunicación 2.0; y la segunda es ofrecer un estudio detallado sobre las repercusiones y transformaciones reales que se están dando en el Periodismo y en el contexto social donde éste tiene lugar.
El estudio de la historia tiene un atractivo particular para los investigadores de las demás ciencias sociales. En el taller del historiador es donde naufragan nuestras más ambiciosas generalizaciones. Pero cuando un ejemplo histórico nos da la razón es el momento en el que nuestras hipótesis comienzan a parecerse a buenos argumentos teóricos. Esta doble faz de la investigación histórica hace que los demás cientistas sociales (sociólogos, politólogos, economistas) nos acerquemos a ella con cautela, sabiendo que estamos caminando sobre territorio ajeno. ¿Por qué esa sensación de ingresar en territorio ajeno? Porque en las ciencias sociales no históricas hay un fuerte predominio de los enfoques deductivistas de investigación. Esto hace que sociólogos, economistas y politólogos tengamos una fuerte inclinación a la teorización como paso previo a la investigación empírica. Por el contrario, en historia es donde más fuertemente los investigadores se inclinan a primero conocer los hechos y después teorizar (si es conveniente hacerlo o si queda tiempo). En suma, es en historia donde el enfoque es más inclinado hacia procedimientos de tipo inductivo. Esta diferencia hace que muchas veces los historiadores comenten las interpretaciones históricas de los sociólogos con un escéptico: "a esta investigación le falta trabajo de archivo". Y el archivo, suele ser un lugar poco frecuentado por sociólogos y politólogos. De ahí también surge cierta incomodidad: en las demás ciencias sociales hay muy sofisticados desarrollos metodológicos, pero algo tan básico como "saber moverse en un archivo" es un saber del que disfrutan casi exclusivamente los historiadores. Marc Trachtenberg (1), historiador con más de 40 años de experiencia de investigación en historia diplomática es consciente de estas ambigüedades y limitaciones. Por eso escribió un libro en el cual precisamente se concentra en demostrar la utilidad de la investigación histórica para el desarrollo de teoría en política internacional: The craft of international history. A guide tomethod (2). La lectura de este libro es altamente recomendable para aquellos estudiantes e investigadores en Relaciones Internacionales interesados en hacer investigación histórica. Las razones para esta recomendación son muy sencillas. Es un libro pensado para que el lector pueda entender el valor de la investigación histórica. Pero además es una buena fuente de consejos metodológicos sobre cómo realizar una investigación histórica. Podría bastar con estas dos afirmaciones para estimular la lectura del libro, puesto que si buscamos manuales de investigación la producción en sociología y ciencia política supera largamente a la producción en historia. Por tanto, estamos ante un libro infrecuente por su contenido y por el origen académico de quien lo escribe. Pero hay una razón más importante aún. Es un libro bien escrito, sistemáticamente dedicado a interesar al lector con ejemplos, a repetir argumentos para que se entiendan mejor y a mostrar desde la experiencia del autor cómo es que se hace investigación histórica en diplomacia. En suma, el libro tiene "lo que debe tener" un buen libro de metodología. En el resto del artículo nos dedicaremos a probar la verdad de la anterior afirmación (3).Estructura del libro. El libro consta de 7 capítulos y 2 anexos. Los dos primeros capítulos abordan problemas epistemológicos de la investigación histórica y tienen un alto valor para introducirse en los debates más relevantes acerca de la misma en los últimos 60 años. Los capítulos 3 y 5 ("The critical analysis of historical texts" y "Working with documents" respectivamente) son los capítulos donde se concentra el contenido metodológico del libro. En estos capítulos el autor intenta establecer una serie de consejos de experiencia para manipular creativamente dos herramientas básicas de la investigación histórica: los libros escritos por historiadores y las fuentes primarias. Entre estos dos capítulos centrales en el enfoque metodológico del autor hay un capítulo dedicado a mostrar un ejemplo de análisis textual que proviene de una investigación realizada por el autor (capítulo 4). Los capítulos finales abordan el problema de la escritura. El capítulo 6 aborda el problema de iniciar y escribir un proyecto de investigación histórica. El capítulo 7 está dedicado a la escritura de un informe de investigación. Los anexos cubren aspectos muy interesantes sobre la identificación de la literatura relevante en un tema y el trabajo con fuentes primarias. Ambos están centrados en Estados Unidos, Inglaterra, Francia y Alemania. El elemento más destacable del libro es cómo el autor ilustra sus ideas con ejemplos. En los mismos toma clásicos de la historiografía en política internacional (fundamentalmente centrados en temas de power politics) y desmenuza pacientemente sus argumentos mostrando aciertos y debilidades tanto en lo que respecta a fundamentación teórica como al aval empírico de sus afirmaciones. Por ejemplo, se repasan las obras clásicas de autores como Elie Halévy, A. J. P. Taylor y Fritz Fischer. Por tanto, el libro oficia también como una excelente introducción a argumentos clásicos de gran utilidad para quienes se están iniciando y ven en la historia un campo de estudios valioso. La perspectiva epistemológica. Los libros de metodología suelen evitar definiciones epistemológicas básicas. Estos tienden a escribirse con un criterio político. Todas las tendencias de las humanidades deben estar representadas y todas son igualmente válidas, más aún, suelen presentarse corrientes antitéticas como "formas diferentes" de hacer ciencia. Trachtenberg, por el contrario declara cuál es su visión epistemológica, pero lo hace luego de presentar de forma clara y amena los debates filosóficos que han tenido por objeto la meta y el contenido de la investigación histórica. El recuento del autor comienza con lo que él llama la perspectiva clásica y que remite a las posiciones de Carl G. Hempel (1905-1997) y R. G. Collingwood (1889-1943). En el modelo de Hempel una explicación de un hecho consiste en poder deducir el mismo de la operación de leyes que funcionan si se está frente a la presencia de ciertas condiciones iniciales claramente establecidas (4). Para Collingwood, por el contrario, explicar un evento histórico implica capturar los motivos de los agentes que participan en dicho fenómeno (5). Ambos modelos han sido discutidos largamente en las ciencias sociales (Little, 1991). En el campo de la historia, según Trachtenberg, ninguno fue recibido como especialmente fructífero al momento de ofrecer una guía filosófica a la investigación: "The two schools represented opposite ends of a spectrum: one emphasized structure and law-like regularity, and the other free will and human agency. But every practicing historian knows that both sorts of factors come into play. Part of the art of doing history is being able to figure out how exactly in any particular case the balance between them is to be struck, and this of course is an empirical and not a philosophical problem" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 7). A la discusión entre defensores de uno y otro enfoque explicativo durante los años '60 le sucede lo que Trachtenberg llama "el desafío constructivista". Se conoce por constructivismo (6) un variado grupo de enfoques en ciencias sociales que tiende a cuestionar la existencia de una realidad objetiva por fuera de las interpretaciones que una mente humana pueda concebir. En consecuencia, considera inútil todo intento de encontrar alguna realidad objetiva por fuera de los textos que producimos para interpretar dicha realidad. Aplicado a la historia esta concepción establece que el pasado no puede ser conocido directamente sino a través de los relatos acerca del mismo. Por tanto, el historiador no tiene nada objetivo que descubrir en el pasado, la investigación histórica es un acto creativo (poético) mediante el cual el investigador "construye" una cierta imagen del pasado. Esas imágenes pueden ser muy diferentes dependiendo de la perspectiva del investigador, y lo más importante, todas son igualmente legítimas. La consecuencia de la aplicación de este enfoque a la investigación histórica fue el descrédito de la vieja idea de "contar la verdad sobre el pasado" basándose en evidencia válida y confiable. Para tener una acercamiento vívido a la polémica entre constructivismo e historia "científica" (para llamarla de algún modo que sea identificable por el lector, aunque muchos objetarían esta denominación) puede leerse con provecho el capítulo IX de "Yo, Claudio" de Robert Graves (ambientada en los primeros años de la era cristiana). En dicho capítulo se sucede una discusión entre dos historiadores Tito Livio y Polión (7) en la biblioteca pública de Roma. El siguiente fragmento es ilustrativo, aunque es altamente recomendable leer el capítulo completo: "-Lo malo de Polión –dijo Livio- es que cuando escribe historia se cree obligado a suprimir sus sentimientos más delicados y poéticos, y a hacer que sus personajes se comporten con una vulgaridad concienzuda, y cuando los hace hablar les niega la menor capacidad oratoria. -Sí –replicó Polión-, la poesía es poesía, la oratoria oratoria, y la historia historia, y no es posible mezclarlas. -¿No se puede? Pues yo puedo –dijo Livio-. ¿Quieres decir que no debo escribir una historia con tema épico porque esa es una prerrogativa de la poesía, ni poner en boca de mis generales dignos discursos, en vísperas de las batallas, porque componer tales discursos es prerrogativa de la oratoria? -Eso es precisamente lo que quiero decir. La historia es un registro veraz de lo que ha sucedido, de cómo vivió y murió la gente, de lo que hizo y dijo. Un tema épico no hace más que deformar los hechos. En cuanto a los discursos de tus generales, son admirables como oratoria, pero condenables por anti históricos. No sólo no existe la más mínima prueba de su existencia, sino que además son inadecuados. He escuchado más discursos en vísperas de combate que la mayoría de los hombres, y aunque los generales que los pronunciaban, en especial César y Antonio, eran magníficos oradores, eran también soldados demasiado buenos para tratar de endilgar a las tropas un discurso de púlpito. Hablaban con ellos en tono de conversación familiar; no pronunciaban discursos" (Graves, 1996, 131-132). La visión de Trachtenberg sobre la investigación se ubica lejos del constructivismo y por tanto, es más cercana a las pretensiones de Polión que a las de Livio. Retoma las ideas del filósofo N. R. Hanson acerca de la investigación científica para proponer que una buena investigación en historia (así como en las ciencias naturales y sociales) se basa en la articulación de preguntas sustantivas orientadas teóricamente y evidencia empírica.Teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales e investigación. Las ideas de Trachtenberg tienen una gran afinidad con las ideas de A.Stinchcombe (8). Para ambos autores la investigación histórica no debe limitarse a ser el escenario para verificar teorías. La investigación histórica sirve para desarrollar, construir, limitar, modificar teorías. La primera recomendación de Trachtenberg es: haz que tu pregunta de investigación tenga sentido en términos teóricos. Si puedes hacerlo, tendrás resuelto un problema clave: cómo avanzar, qué evidencia es útil recoger, cómo analizarla. "But note the role that that theory, if you can call it that, actually plays. It does not provide any ready-made answers. Instead, it serves to generate a series of specific questions you can only answer by doing empirical research (…)The theory, in other words (if it used correctly), is not a substitute for empirical analysis. It is an engine of analysis. It helps you see which specific questions to focus on. It helps you see how big issues (like the origins of the First World War) turn on relatively narrow problems (like what Russia calculated about Britain and France, and how that affected its behavior in the crisis). It thus helps you develop a sense for the 'architecture' of the historical problem you are concerned with and helps you see how you can go about dealing with it. It thus play a crucial role in the development of an effective research strategy". (Trachtenberg, 2006, 31). Siempre hay un riesgo presente: al enamorarse de una teoría podemos forzar la evidencia para que se adapte a ella. Pero, éste es un riesgo manejable. Lo importante de pensar el problema de investigación desde una cierta perspectiva teórica es que ésta, en primera instancia, ayuda a focalizar las preguntas. Y es a partir de este foco que la evidencia comienza a tener sentido. En palabras del autor: "As you deal with a particular historical problem, you are constantly trying to see how things fit together. You never want to interpret history as just a bunch of events strung together over time. Your goal instead is to understand the logic that underlies the course of events. And it's in that context that theoretical notions come into play" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 32). El segundo punto que Trachtenberg establece con relación a la importancia de la teoría en la investigación en historia de las Relaciones Internacionales es que la misma ayuda a forjar una hipótesis guía sin la necesidad de hacer un gran esfuerzo en el estudio de la documentación sobre el asunto. Esta posibilidad, la de tener una hipótesis guía antes de zambullirse de lleno en el estudio del problema, tiene dos grandes valores. Primero permite discriminar qué es evidencia y qué no lo es. Por tanto, ayuda al investigador a economizar esfuerzos y concentrarse en los materiales empíricos que son importantes para responder su pregunta. En segundo lugar, una hipótesis es una de las herramientas más importante que posee el investigador al momento de analizar los datos recolectados. Los datos resultan sorprendentes sólo si los contrastamos explícitamente contra ciertas hipótesis iniciales. Al tratar de explicar la distancia entre lo esperado y lo encontrado en el terreno es que surge la posibilidad de "descubrir" la realidad tras las apariencias, o si se quiere, de aproximarse a la lógica oculta detrás de los hechos. Robert Jervis (citado por Trachtenberg) lo establece claramente de la siguiente manera: "Without a theory, you can´t be surprised by anything –i.e., events are surprising because they do not feet our expectations, and these can only come from implicit or explicit theories. People sometimes think that not being surprised is evidence for a great deal of knowledge; in fact, it is the reverse. People who know nothing cannot be surprised by anything" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 38).El historiador en acción. Para realizar investigación histórica, el investigador puede seguir (según Trachtenberg) dos caminos tradicionales: estudiar lo que otros historiadores han dicho sobre el problema de interés (fuentes secundarias) o ir directamente a las fuentes primarias del asunto (documentos, correspondencia diplomática, archivos gubernamentales, etc.). En los capítulos 3 y 5 el autor aborda por separado ambos caminos de investigación sugiriendo cómo proceder con la literatura y cómo trabajar con los documentos. Debido a que el autor considera que buena parte de las investigaciones históricas realizadas por investigadores de Relaciones Internacionales utilizan más fuentes secundarias que primarias, la discusión metodológica es complementada con un capítulo (el número 4) dedicado enteramente a mostrar cómo hacer un trabajo de investigación basándose exclusivamente en el análisis crítico de fuentes secundarias. Repasaremos aquí alguno de los principales consejos en el manejo de fuentes secundarias y primarias. La forma de proceder respecto a fuentes secundarias puede resumirse, según el autor, de la siguiente manera: Hallar el argumento. Se trata de encontrar cuál es la tesis que sostiene el autor sobre el problema de interés, para Trachtenberg se resume en la siguiente pregunta: "¿qué es lo que el autor que estamos leyendo nos quiere hacer creer?". Encontrar el argumento es una habilidad que se desarrolla con el tiempo. Sin embargo, Trachtenberg hace algunas recomendaciones muy útiles: leer selectivamente (privilegiando en esta etapa la lógica del argumento antes que la evidencia empírica que soporta al mismo), prestar especial atención a título, subtítulo, títulos de capítulos o secciones de interés para el trabajo que está realizando el lector, introducción, conclusiones, el primer y último párrafo del libro o artículo, el primer y último párrafo de cada capítulo o sección. Preguntarse por la lógica del argumento (y su cohesión a lo largo del texto). Una vez que se posee la estructura del argumento del autor que se está leyendo, el lector puede dedicarse a una lectura "activa" del conjunto del trabajo. Una lectura "activa" es una lectura orientada por preguntas específicas acerca del argumento y sus fundamentos. Esta condición es clave para desarrollar una lectura crítica de los materiales de investigación que han producido otros. Cuando se analiza la lógica de un argumento el lector debe responderse la siguiente pregunta: ¿las diferentes afirmaciones que hace el autor sobre el problema encajan o se disparan hacia direcciones disímiles? Preguntarse por la evidencia brindada para defender el argumento. Cuando se analiza el soporte empírico de un argumento el lector debe preguntarse: ¿la evidencia presentada permite probar las afirmaciones que hace el investigador sobre el problema? ¿hay evidencia presentada en el texto que permita dudar de las afirmaciones realizadas por el autor? Estos consejos promueven en el investigador el empleo de una lectura activa y crítica cuya consecuencia es desarrollar poco a poco una perspectiva propia sobre el problema de interés. En mi propia experiencia como profesor en Seminarios de investigación para tesistas he podido comprobar las dificultades que genera en el alumno el no poseer una metodología para interactuar críticamente con los materiales producidos por historiadores. La tendencia es a creer que el historiador está en lo cierto (¡por algo es historiador, por algo publicó un libro!), a no dudar ni cotejar afirmaciones versus información. Por tanto, es altamente recomendable prestar atención a estos consejos. Pero además, el libro de Trachtenberg no se limita a enunciar fórmulas, describe pacientemente, con múltiples ejemplos, cómo usar sus consejos. Respecto al manejo de fuentes primarias, los consejos de Trachtenberg se dividen en dos grandes tópicos: principios generales útiles para guiar la búsqueda y utilización de documentos; tips para evaluar la validez de la evidencia recolectada en documentos. En los principios generales de búsqueda de fuentes primarias Trachtenberg muestra su fuerte inclinación hacia el realismo (en teoría de Relaciones Internacionales). Para el autor, la disciplina tiene que ver con el estudio del conflicto entre Estados. Basado en esta idea recomienda ubicar las fuentes teniendo en mente las siguientes preguntas a la manera de guía: ¿Qué quería obtener cada Estado en el conflicto? ¿Qué tipo de política estaba persiguiendo? ¿En qué clase de perspectiva ideológica está enraizada dicha política? ¿Qué acciones efectivamente emprendió cada Estado? ¿Cómo reaccionaron los otros Estados a las acciones tomadas por sus contrapartes? El objetivo de responder a estas preguntas es tratar de construir una narrativa histórica que tenga un objetivo preciso: intentar reconstruir qué fue lo que ocurrió. Determinar, en palabrasdelautor: "What (…) is the basic story here? And by 'story' I mean not just a mindless chronicle of all the different things that happened. I mean a story with some sort of causal structure –a story that gives some sense for why things took the course they did, for how we get from point A to point B" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 141). El objetivo central de este trabajo tiene que ver con la búsqueda activa de preguntas, cada vez más focalizadas, que permitan al investigador estudiar problemas concretos y no perderse en una colección de hechos sin sentido. Porque ante todo, la investigación histórica debería responder a problemas llamativos o desconcertantes acerca del fenómeno de interés. ¿Cómo realizar esta tarea? Trachtenberg sugiere comenzar estudiando fuentes que permitan detectar los grandes momentos, las grandes decisiones que constituyen los hitos del fenómeno de interés. Para ello, recomienda trabajar en dos frentes: leer cronológicamente las fuentes diplomáticas y leer prensa (diarios y revistas) del período de interés. Este primer acercamiento sugiere los hitos, el paso subsecuente es entender el pensamiento que está detrás de quienes tomaron las grandes decisiones. Para ello es necesario leer documentos que registren el pensamiento de los hombres y mujeres clave en la toma de decisiones. Una primera tarea es ubicar documentos ya sea gubernamentales o partidarios en los que esté registrada la perspectiva sobre el problema que mantenían los principales actores. Una segunda tarea puede ser ubicar documentos personales de los involucrados, como ser memorias. Al realizar esto es necesario tener presente que en tanto evidencia los registros de discusiones a nivel gubernamental o partidario tienen un valor diferente que las memorias publicadas por los involucrados. En estas últimas los autores se dirigen al gran público y por tanto la selección de ideas y hechos está sujeta a la imagen que el autor quiere dejar sobre sí mismo para la posteridad. Un nivel más de profundización en el hecho histórico de interés es realizar trabajo de archivo. Este punto es abordado con profundidad por el autor, a lo largo del libro y en los apéndices. Por último, los consejos sobre la validación de información son muy útiles para quien se inicia en la investigación histórica. Sobre todo porque el autor sabe mostrar cómo la aplicación de criterios de sentido común puede ayudar a discriminar la validez de cierta información cuando no se tiene a disposición una opinión autorizada. Al respecto, ejemplifica el autor: "suppose, for example, you see President Eisenhower talking about the need for America to pull out of Europe and for Europe to become an independent force in world affairs. How can you tell if such comments are to be taken seriously? For one thing, you see him talking in that vein over and over again, in all kinds of situations and to all kinds of people, before he became president, throughout his presidency, and after he left office. You see him at times making that point quite passionately. You work out what implications of that sort of thinking would have had to be if the president were serious about it, and you look to see what was actually done. You do this sort of work and draw whatever conclusions you think are appropriate" (Trachtenberg, 2006, 156-157). Una afirmación polémica del autor es que siempre hay que preferir los documentos a las entrevistas personales (con los partícipes en el problema que se está investigando). En este punto, es cierto que las personas pueden adecuar su relato a sus intereses, también es cierto que la memoria es falible y el recuerdo selectivo. Pero también es cierto que es posible contraponer lo dicho por un entrevistado con lo que otros partícipes han declarado y de esta forma validar la información. Por tanto, y dependiendo de los objetivos de la investigación y de los materiales disponibles, las entrevistas pueden ser una valiosa fuente de información. Comentarios finales. Marc Trachtenberg ha escrito un libro valioso, más allá de las críticas que se le puedan hacer a su enfoque. Es inevitable escribir desde una cierta perspectiva sobre temas metodológicos (por mucho que las editoriales se esfuercen en producir manuales políticamente correctos). Es claro que el autor tiene un enfoque epistemológico determinado y que el mismo es discutible (como lo son todos), es claro que tiene un sesgo hacia el Realismo, es claro que privilegia la historia diplomática sobre otras variantes de historia importantes en Relaciones Internacionales, etc. Sin embargo, ninguno de estos sesgos le quita valor al conjunto de consejos metodológicos que hace el autor sobre cómo focalizar y ejecutar una investigación histórica.Bibliografía. GRAVES, Robert. 1996. [1934]. Yo, Claudio. Altaya, Barcelona. LITTLE, Daniel. 1991. Varieties of social explanation: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Social Science. Colorado: Westview Press. TRACHTENBERG, Marc. 2006. The craft of international history. A guide to method. Princeton University Press, New Jersey. (1) Para conocer el perfil del autor ver: http://www.polisci.ucla.edu/people/faculty-pages/marc-trachtenberg/ Lo más interesante de este link es que si se entra al Curriculum vitae de Trachtenberg es posible descargarse los dos primeros capítulos del libro que estamos reseñando y los dos apéndices. (2) Marc Trachtenberg. 2006. The craft of international history. A guide to method. Princeton University Press, New Jersey.(3) Para leer una crítica de este libro desde la perspectiva de académicos de Relaciones Internacionales es recomendable leer la siguiente mesa redonda: http://www.h-net.org/~diplo/roundtables/PDF/CraftofInternationalHistory-Roundtable.pdf(4) Para una exposición breve del covering law model de Hempel ver mi artículo "¿Para qué sirve la Historia? Los usos de la Historia en las ciencias sociales". Revista digital "Letras Internacionales", FACS, Universidad ORT. Disponible en: http://www.ort.edu.uy/facs/boletininternacionales/contenidos/117/baudean117.html. En dicho artículo también se refiere literatura ampliatoria sobre el tópico.(5) Giuseppina D'oro resume la concepción de Collingwood de la siguiente manera: "the subject matter of history, understood as a science of the mind, is actions--actions understood not simply as the doings of human beings but of human beings in so far as they are rational. Actions, in the sense in which they constitute the subject matter of historical investigation have an 'inside' that events lack. To explain an event all we need to do is to subsume it under a general law that is obtained by inductive generalization, through the observation of repeated events of type B following events of type A. In order to understand an action, by contrast, we need to render it intelligible by reconstructing the thought processes that inform it. Whereas in event-explanations the relation between the explanans and the explanandum is empirical, in action-explanations the relationship between the explanans and the explanandum is a logical or conceptual relation. To explain an action is not to look for an antecedent condition that, together with a general empirical law, explains the occurrence of an event, it is rather to look for the motive that renders behaviour intelligible and as such more than mere behaviour."Tomado de Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Disponible en: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/collingwood/#HisStuMin Consultado el 26/06/12.(6) Quien desee profundizar en las tesis constructivistas y sus implicaciones puede leer dos obras escritas recientemente sobre el tema por eminentes filósofos: John Searle. 1997. La construcción de la realidad social. Paidos. Barcelona. Ian Hacking. 2001. ¿La construcción social de qué? Paidós, Madrid.(7) El diálogo es ficticio, pero Tito Livio y Polión son personajes históricos que fueron contemporáneos. No se conservan las obras de Polión pero se sabe que fue crítico con los trabajos de Tito Livio por las razones que aparecen en el diálogo imaginado por R. Graves.(8) Para conocer de manera simplificada los argumentos de Stinchcombe sobre los usos de la historia en sociología ver mi artículo "¿Para qué sirve la Historia? Los usos de la Historia en las ciencias sociales", ya citado. Sobre el autorProfesor de Fundamentos de la Investigación Social, Métodos de Investigación y Taller de Monografía. Dpto. de Estudios Internacionales. FACS, Universidad ORT Uruguay. (ma.baudean@gmail.com)
MARCH, J900 Qettysbur Mercury CONTENTS. The Power of Ignorance, 1 Remembrance, 8 The Death of King Solomon 8 The Uses of Dreams,. 13 Editor's Desk, 17 A Word Deserved, 18 Meeting of The Pennsylvania College Alumni Association of Harrisburg, 19 The Veil of Separation 20 The Dead on Expansion, 21 The Old Chief and The Black-smith, 22 Why We Broke Camp, 27 At The Breakfast Table 30 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE LIBRARY .GETTYSBU^!§bRG C DUPLiCfA'. i FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine. Printing go to CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. Kitzmiller Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and . Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. Have you an assured -&&& R. I. ELLIOTT Dealer in Hats, Caps, Shoes and. Gents' Furnishing Goods Corner Center Square and Carlisle Street GETTYSBURG, PA. EDGAR S. MARTIN, F^CIGARS AND SMOKERS' ARTICLES. %/& tgr? Mr* Chambersburg St., Gettysburg. 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GETTYSBURG MERCURY. VOL. IX. GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1900. No. 1 THE POWER OP IGINORAINCE. [ABSTRACT OF A LECTURE BEFORE THE TEACHERS' INSTITUTE, JANUARY 27TH, BY PROF. O. G. KLINGER.] I AM here to engage your attention for a little while in a sub-ject which is too seldom considered, but rich in educational value. It is the " Power of Ignorance." We often hear of the power of knowledge—it has been the pet theme of platform speakers for many generations ; but who has stopped to consider the power of the unformed intellect, or of the intellect developed but dominated by some blinding prejudice, or pride of opinion ? And yet Ignorance has played as mighty a part in the world's drama as Knowledge. All the domain which Knowledge calls her own has been wrested from Ignorance. Ignorance, dark, gloomy, superstitious, destructive, first; knowledge second—at the beginning a glimmer, a mere insight, a guess, and then a growing light—at the present a great luminary, an hour above the horizon. All that makes our nineteenth century habitable for men and women, such as you, is the product of advancing science. No other age has been so great as our age, because Knowledge has stricken off the shackles of superstition, shaken the obstinacy of bigotry, deepened the sympathies, augmented the value of human life, converted the forces of nature into servants, established the dignity of self-hood, brought freedom to light, conquered the ocean and annihilated space. Her advance has been in the face of Ignorance, which at each moment has con-tested with pen and fire and sword her progress. My object this evening will be to set forth as clearly as I may be able the power of this antagonist of knowledge, that in the light of it you may see more clearly the sanctity of freedom of research, freedom of thought, and freedom of speech. QETTYSBU*G COLLEGE LIBRARY GETTYSBURG, PA^ THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Remember, that knowledge is power only when it informs some human will, and directs some human choice. Knowledge concealed within the lids of books is not power—it is so much waste paper so far as the world's progress is concerned. It must possess the mind, illumine the intellect, impel the will in its choices, and become a human force. And by ignorance I mean the mind that is not informed, a will that makes its choices in the dark ; a htiman force without direction. But this is not the only kind of ignorance. It has happened in the world's history that men and nations of large culture have been so dominated by pre-judice, by pride of opinion, by love of party, by bigotry, as to avert from themselves the best blessings which the merciful Father had designed for them. There are wise fools in the world as well as dullones, and bigotry, which is but a form of ignorance, has been a great obstacle in the path of progress. Our thought must search for its illustrations in the cabinet of History, and they will not be difficult to find. Every page is re-plete with them. We take those that strike the eye first, because of their magnitude—conspicuous examples of the blighting effects of gross ignorance, and the more refined but less hopeful bigotry. I refer to the Barbarian invasion of Rome, the fall of Alexandria, the massacre of St. Bartholomew, and England's loss of her American Colonies. The tidal wave of ancient civilization, which took its rise in Egypt and the Mesopotamia, never flowed farther north than the Black Sea, the Carpathian mountains, and the Rhine river. Be-yond these boundaries lay in dark obscurity the terra incognita. Of this whole, vast, indefinite stretch the ancients had only the most meagre information, and they peopled it with the most hor-rible, most fantastic creatures of the imagination, as children fill the dark with hobgoblins and spooks. And as though their fears had been prophetic, out of this very region were to come the forces which would overturn their government, raze their cities, crush their pride, and extinguish their culture. The old civilization reached its maximum development in Greece and Rome—the former leading and the latter following in the sequence of history. In Greece it was expressed in a litera-ture and art the most perfect the world has ever enjoyed ; in Rome it took the form of an architecture, " full of expression of gigantic power and strength of will." The former gave to the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. world the Parthenon ; the latter the Coliseum. The former fur-nished ideals of the beautiful; the latter ideals of social order. Greece has since been the teacher of all that pertains to the aesthetic nature ; Rome of all that pertains to government and jurisprudence. ?j£ ?|s *f% yf* 5|* 'J^ *f* *"p While Greece was achieving her greatest triumph—while adorning her cities with the most exquisite art, perfecting her language, and evolving her beautiful philosophy ; while Rome was rearing triumphal arches, sending nation after nation under the yoke, and welding together the whole civilized world into one massive empire—up in this region of the north there was a strange restlessness, of which the southern nations never dreamed, but which forbode for them the most direful consequences. A dreary stretch of forest, reaching from the Rhine to the North Sea, unbroken save here and there by patches of cultivated land—a wilderness of mighty trees, which bowed their heads be-fore the Blusterer of the north, or sank beneath the weight of years, but at whose root the woodman's axe was seldom laid— whose deep recesses furnished safe retreats for bear and the wild-boar— such was Europe in the third century Anno Domini when the Goths first emerged from its retreats and stood upon the banks of the Danube. Great people they were, tall and massive of shoulder, with great swelling muscles—a giant each one, whose tawny hair, reaching to the shoulder, was his especial pride. From under shaggy eye-brows gleamed eyes which seemed cut out of blue Arctic ice, reflecting every flash of passion, and terrible when lit up with the rage of battle. Great animals, with the germ in them of great souls, true to their word, loathing nothing so much as shame and cowardice, with heart attuned to carnage, afraid to die elsewhere than on the battlefield—whose Heaven even was a Val-halla of eternal conflict—such were the Goths. Beyond them towards the east dwelt the Huns, a Tartar tribe. Let Gibbon describe them : '' These savages of Scythia were com-pared to the animals which walk very awkwardly on two legs. They were distinguished from the rest of the human species by their broad shoulders, flat noses, and small black eyes, deeply buried in the head ; and as they were almost destitute of beards, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. they never enjoyed either the manly grace of youth or the vener-able aspect of age." To render them more hideous still, while they were yet of tender age their parents gashed their cheeks with knives that their faces might look more ferocious with the ugly scars. They were so constantly on horseback that their legs received the curve of the horse's body. Their hideous appear-ance was a true index of their character—ruthless, lustful; they struck terror into the hearts of their enemies on the field of battle. Beyond them dwelt another tribe of people, of whose origin we know nothing, and of whose character we know little. The Sienpi were the natural enemies of the Huns, into whose terri-tory they made frequent incursions. Brave and savage, skilled in the use of such weapons as they had, they were able to chill with terror even the hearts of such creatures as the Huns. It is probable that under the pressure of these implacable foes the Huns migrated from their ancient seats, near the Chinese Empire, towards the west. Their coming in countless hordes was an astonishment to the valiant Goths, who trembled before their uncouth enemies and retreated before their onslaught. Thus it happened that in the fourth century of our era, the Goths suddenly appeared upon the banks of the Danube and besought a refuge within the bounds of the Roman Empire. Their petition was at length granted, and the fate of the South was sealed. At once, on the death of the great Theodosius, occurred the revolt of the Gothic tribes. Under the leadership of Alaric, after various vicissitudes, they traversed the country from the Danube southward and sought a rich harvest of fame and treasure in the fair land of Greece. Passing, without opposition, through the pass of Thermopylae, they ravaged the whole country to the plains of Sparta. *A* *A* *1* *±* *1^ *Jf* ^^ *^ *f* ^ *j* *r» *T* *T* *r* 'T* You have read of, even if you have never seen, the devas-tating power of the cyclone. The sun rises upon a stretch of prairie, beautiful with swaying grain, and dotted with towns and villages. The sky overhead is flecked with shredded clouds, which reflect and refract the sun's rays—distant prisms of hazy texture. Suddenly from out the sky, with scarcely a moment's warning, comes a mighty shadow. Your ear is startled by the deep bellowing of winds as they struggle in the upper air. Dower THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. and lower they force each other in their whirling conflict. The one from the west hurls back the one from the east, and, with in-conceivable rapidity, the storm-cloud, lightning-riven, skims the earth. You know the rest. The sun sets at evening upon a blighted land, filled with ruin and death. \1A *JJ «X* *.IA »L* *±? ^f *!_.* if* if* *f* ^f* *J* ^T* *J* 'I* The passing of Alaric and his Goths left Greece stripped of her beauty ; her temples lying in ruins; her sculpture broken and stripped of its golden plates ; her towns and villages a mass of burning embers. '' The whole territory of Attica, from the prom-ontory of Sunium to the town of Megara was blasted by his baleful presence ; and, if we may use the comparison of a contem-porary philosopher, Athens itself resembled the bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered victim." The cyclone of ignorance has passed, and what the centuries had achieved of all that ap-peals to the aesthetic nature was in a day destroyed by the barba-rians, whose natures were insensible to the allurements of beauty, except as it was expressed in the grace and symmetry of the female form. Alexandria, founded at the mouth of the Nile by Alexander the Great, and coming under the sovereignty of Ptolemy Soter, and afterwards of his son, Philadelphus, became under their fostering care, and by reason of its location, the foremost city of its day, and the real center of the Hellenistic world. It was from her that the Romans received the Greek civilization, which wrought such a miracle among them ; from her that the literary and artistic in-fluences went forth to mold the taste of Europe ; it was in her that poets and critics wrote and labored in the Hellenistic period. For the Ptolemies were patrons of art and literature, and invited to their court the learned from all parts of the world. To facili-tate research, a great museum, similar in character to our modern university, and a great library were established. Here were gath-ered the manuscripts of all the Hellenic writers, great and small. These the scholars of Alexandria, from the third century B.C. downward, sifted, preserving what was of value and destroying what was worthless. The works of the great thinkers, from Homer to Demosthenes, were edited, and their scholia form the foundations of all modern critical study. This happy state of things continued until the time of Bishop THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Theophilus, " the perpetual enemy of peace and virtue ; a bold, bad man, whose hands were alternately polluted with gold and blood." This narrow-minded bigot, caring only for power, knowing little of the glory of Greek literature, and caring less, pillaged the library, destroyed the compositions of ancient genius, and forever impoverished the world of scholarship. " Nearly twenty years afterwards, the appearance of the empty shelves ex-cited the regret and indignation of every spectator whose mind was not totally darkened by religious prejudice." Nor did the exquisite art which adorned the streets, as well as temples and private homes, suffer a less bitter fate. Images of gold and silver were melted, and those of inferior material were broken to bits and cast into the streets. Thus could religious fanaticism, inflaming the heart of an unscrupulous, ecclesiastical politician, and blinding his eyes to the enormity of his crime, subvert and destroy in a few hours what scholarship had accumu-lated during six centuries of labor. *J* 5JC ftfi *jC *fs 3j£ ?JC 5JC The darkest page in the history of France is that which re-cords the power and influence of the Guises. Hand in hand with the Queen-mother, Catherine de Medici, they labored for the ex-termination of the Huguenots. To trace here the intricate schemes, the diabolical plottings, the attempts at assassination, the submission of truth and honor to accomplish their design, would require too great a space. After unwearying effort, con-tinued through several years, they at length succeeded in winning the King's reluctant consent to the massacre of St. Bartholomew. At a given signal, in the early morning, the work of destruction began with the murder of Coligni, and when it ceased three days later, fully thirty thousand Huguenots had miserably perished at the hands of the Catholics. The persecution of the Protestants of France continued with varying degrees of savage intensity until the time of Louis XIV. This monarch, when old, was tormented by the memory of his many evil deeds, and sought some way in which he might atone for them before Almighty God. That way was suggested by his Queen, Madame de Maintenon. In pursuance of her awful plan, L,ouis revoked the Edict of Nantes, and outlawed every Huguenot who refused to embrace the Catholic faith. By this act of religious bigotry '' fully three hundred thousand of the most THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. skillful and industrious of the subjects of Louis were driven out of the kingdom. Several of the most important and flourishing of the French industries were ruined, while the manufacturing interests of other countries were correspondingly benefited by the energy, skill and capital which the exiles carried with them." Many of them found their way to America, and their descendants have been among our most distinguished citizens. It is hardly too much to say that France has never recovered fully from the disastrous effects of Iyouis' infamous policy. *(£ 5jC 5|C ^|C 5J» *j£ *(> *1^ In the history of the world it has never been the privilege of any other nation to have such colonial possessions as had England in the New World. Her government of the colonies was one colossal blunder from the beginning, but it remained for the ob-stinacy of George the Third to alienate them wholly and convert them into "a government of the people, by the people and for the people." " He had," says Green, " a smaller mind than any English king before him, save James the Second. He was wretchedly educated, and his natural powers were of the meanest sort.'' He had but one idea—to embody in himself all the powers of the government. " Be a king, George," had been the contin-ually repeated exhortation of his mother from his early youth, and to be a king George thought he must be a tyrant. The story of his tyrannical acts which before twenty years had passed by had driven the American colonies into revolution and independence, and brought England to the verge of ruin, is known to every schoolboy, and would be a twice-told tale if repeated before this audience. L,et it suffice that we in America owe the government, of which we are so proud, to the conceit of one who was the most conspicuous failure that ever disgraced the English throne—to him we owe all, but for it all owe him no thanks. *«i* xL* *1* ^U -J-* *£* •& ^S ^^ *X* *T* *T* *T* *T* I am done. My effort has been to suggest to you the de-structive and pernicious power of ignorance in some of its most common forms. In spite of advancing science, superstition and bigotry and fanaticism still persist, though happily their power is limited in our day to the pen. Our eye is set on that day, no longer far removed, when freedom of thought and speech shall no longer be challenged; when the minds of scholars shall be free from prejudice; when the common man of our land, as in ancient 8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Greece, shall be able to appreciate arid to enjoy the finest art and literature; when in the workshop and on the farm, at the anvil and before the mast, we shall have men who think. The dawn has already broken; the full day will come in its own good time. REMEMBRANCE, If, perchance, in days to come, A truant thought strays back to me, Pray, believe the kindest ones In turn, are entertained of thee. As the sands along- the shore, To-day are thrown upon the beach, And to-morrow waves return To hurl them far beyond our reach; So the friends of yesterday, The ones we always held so dear, Quietly vanish from our sight, And leave us waiting, lonely here. —B. THE DEATH OF KING SOLOMON. THE king paused in his walk and, leaning against one of the tall pillars of the porch of the palace, gazed long at the flashing glory of the temple which rested like a diadem upon the brow of Mount Moriah. The sun had set ablaze the towering pinnacles of the building, and the burnished gold burned and flashed in the red rays of the setting sun. Already the purple shadows were creeping between the columns, and as the king gazed his face was exceeding sad and the shadows on his brow were deep as those between the columns. His waving hair was whitened by the frosts of three score winters. His eyes had not lost their piercing gaze, but his forehead was furrowed by care and his face had much of the sadness which too much self-indul-gence and the too familiar knowledge of the heartless world en-gender. His cheekbones were high and his chin rather promi-nent. The very spirit of majestic command seemed expressed in all his features. Yet withal, there could be traced about the mouth and eyes those delicate markings which are the imprint of a kindly, generous nature, and which contradicted the cynical THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. expression which sometimes swept like the hand of a demon across his features. In his eyes and towering forehead there was a suggestion of that gigantic intellect which had grappled with all the problems of the universe. Kindly, just and God-fearing, yet self-indulgent, and led astray in his quest of happiness, the sadness which burdened his great soul was mirrored in his coun-tenance. Solomon, the mighty ruler, the matchless judge, the wisest scholar, the profouudcst philosopher and the learned psy-chologist— this Solomon, was old, and weary, and brokenhearted, troubled by the disasters to his great empire, which he foresaw, sad at the thought of many wasted years. As the sun sank below the horizon, he turned away from the temple and cast a momentary glance at the magnificence about him ; then with a gesture of contempt, he walked slowly into the cool, shadowy gardens of his palace. Long but slowly he paced among the shadowy paths, engaged in profound thought. It seemed as if his God, with whom he had once walked very inti-mately, granted him a knowledge of the close approach of death ; for suddenly he straightened his stooping shoulders and lifting his hand beneath a light where the gesture might be seen, he summoned the ever alert attendants. It was the king's will that the court be summoned. Swift runners sped from palace to palace in luxurious Jerusalem. Lords and courtiers rose from banqueting tables and hastened, wonder-ing, toward the palace. For had they not been summoned by the royal word ? And who in all the land might delay when King Solomon called? Surely, none. The great hall of justice was ablaze with light. Throngs of whispering nobles were the evidence of surprise at this night summons. Suddenly all were hushed. The heavy curtains at the royal entrance had been held aside and now the solitary figure of the king moved past the kneeling nobles to the great throne of ivory and gold. The king took his seat between the huge, crouching, golden lions and looked awhile in silence from one face to another. Some were old and tried friends and counsellors who had been with him when as a young man he had received the sceptre from the hand of Israel's God and his father, the royal David. Others were younger, and as his eye glanced from one to another, he thought of their fathers, some of whom were mighty warriors, others wise counsellors. IO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. At length bespoke: "Oh Nobles, I have summoned you hither this night, at this unaccustomed hour, to bid you farewell. This evening, for the last time, I saw the red light of the depart-ing sun kiss the house of our God, resting upon it like a beuison from the Most High. "I go unto my fathers. To-night, ere the first rays of the morning sun laugh on the waters of Jordan and wake our queenly city from her slumbers, I go on the last, long journey. I am old and very weary of life, and I go to the grave, whither ye all are hastening. '' Oh Nobles—Counsellors and Warriors—ye whose heads are hoar, and who follow me soon, long have we labored together for beloved Israel. Some, perchance, even knew my father, David. Oh, grey-heads ! your king loves you. " And ye, whose raven locks the frosts of many winters may yet whiten, sons of mighty men, my young men, your king loves you not less. Be ye faithful as your fathers to the God of Israel and your king. " Ye have seen my race, which now is nearly run. To the dominions of my father I have added, and have made Israel ex-ceeding strong and mighty. Ye, too, saw me turn aside from following after Jehovah. Ye know the punishment—how I must have this fair kingdom rent and torn from me. But know that the God of Israel, in his measureless kindness and mercy, which are even as the fathomless space of the whirling orbs, has par-doned my transgression and forgiven my sin. " Now the hour is come and your king goes to the court of the Ruler of the universe. My nobles—counsellors, warriors and statesmen—remember your love for Solomon and stand faithful. Turn ye not aside after riches and honor. 'A good name is rather to be chosen than great riches, and loving favour rather than silver and gold. The rich and poor meet together; the Lord is the maker of them all. A good name is better than precious ointment; and the day of death than the day of one's birth.' " 'Fear God and keep his commandments, for this is the whole duty of man. For God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or whether it be evil.' " But the night flees and my strength fails. This night, ere the rosy morning descends from the hills and touches the purple vineyards, I will to be borne to my palace which is beyond Giloh. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. II For, oh Nobles, know that a weary old man wishes, in his weak-ness, to look once more upon his pleasant palace which gleams in its whiteness, amid the green gardens, and from there be gathered unto his fathers. ' Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was, and the spirit shall return unto God who gave it.' " And now, fare ye well, my Lords ; may the mighty God of Israel be with you. Oh my children, a long farewell." The king stood for a moment with hands outstretched in bless-ing over the silent, awe-struck nobles, then moved with calm and composed step down from the throne at whose base the world had bowed. He gazed a moment longer at the assemblage of grey-headed men, who were separate ; then with a last majestic wave of the hand he passed from the judgment hall and the sight of his nobles forever. He hastened to his waiting chariot and was borne slowly along the road which leads to Hebron. His palace and gardens, with their pools which lay like three turquoise amid a sea of emerald, were his destination. Only once did the king rouse himself from the reverie into which he had fallen. As the white splendor of Jerusalem, bathed in the tropic full-moon, was disappearing behind him, he stood up in the rocking chariot, and with a gesture of matchless dignity, bade a last adieu to his queenly capital. Then he lapsed again into reverie. And of what did he dream? Who can say? Perchance it was of the future, per-chance of the past. Of that past when he ruled at Jerusalem, while the wealth of the world was poured in front of the lions of his ivory throne. The memories of a sacred and glorious past must have thronged upon him. Along this very road the mighty David passed and repassed. Here he had kept his father's flocks as a youth. Back and forth in this vicinity the jealous Saul had hunted him. Yonder, in the velvetry blackness, sleeps Rachel, the beloved of Jacob. There, alone, through the centuries, her ashes rest. A little farther on, at Giloh, the house of Ahithophel, the faithful counsellor of David, suggests its train of memories ; or perhaps some glorious vision of this plain, as it was destined tq appear, bathed in glittering light and echoing to the " Glory, in the Highest" of the angels, may have been vouchsafed to this son of David. And now, beyond Giloh, the chariot approaches the palace, 12 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. in the midst of its gardens. The weary old monarch steps from his chariot as he has done so often before at this spot. Hither, in the past, he has come in the dewey morning to find rest and quiet. And now, in the evening of his life, the king comes to his beautiful gardens to die. How the heart of that mighty ruler must have grieved as he looked back over the desolate years of which he had exclaimed "Vanity of vanities, all is vanity!" Slowly the king passes between the sculptured columns of his marble palace which rise, slender and graceful, to the distant roof swimming in dusky shadow; on between the two statuesque guards in their golden armor ; on, into the palace with its purple velvets and its tapestries. Fountains murmur and tinkle about him ; rare birds, strange beasts, gathered from the four corners of the world for the pleasure of this mighty potentate, are all around him. The mingled odors of many flowers float to his nostrils. But they are all unnoticed. In sad and solemn quiet the king paces slowly to his chamber. It has been whispered that the king wishes quiet and to be left alone, and the palace which in the years of the past has been filled with music and oftentimes with the sounds of revelry, seems to be without human inhabitant, and as silent as some great, white mausoleum. Only once, at the break of day, the attendants steal to the chamber of the king, and behold his form outstretched upon the couch, then as if terrified by the sight of the angel of death hovering over the king, they disappear. So, not surrounded by the nobles of the land or by sorrowing dear ones, but alone, the spirit of King Solomon stands on the •brink of the dark waters of the river of death and awaits the sum-mons of the most high God. Thus, while in communion with Jehovah, his spirit unterrified by the approach of death, is con-ducted into the council-chamber of the universe. And Israel's greatest king is dead. For "God's finger touched him," and even as the stars began to fade the mighty spirit of King Solomon had winged its flight into the unknown. Once more the lord of day ascends the dark mountains of Moab, and gleams upon the white palace which rests on the crest of a hill amid its green gardens like the white foam upon the crest of some dark-green wave of the ocean. In this palace, designed only for pleasure and joy, there is sadness and gloom. But the features of the king are tranquil and placid in death. Fven as at THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 13 evening the setting sun may break through the clouds and shine over the gray ocean, soothing the tired waters to rest, so now the morning sun lights up the countenance of the king and shows the perfect peace which has taken the place of the sadness and trouble. Amid the grief of a nation the king has gone to his last, long rest. —Max. THE USES OF DREAMS. C. L. '01. IT may be of interest to note at the outset some of the physical and the psychological phenomena of dreams. " A dream is a train of thought, images or phantasies, that passes through the mind in sleep.'' In dreams we lose all voluntary control over our thoughts, and our minds are, as it were, freed from all re-straints, turned out of the boundaries set by will, and left to roam at pleasure through almost infinite areas of thought and imagina-tion. Some claim that the activity of the soul does not cease for a single moment, and that dreams are one of the results of this constant activity. Others affirm, with equal certainty, that the soul has periods of inactivity and rest, when our sleep is entirely devoid of dreams. But does it not seem more reasonable that we forget our dreams, or rather fail to recollect them ? It is true, of course, that the action of the soul during the hours of slumber is much more feeble than during waking hours, but even this statement cannot be made without exception. Un-doubtedly the imagination is, at times, more lively in sleep than at any other time. A person, whose imagination is notably dull and lifeless, can, oftentimes, especially when just lapsing into un-consciousness, picture before his mind the most lovely, Edenic bowers, fairy landscapes, and scenic views that divest even Alpine glories of their rapturous charms. Occasionally the mind is very active also during periods of somnolence. This is proved by the fact that mathematicians, after having worked for days and weeks, perhaps, on a difficult problem, have finally solved it while wrapped in sleep. Again many persons of small originality and creative genius have composed poems of a merit that would have justly surprised them when awake, and have preached sermons and delivered lectures to enraptured audiences. Some persons of little or no musical ability have in their dreams outrivaled Mozart 14 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. and Beethooven in their musical productions, and their render-ing of them, and surpassed Jenny Lind and Patti in their vocal successes. The idea that the ancients had of dreams was vastly different from that which prevails at present. When superstition and witchcraft were fastened to everybody's creed, when ghosts stalked to and fro in every graveyard and haunted the scene of every murder, when enchanting sprites, bewitching elves, and diabolical imps jostled each other in the minds of nobleman and peasant, a dream was thought to be something of great import-ance and of good or evil omen. As each succeeding age has broken one or more of the super-stitious fetters with which it was bound and has approached nature and nature's God, and looked at nature not as a blind in-congruous force, but as an orderly and harmonious creation, evil has been traced to its source and found to consist not in the un-accountable and uncontrollable flights of a fanciful imagination, but in natural laws that have been violated or broken. This contrast may be explained by the difference between ancient and modern philosophy in accounting for the origin of evil. In Homer the thought is often emphasized that " Dreams come from Zeus," and a dream often meant as much as the flight of birds or the con-dition of the inspected vitals. The undertaking of an important expedition or of a desperate conflict often turned upon a dream of an officer during the preceding night, and many an unsuc-cessful exploit or disastrous defeat was traced to an ill-omened dream. Just after the expedition of " The Ten Thousand Im-mortals " had started on its perilous journey toward the capital of " The Great King," Xenophon, the leader of the expedition, had a dream in which, in the midst of a terrific thunder storm, he saw a ball of lightning fall upon his father's house, enveloping it in flames. The report following the bolt waked him. He considered the dream favorable because it seemed to be a token sent from Zeus, the author of dreams. On the other hand it seemed like an evil omen in that it might be interpreted that the " Immortals " were to be surrounded by the barbarian hordes as the house had been by the flames. No doubt the wretched failure of the expedition was largely accounted for by the commander's dream. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 15 Possibly no other book is so replete with stories of dreams as the Bible. It is reasonable to suppose that before the dawning of the " New Dispensation " divine communications were often sent to mortals through the media of dreams. Joseph's dreams seemed to his jealous brothers, and also to his devoted father, to be a mere idle, if not presumptuous, fancy of superiority over them. His brothers hated him because of their own interpreta-tion of his dreams. They were unable to free their minds of the unpleasant prophesies which they thought the dreams contained, so they cast him in a pit at Dothan, and then, as if to make more sure against the dreams' fulfillment they bartered him off to an Egypt-bound caravan of Ishmaelites. This " Dreamer " in-terpreted his own dream, and his brorhers were, afterwards, only too glad to make obeisance to his fruitful sheaf. Passing by many significant dreams, let us notice the dream which came to Joseph, husband of Man', the mother of Jesus. He was warned in a dream not to remain in Judea, but "to take the young child and his mother and flee into Egypt." Upon the prompt obedience to this dream depended the life of the infant Jesus. Had Pilate heeded the warning of his wife's dream, he would not have delivered up Jesus to be crucified. In these in-stances dreams seemed to be angelic messengers from God with important dispatches. We recall the dream of the late, venerable Dr. A. J. Gordon, pastor of the Clarendon Street Baptist Church, Boston, which in-spired him to write that popular book, "How Christ Came to Church." In his preface the author states that he is not so sup-erstitious as to believe that every dream has a good or a bad meaning, but he believes, as in his own dream, we may learn val-uable lessons and receive wonderful inspiration even from dreams. Indeed, there are many cases on record where a dream has in-spired the mind to accomplish a skillful and even a masterful fete. Coleridge's " Kubla Khan" was suggested to him by a dream while he sat napping in his chair. Upon awaking, he seized his pen and wrote from memory that composition. The great musician, Tartani, composed his famous "Devil's Sonata" under the influence of a dream, in which his Satanic Majesty en-chanted Tartani by his wonderful exhibition of skill upon the violin, and challenged the dreamer to a match. As soon as Tar- i6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. tani awoke he took up his violin and composed, in answer to the challenge, the above named composition. In the time of Shakespeare dreams were often misunderstood, and one of the most unpleasant aspects of death was the frightful dreams which were thought to accompany it. In Hamlet's So-liloquy on Death, when contemplating suicide, the " dread of something after death"—harrowing dreams, prevents him from becoming his own murderer. "To die,—to sleep ; To sleep ! perchance to dream /—ay, there's the rub ; For in that sleep of death what dreams may come, When we have shuffled off this mortal coil, Must give us pause." It is the thought of these fearful dreams that makes him decide to bear " Those ills we have Than fly to others that we know not of." We owe a debt of gratitude to those promoters of civilization which have unveiled to us those harmless forces which were for centuries enshrouded in an awful mysticism. We recognize that dreams are simply the production of an unbridled fancy, of an imagination uncurbed by will, the "reflections of our waking thoughts." We no longer believe that to dream of gold is good luck, and to dream of silver, bad luck. We reply to such a thought the words of the proverb, " It is as idle as a dream.'' We sometimes gain some inspiration and profit from dreams, but we do not invest them with power to bring us either ill or harm. We see in them a proof of our immortality, and often associate them with our condition after death, but in no terrifying way, and as far as disturbing dreams are concerned, we may meet our death " Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams." .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Entered at the Postojice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. Voi,. IX. GETTYSBURG, PA., MARCH, 1900. No. 1 Editor-in- Chief, . A. VAN ORMER, '01. Assistant Editors, W. H. HETRICK, W. A. KOHLER. Business Manager, H. C. HOFFMAN. Alumni Editor, REV. F. D. GARLAND. Assistant Business Manager, WILLIAM C. NEY. Advisory Board, PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg-) College. Subscription price, One Dollar a year in advance; single copies Ten Cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address" must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors, and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORS DESK. WITH this issue the ninth volume of THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY begins. The retiring staff, continuing the work of their predecessors, have delivered into our hands a journal that occupies a high place among college publi-cations of the state. Their encouraging words and helpful sug-gestion, together with the kindly expressions of THE GETTYS-BURGIAN, and. the readiness with which contributors have re-sponded to our call for material, give us encouragement. We now fully realize the burden of work that it is ours to bear; neither are we insensible of the responsibilities that rest upon us; hence we solicit a continuation of the same co-opera-tion thus far extended to us, that we may present to the students, alumni, and friends of the institution a literary journal worthy of Pennsylvania College. i8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The recurrence of the twenty-second of February naturally causes one to look back through the not yet dim vists of Ameri-can history to the days of the Great Commander, whose life is a panorama of noble, self-sacrificing, patriotic deeds. We read with admiration of his boyhood and youth ; we see his growing worth as he delivers Gov. Dinwiddie's message to the French officer ; we gaze upon him with }oy as he tells the British general how to fight the Indians ; we laud his bravery as we see him in the front of many battles, and as he crosses the raging Delaware on that fateful Christmas night; we raise our hats in reverence while he fervently implores the interposition of the God of Bat-tles in behalf of the Continental armies ; but to know his true worth we must follow him further—we must see him cast aside the proffered crown and become a private citizen; we must note his magnanimous spirit at Yorktown, read the record of his suc-cessful administrations, stud}' his farewell to the American people and follow him once more into private life ere we can fully ap-preciate him whom '' Providence left childless that he might be called the Father of his Country." A WORD DESERVED. THE business manager and the assistant business manager of the late MERCURY staff have done so much for the journal that they should receive special mention in its columns. The chief difficulty in the way of the monthly nearly always has been lack of money. Occasionally, but not often, a manager has been found who, at the expiration of his term, could give a respectable report to the literary societies. Two years ago, on account of financial embarrassment, the monthly was changed from a news and literary journal to a journal entirely literary, and its name was changed to "THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY." In the first year, during which at least one issue was not published for want of money, THE MERCURY ran in debt, and serious thought was at times entertained by the staff of giving up the paper altogether. Such was the pecuniary condition of THE MERCURY when it fell into the hands of Mr. Hamacher and Mr. Moore. As regards what was done, it is sufficient to say that at present the paper is THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 19 on the best financial basis she .ever has known, and considering the chaotic state in which the late staff received it, we may say-without exaggeration that Mr. Hamacher has proved himself an exemplary business manager. —H., '00. MEETING OP THE PENNSYLVANIA COLLEGE ALUMNI ASSOCIATION OP HARRISBURG. THE annual business meeting and banquet of the Pennsyl-vania College Alumni Association of Harrisburg and vi-cinity was held at the "Harrisburg Club" on the evening of February 27th. At the business meeting the Committee on Or-ganization and By-laws submitted a Constitution which, with several minor alterations, was duly adopted. An election was }hen held for the selection of officers for the current year, the following being elected : President, M. H. Buehler, Harrisburg ; Vice-Presidents, Capt. F. M. Ott, Harrisburg; Rev. D. H. Gilbert, Harrisburg; Rev. F. D. Weigel, Mechanicsburg; Secretary and Treasurer, Chas. Hollinger, Harrisburg. At the termination of the business meeting the members ad-journed to the banquet hall of the Club, the walls of which were gracefully draped with flags and college colors, while numerous palms and other tropical plants were tastily scattered about the hall. In an alcove to one side was seated a full orchestra and mandolin club which rendered classical selections during the pro-gress of the banquet. Covers were laid for forty-two and an ex-tensive menu, served in the highest style of the culinary art, was thoroughly enjoyed. The Association had the honor of entertaining as its guests prominent Alumni of the various educational institutions; Yale being represented by Hon. Lyman Gilbert, Harrisburg; Prince-ton by Charles A. Bergner, Harrisburg; Dickinson by its Pres-ident, Dr. George E. Reed ; Irving by President Campbell; Penn-sylvania College by President H. W. McKnight, Prof. O. F. Klinger and Prof. Chas. Huber ; other guests being Mr. Charles A. Kunkel, Harrisburg, and Dr. Leslie Kauffman, of Kauffman, Pa. The office of Toastmaster was ably filled by Capt. F. M. Ott, '70, and toasts were responded to as follows : "Pennsylvania Col- 20 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. - lege," Prof. 0. F. Klinger; "Yale," Hon. Eyman D. Gilbert; "Colleges for Our Sisters," Dr. E. E- Campbell; "Princeton," Charles H. Bergner, Esq.; "Our Rival," Dr. George E. Reed; "Our Alumni," M. W. Jacobs, Esq. Addresses were also made by President McKnightand Rev. Dr. D. M. Gilbert. This initial banquet of the Association proved to be an unqualified success and was one of the most successful and complete functions of the kind ever held in Harrisburg. The members of the association present were : Rev. T. B. Birch, Prof. C. F. Kloss, Prof J. F. Kempfer, Rev. E. D. Weigel, all of Mechanicsburg; Rev. M. P. Hocker, Steelton ; Rev. Benj. R. Lantz, Millersburg ; Rev. G. M. K. Diffenderfer, Newport; Dr. J. F. Staley, Mr. F. W. Staley, Middletown; J. S. Alleman, Esq., Arthur D. Bacon, M. H. Buehler, Jno. F. Dapp, Meade D. Detweiler, Esq., Rev. Luther DeYoe, Dr. C. B. Fager, Dr. V. H. Fager, Prof. L,. O. Foose, Rev. D. M. Gilbert, Jno. W. Hay, M. D., C. H. Hollinger, John Hoffer, Jr., M. W. Jacobs, Esq., Croll Keller, Dr. Geo. B. Kunkel, Rev. Marion J. Kline, Dr. J. B. Mc- Alister, Capt. F. M. Ott, Dr. C. A. Rahter, Rev. M. H. Stine, Dr. H. B. Walter, E. H. Wert, Esq., H. M. Witman, all of Har-risburg, and Rev. J. Edw. Byers, Penbrook. ^ THE VEIL OE SEPARATION. " Ah sir, there are times in the history of men and nations when they stand so near the veil that separates mortals from im-mortals, time from eternity, and men from their God, that they can almost hear the breathings and feel the pulsations of the heart of the Infinite. Through such a time has this Nation gone, and when two hundred and fifty thousand brave spirits passed from the field of honor through that thin veil to the presence of God, and when at last its parting folds admitted the martyred President to the dead heroes of the Republic, the Nation stood so near the veil that the whispers of God were heard by the children of men." —JAMBS A. GARFIBW. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 21 E THE DEAD ON EXPANSION. XPANSION is in future the policy of our country, and only cowards fear and oppose it."—Buchanan. " It is of very dangerous tendency and doubtful con-sequences to enlarge the boundaries of this country. There must be some limit to the extent of our territory, if we would make our institutions permanent. I have always wished that the country should exhibit to the nations of the earth this example of a great, rich, powerful republic which is not possessed of the spirit of aggrandizement. It is an example, I think, due from us to the world in favor of the character of republican government." —Webster. " We are not seeking annexation of territory, certainly we do not desire it unless it should come by the volition of a people who might ask the priceless boon of a place under the flag of the Union. I feel sure that for a long time to come the people of the United States will be wisely content with our present area, and not launch upon any scheme of annexation."—Blaine. The editor of the School Gazette, after quoting the above, ex-plains that the utterances of Buchanan and Webster were made when the South sought to increase the territory of the Union, and that Blaine's statement is only ten years old. Her Dewey lips Hobsoned his, while like a Shaft'er glance, Schley-ly thrown with a Sampson's strength, pierced through his heart, Weyl'er true love was Miles away, suffering Cervera heart-pangs than this false woman could believe. "O'tis beyond me," said he," why I should Merritt this ?'.'—From the Lesbion Herald. " When you see a stately temple, Fair and beautiful and bright, With its lofty towers and turrets Glistening- in the sun's clear light, Think how soon the noble structure Would to shapeless ruin fall, Were it not for sure foundations Firmly laid beneath it all." —DR. C. H. PAYNB. II 22 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE OLD CHIEF AND THE BLACKSMITH. THE final day had come and the east was already bright with day. In golden splendor the pure sun mounted the hori-zon of a calm, cloudless sky. Its yellow rays lit up the green patches of corn and pasture in the most delicate colors and tiuted the distant mountains, stretched in majestic line far into the north, in soft purple. All was calm and peaceful. Silence seemed to rule the universe, as if it had hushed it for a great oc-casion. What an occasion it was ! Among those mountains the poor Indian was busy long before sunrise preparing with sorrow-ful mood a journey of the deepest woe and gloom. Yes, this was the day. The red man must change his home. Those hills so rich in fruit and grain were not his. The barren mountains had no place for him. He lived on the white man's ground. He hunted the white man's game. One last, lingering look on a happy home, the abode of his ancestors, his rightful inheritance, where once he enjoyed his wild day unmolested and drove his game over unclaimed land. He must go and the white man gives no farewell, no sign of sorrow, no clasp of the hand, save one, a hard laborer, an honest blacksmith. The early morning found his roughly-made work-shop at the foot of the mountains in full operation. Now the noisy anvil broke the deep silence and now the groaning bellows breathed loud and heavily, sending the black smoke far into the clear sky. Within and without in scattered heaps lay almost everything that a smith could make use of, and much more that he couldn't use at all. The workman stood by the side of the forge, his one hand bounding up and down with the handle of the bellows, the other poking at intervals the roaring flame with an iron rod. He was a large, broad-shouldered man, with slightly bended back, a re-sult of his much stooping. A thick gray beard swept his broad breast, which was partly exposed by an open shirt. His face was large and stout, of hard masculine expression, full of force and intelligence. A well proportioned head, broad, high forehead and prominent chin, showed a man of no low, trivial thought, but one of judgment and decision ; a man, who, if he would have a chance to develope his powers, might have been a genius, but by force of circumstances remained uneducated, possessing, however, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 23 a great amount of good common sense, which he made use of when the occasion demanded it. As he stood by his work his brow was tightly contracted and his eyes firmly fixed on the flame. He was thinking. What were his thoughts ? Let us believe that he was thinking of the Indian. He ofteu thought of him. He pitied him. He believed that the Indian deserved a home and that he could love a home with as much tenderness and fidelity as any one else ; that he had feelings and that he had a soul as immortal as his own. Such were the thoughts of this poor workman as he stood in his shop on the last day for the Indian in his Eastern home. Suddenly a man appeared before the door. The smith, somewhat taken by surprise in the midst of his thought, quickly turned and beheld before him a neighbor; a farmer who was generally known in the community as being of a sour, selfish disposition ; a man with whom the smith could never become wholly reconciled. He was one of those many persons whose only care and thought is to en-large his borders, heap up his wealth, drive his wife and children at the first peep of day from their warm beds into the fields, and at evening reckon a profit of five cents a good day's work. He had no thought for the Indian. He hated him and could scarcely wait until he would leave the country forever. The reason for this was a selfish one. He found out that the Indians had dis-covered a silver mine iu the mountains and were working it with immense success. "They couldn't take this along," he argued, ' 'so the first man to find it would be its owner.'' He knew that the blacksmith was in close friendship with the redskins, and more than likely would know more about its locality and value than any other person in the neighborhood. He therefore came at an early hour to the shop. The smith began the conversation. " Good morning, Henry. A beautiful day?" "Splendid," replied the farmer. "They can't complain of bad weather.'' " No, they can't," answered the smith, " and I don't believe the weather bothers them much. They have other things to com-plain about; a lost home, for instance." "And lost produce and grain," quickly returned Henry. " I'll warrant they will have to raise their own now." " Henry," answered the smith with earnest expression, look-ing his visitor fair in the face, " I don't believe they ever stole a 24 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. cent's worth from you. You have not treated the Indian right and he knows it, and before he would steal your crops in revenge behind your back, he would meet you face to face like a man." " Well, what I see with my own eyes I guess I can believe," replied the farmer in great haste. " But whether they stole it or not, how about the mine? They can't take it along." " No, they surely can't," said the smith, sorrowfully, " but I would to God they could. Some of our greedy neighbors, ex-cuse the word, Henry, you know it's the truth, some of our greedy neighbors can hardly wait until the Indian leaves to lay hold on that mine, the only means the poor creatures have of making a livelihood. They are friendless, homeless, without pity or sympathy, and worse than all, an unknown west before them. It's shameful. But, Henry, one thing I wish with all my heart, and that is that these mountains might bury the treasure deep in their bosoms before the merciless white man pollutes it with his unworthy hand." "Come, come, come," began the other. "You're on your old subject again. That isn't the point. Some one will get it and so why not try for a share ?" No sooner had the last word slipped from the lips of the farmer than both were startled by the clatter of hoofs over the little road-bridge by the side of the shop. Henry walked briskly to the door, saw the Indian, immediately returned, somewhat paler, however, and whispered to the smith, " It's the chief." The Indian entered, dressed in all the gaudy decorations of his rank. His black silk hair fell gracefully about his muscular shoulders. His face was broad and brown, painted in circular stripes of various colors. A pair of black eyes, tightly pinched, glanced sharply over his high, prominent cheek-bones. Although old, as the wrinkles in his forehead would indicate, he seemed as agile and quick of motion as a young warrior on his first hunt. Bending himself slightly forward he made a becoming salute with his right arm, and, with eyes tenderly fixed on the old smith, ad-dressed him. '' What I have to say will not be long. You know all. The red man must leave his native hills for the barren west. The day has come when he must bid adieu to his mountain home. He comes to give good-bye to a friend. The Indian leaves many enemies, but he comes to give the blacksmith a kind farewell. He envies not his little home, his small fields, his blacksmith THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 25 shop. May he live in peace. May prosperity gladden his ad-vancing years. Ah, no more shall he bend his back beneath the horse. No more shall he swing the sledge. The red man's friend shall be rich in fields, proud in wealth, honored among men. The treasures of mines shall make happy his children's homes. His grand-children shall live well, they shall be truly fortunate. The Indian's silver shall be theirs and it shall prosper in their hands." " Come," continued the chief, drawing a silken scarf from his waist, " come, friend, let me bind your eyes and I will lead you to a treasure such as man never beheld before. Come, it is yours." The old smith was astonished at the chief's offer. He stood mute and silent. Recovering himself he approached nearer to the Indian and with broken speech humbly addressed him. "I thank you heartily, chief, for your ofier, but I cannot accept it. I live happy. I work hard all day long and am satis-fied with my little home and family. What do I want with all that wealth ? Why do I deserve it ? I could not rest night or day by living off of the Indian's silver. No, chief, I refuse it. I thank you for the offer, but give or sell the mine to one who could work it with untroubled conscience." The chief was greatly troubled by the smith's refusal and was on the point of pressing his offer further, when Henry broke in, his face beaming from ear to ear as though he was sure it was his already. " I'll let you bind my eyes, venerable chief. I'll take it." The Indian, with angry countenance, drew back in amaze-ment and with scorn answered him. "Youtakeit! Ah, no, no, no, white man ! Rather let it rot with the ages than have it en-rich the hand of an enemy." Approaching the smith again he kindly entreated him to accept. "It's yours, take it. Come, let me Show you your wealth ?" " No, I can't accept it," inter-rupted the smith humbly. " It would bring worriment upon my gray hairs and strife among my children. No, I can't manage so large a treasure." The chief, now aware that it would be useless to urge him further, quickly stepped forward and said : " Then, if you will not take my silver, take my hand. The mine will remain where it is. Man cannot find it. It is the Indian's treasure and ever shall be." Then bowing low before the old man he withdrew to his horse, mounted and departed for the mountains. The farmer, j| 26 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. not feeling very well, quietly walked to the door and was gone without a word. It was some time before the blacksmith returned to his work and resumed his place at the forge. He thought the matter over and over and finally concluded that he had done the right thing. He worked hard that whole day till evening, when he locked the shop, walked silently home and told his wife and children the whole story. They all in the old quaint way agreed that father had done the best and so went to bed and slept. The next morning the smith arose bright and early, as usual, greatly refreshed from the anxiety of the previous day. After breakfast he started for his shop, which was not far distant, thinking not so much of the fortune which he had refused as Of the wandering Indians, who must have been by that time far on their journey. Arriving at the shop he unlocked the shabby door, entered it and taking a small iron shovel from the wall stepped to the forge and began to clear away the ashes to start a fire. After thrusting his shovel several times into the heap, he became greatly astonished at the smallness of the hole. It seemed to have grown much smaller during the night. Bending over the forge he began to scrape away the ashes with his rough hand. To his surprise he found that at the bottom of the open-ing stood a bright, round kettle filled with silver blocks about an inch square. With trembling hands he lifted the treasure from its hiding place and stood it on the anvil, noticing at the same time a small piece of paper sticking out over the rim of the vessel. Drawing this gently from the blocks he unfolded it and saw drawn in rough outline the figure of an Indian, under which was written the words, " To the Indian's friend." —W. H. H., '01. " "When you see a mig-hty forest, With its tall and stately trees, Lifting' up their giant branches; Wrestling with the wintry breeze; Do not fail to learn the lesson Which the moaning winds resound, Every oak was once an acorn, All unnoticed on the ground." —DR. C. H. PAYNE. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 27 WHY WE BROKE CAMP. TEIYL you a story? Well, if you have patience enough I'll tell you of an experience I had last summer vacation, while on a camping trip. You see, every summer vacation when I come home I spring it on the " old gent," that, after having worked so hard for nine months, my poor brain needs rest. Well, he takes it all in, and gives me a vacation of several weeks. Then the old gang gets together, and we go on a few weeks' loaf. Fun ? Well, I should say so. I^ast Summer, following our usual custom, we visited "Straw-berry Island," a beautiful little Island in the middle of the broad Susquehanna. Here there is but one small village of a few hun-dred population. The rest of the square mile of the island is heavily wooded, and affords an excellent place for campers. Usually there are anywhere from three to six parties camping on the island. But at the time we were there none of the others had yet arrived. Soon we were settled down, and were enjoying ourselves very much in hunting and fishing. One evening after we had been there about a week, I went to the village for our mail. When I got back, and distributed the letters to their respective owners, I took my own letters and drew apart a little to read them. The first one I opened was from my father. (You know my father is postmaster in the town in which I live, and, as it is a pretty large town, usually has large quantities of stamps, besides a good deal of money, on hand.) Well, to continue where I left off, the first letter was from my father, and the very first line conveyed to me the startling news that the post-office had been robbed the previous week of a considerable sum of money and about $400 worth of stamps. There was no clue to the robbers, and at present the officers were at a stand-still in their investigations. It is needless to tell you that I was surprised at the news. My first thought was to leave for home next day, but further in the letter father said I needn't let this spoil my fun, and that I should stay as long as I wished. So I decided to stay. The next afternoon I was appointed to run over the island in search of some stray chickens for our evening meal. I started about four o'clock, and leisurely made my way across the island. About a quarter-mile beyond the village I came upon a thick 28 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. clump of trees and undergrowth, situated about three hundred yards from a farmhouse. Thinking this would be a good place for the chickens, I cautiously made my way into the thickest part of the copse. Suddenly I was startled by hearing a gruff voice directly in front of me. I stopped at once, and soon heard another voice, raised in an altercation with the first speaker. He was cursing him roundly for a cheat and a rascal, saying that after having done the dirty work (I couldn't quite catch what), he wasn't going to take a cent less than half of the haul. I be-came interested in what was going on, and crept closer to the speakers, and saw two as villainous and rough looking toughs as ever I beheld. Between them they had a large bag of money, and beside the larger of them lay a peculiar oblong tin box, which somehow or other seemed very familiar to me. All at once it struck me that that was the stamp box which I had seen so often in my father's safe at home. Then it flashed upon me that these were the robbers who had so neatly eluded the officers of the law. My first impulse was to get back to camp at once, tell the other fellows about the robbery and my discovery, and then come and capture these fellows. But, on second thought, I saw it would be wiser to watch them, and find out where they took the booty. Soon the rascals came to an agreement, and decided that they would hide the " swag " until a convenient time should offer for them to dispose of it. They then picked up the bag and stamp box and made their way toward the other side of the island. It was now nearly dark, and I thought I could safely follow them. So I waited till they had gone, and then cautiously picked my way after them. After a half-hour's walk they came to a small tent pitched in a wooded hollow near the shore. They entered here, and I crept up close to catch every word concerning the disposal of the money and stamps. After a good deal of discussion they decided to bury it in the ground under the tent, and in order to do this I knew they would have to move the tent; so I quietly slipped away and hurried off as quickly as possible to our camp, and told the boys about the whole matter. They were eager to go at once, and even more so when I told them that the postoffice authorities had offered a re-ward of $500 for the capture of the robbers. Now, this meant $100 apiece for us, and we could do a good many things on $100. So we decided to go that very night. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 29 We had with us several revolvers and hunting-guns. Each fellow armed himself with one of these, and was soon ready to set out. We started about eleven o'clock, and reached the village a half-hour later. Here I stepped into a store, telephoned to the police at home that I had caught the thieves, and then proceeded. About twelve o'clock we were nearly at the robbers' camp, and I told my chums to take it easy so that we might take the men by surprise. Every fellow cocked his revolver and made ready for business. We crept silently up to the tent, and, peering in, saw two dark forms lying within, sound asleep. Then we entered, and order-ing two of the boys to cover each man, I proceeded to awake the larger and tougher of them. I succeeded pretty quickly, and soon had him securely bound, and then proceeded to do the same for his partner. We found all the booty buried in the earth under the tent, and then loosening our prisoners' legs, ordered them to march on ahead. We soon reached our camp, and binding the men again so that they could not get away, we took turns at guarding them during the night. We held them till the next evening, when my father came with two officers. We all set out for home, and soon had the satisfaction of seeing the malefactors in prison. In due time we received the reward. I saved mine, and father added a substan-tial sum to it. That's the reason I am flush this term. Come up town and have some oysters on me, the whole gang. — " APFI,EBEB." '■ Oh, wad some power the g-iftie gie us To see oursels as ithers see us ! It wad frae monil a blunder free us And foolish notion, What airs in dress and g'ait wad lea' us And e'en devotion." -BURNS. i\ 30 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. AT THE BREAKFAST TABLE. GRACE had been said. The preacher of the village, whose gray hairs had never been endangered by conjugal wrath, in short, who was a bachelor, had performed that solemn office, as was his wont, at the Lyn boarding-house. Around the table sat six. The preacher, by right of his sober mien and broadcloth, of course, occupied the first place of honor, that is, he sat at the end of the table next the door leading into the pantry, from which issued the appetizing sound of the sizzling, sputtering and splashing of the cooking, or the rattle and clatter of pots and pans, and occasionally, to vary the program, the bang of falling dishes invariably followed by a lecture on culinary economy and general management by the matron of the establish-ment, who at divers times and in divers manners, delivered these emphatic and lengthy dissertations to the cook, a buxom, grin-ning lass of perhaps sixteen summers, who bore several red marks on her face, testifying to the violence of gesture with which the lecturer was accustomed to drive home her rather striking argu-ments. Next to the preacher sat Mr. Eyn, who boasted the empty title of " Eord of the House "—a little, pinched, henpecked piece of crusty mortality, who spoke with a very emphatic "I intend" or " I will," but, as I observed, only when his wife was in the pan-try and the door closed. In her presence, or within range of her eye through the open pantry door, he seemed to sink about six inches in stature, and peep slyly out of the corners of his e3'es, like a cat expecting a sudden and unannounced visitation of boot-jacks and stove-pokers. Beside the hard-fated Mr. Lyn was situated, geographically speaking, a volcano of sentimental effusion, or, perhaps better, sat the village poet. He looked like a poet, at least to a stranger, having all the visible qualifications—long hair, a sentimental air, a canary-like whimper that sometimes sounded like the sigh of a zephyr, and a box of dyspepsia tablets sticking out of his vest pocket, which would most strongly confirm the theory suggested by the unbarbered hair. At the end of the table, opposite the snowy-templed " shep-herd in Israel," sat the school-mistress, another very important functionary in the village, enthroned in dignity and starch. She THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 31 always dressed in a rusty shade of brown satin, evidently to match her complexion, and had it so thoroughly starched that she could sit down only in one way, there being only one hinge in the dress. She was always " precise" and plain, never bedecked herself with flowers, perhaps because she couldn't starch them. Slight in figure, in her rusty armor she looked not altogether unlike a mud-wasp— a dignified mud-wasp. Her features denoted character, but as Pat said, who sat around the corner from her, they looked a little smoke-dried. Pat was a red-nosed Irishman, with a broad, open, jolly Irish face, always lit up with an expression of bantering humor, and partly covered with a thin, scattered crop of stubble. He was the man of all work about the establishment, and bossed about by the lady of the house, curtly snapped at by the next highest power, Mr. Lyn, divinely stared at by the volcano, furiously glared at by the mud-wasp, and reproached every now and then by the preacher for profanity, he bad a very wretched time of it, and often gave that as a reason for the redness of his nose. "Be-jabbers," he would say, " Oi must droon moi troubles;" but how he drowned his troubles by reddening his nose I never could imagine. Grace had been said, as I stated before, and Jane began to serve roast chicken, starting with the preacher. " Thank you, my girl," said his reverence in his blandest tone as she turned from him to the poet, who took a wing with a smile—a very poetic smile—and, holding it up on a fork that all could see it, in his softest canary notes began : " Oh for the wings of an angel, To fly to that heavenly shore, I would leave this land of sorrow, There in joy to dwell evermore." " Oh, how delectable !" exclaimed the ecstatic teacher. "What spontaneity and brilliancy of genius ! Surely, Mr. Bilious, you have been endowed with those peculiar qualities of intellect which combine with a deep and susceptible emotional nature to consti-tute those favored and favorite mortals, whose function in life and society is to add to the general happiness of humanity ; one of those who drink of Olympian fountains and feast on the ambrosial —the ambrosial—feast on the ambrosial—in short, Mr. Bilious, you are a poet." She always rattled out her comments in a man- 32 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. \ ner something like a hysterical alarm-clock, and stopped for the same reason, too—because she was run down. The flattered rhymer, in his confusion and gratitude, blushed a sort of 3^ellow green, and fumbled about in his inspired cranium for a suitable answer, when Pat relieved him. " Ay, Midam, a pooet's boorn a pooet; ye can't make 'im." Though "Madam" rarely condescended to notice any of Pat's remarks, she replied: "Mr. O'Brien, I fully appreciate the force and significance of that sententious and universal truth to which you have just given utterance. I find it true, in my ramblings through the variegated fields of imaginative literature, that a skill-ful master of the poetic art must—must possess certain natural endowments of mind and feeling. He may avail himselfof the most efficient intellectual discipline in the most advanced institutions of learning, established in either hemisphere, the Eastern or the Western, fortne impartation of knowledge and mental develop-ment, and yet, sir, may never gain admission into the temple of the Muses." " Yis, a pooit's loike an iditor. Ye moight fade a goat tin years on newspaipers, but shtill ye couldn't make an iditor av 'im." Very much to Pat's annoyance—for he felt unusually honored in being patronized by such an able representative of scholarship and high English—the poet, who felt that they were both allud-ing to him, chimed in : " If Nature on you doth bestow it, To reveal her charms, to be a poet, In school or out you're bound to show it, And all the world will some time know it." "Och, bedad," supplemented Pat, with a dubious smile of malicious humor, intending to punish Mr. Bilious for this obtru-sive sally, "Ye remoindmeso much of Samson in the Scriptures." The poet shook out his tresses of black, hanging in Miltonic waves over his shoulder, proud to have them compared to Sam-son's immortal looks of strength, but Pat. continued : " Ye both use th' same wippin, only ye make pooetry with it and he slew the inimies of Israel." Of course, we laughed; the preacher till he was as red as Pat's nose, I till my sides ached, and even the school-mistress smiled as loud as the constitutional gravity of her deportment would permit, the poet, all the while, turning alter- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 33 nately red, white and blue, and looking as though he had swal-lowed a smoothing-iron. Mr. Lyn alone did not smile—the pan-try door was open. The cook was seized with a fit of tittering that went nigh end-ing with her dropping the coffeepot, with which she had now reached the school-mistress, filling the cups as she went round the table. " O Miss Jane, do exercise more vigilant care lest you occa-sion some disastrous calamity. Just cogitate how seriously I might have been scalded by that liquid, in that state of violent ebullition, as you undoubtedly apprehend. Such inexcusable carelessness cannot, must not be tolerated, young lady." Jane, somewhat abashed, colored and would have attempted an apology, but the preacher, ever ready to rescue one in embar-rassment, interposed : " Nothing hurt, Jane; accidents will hap-pen everybody. I don't wish them to you," he added, with an air of cheerful gallantry, " but I like to see you blush up ; your cheeks look like peaches." " Yis, yer Riverence," added Pat, "and Oi am so fand of paiches," looking at the preacher and then at the cook. The teacher had, by far, too positive notions of propriety not to rebuke the facetious Patrick. " Undoubtedly, Mr. O'Brien, you have not had the advantages which the cultured usually de-nominate the ' privileges of high society,' those elements of good-breeding enjoyed in homes of education and refinement, or un-doubtedly you would not be guilty of the audacity, so boldly and improperly to allude to the female employee of the establishment in which you occupy the humble position of a menial. Mr. O'Brien, I certainly am surprised." Pat looked at me and winked, evidently not much discon-certed by the bombardment. •'You exhibit," she continued, angry because Pat did not wilt, " directly under and within the range of my ocular vision, such indecency towards me, one so manifestly your superior"— another wink. "Well, did I ever!" she ejaculated, closing her mouth with a snap like a pocketbook, looking daggers all the while at the unabashed Mr. O'Brien. "Did ye iver," rejoined the impregnable Patrick. "It's moire than Oi can till ye what ye iver did; yer auld enough to 34 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. have done imiything, judgin', as the poet says, 'by the silver min-gled mang th' gauld.' " '' Sir,'' sharply retorted the now thoroughly enraged pre-ceptress, "I do not propose—" " Nay, Midim," interrupted Pat., " Oi didn't ask ye to pro-pose, and there's no danger of innybody havin' ye innyhow, un-less p'rhaps yed propose in the dairk av th' moon." During this passage between the scholarly tongue of the out-raged pedagogue and the native wit of the mischievous Irishman none of us dared to laugh out, though we suffered severely with suppressed mirth, which, in my case, played a little game of earth-quake in my abdominal regions, made me drink two glasses of water in quick succession and spill half a cup of coffee over the table. Determined to beat a retreat with at least the honors of war, she turned from the Irishman, as if perfectly disgusted with his conduct, and addressed Jane, who was about to give her a^second cup of coffee. " No, thank you. If I should indulge in the sec-ond cup of this beverage, although I consider it exquisitely pal-atable and invigorating, when administered, or rather taken, in moderate quantities, my digestive organ would be greatly exag-gerated— I mean aggravated, and probably develop in the course of time sub-acute gastritis or some other modification of irritant poisoning. Indeed, I have entertained the greatest apprehension of"—just then the door bell rang, and I was called out. —A. N. ONYMOUS. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. C. H. SOLT MERCHANT TAILOR Masonic Bldg., GETTYSBURG Our collection of Woolens for the coming Fall and Winter season cannot be surpassed for variety, attractive designs and general completeness. 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1.Introduzione Nel 2014, nell'ambito dell'Agenzia Europea Frontex, prese avvio l'operazione Triton, coordinata dall'Italia. Da quel momento e fino al 2018, tutte le persone soccorse in mare dovevano essere portate in salvo sulle coste italiane. Una volta arrivate sul territorio, queste persone dovevano essere messe nella condizione di potere avanzare una richiesta di asilo o di protezione internazionale. Il già esistente sistema di accoglienza dedicato alle persone richiedenti asilo (SPRAR) si basava sulla disponibilità volontaria degli enti locali e non era in grado di gestire l'elevato numero di persone in arrivo. Furono per questa ragione istituiti (art. 11 Dlgs. n.142/2015) i Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria (CAS) sotto la diretta gestione degli Uffici Territoriali del Governo (Prefetture). I CAS erano quindi pensati come strutture temporanee ed emergenziali. Le azioni messe in atto dai CAS dovevano, innanzitutto, rispondere ai bisogni primari delle persone accolte, in termini di vitto, alloggio e assistenza sanitaria. Ma, a dispetto del loro carattere temporaneo, e alla stregua dello SPRAR, i CAS avevano l'obbligo di svolgere attività (apprendimento della lingua italiana, istruzione, formazione, inserimento nel mondo del lavoro e nel territorio, assistenza legale e psicosociale) finalizzate all'acquisizione di strumenti di base per favorire i migranti accolti nei processi di integrazione, di autonomia e di acquisizione di una cittadinanza consapevole. 1.1 I richiedenti asilo: L'accoglienza in Italia e una possibile traiettoria resiliente La maggior parte dei richiedenti asilo proveniva dall'Africa subsahariana o dall'Asia Meridionale (Afghanistan e Bangladesh e Pakistan) e aveva alle spalle un lungo viaggio di cui la traversata mortifera via mare o attraverso i Balcani o il Caucaso era solo l'ultima tappa. La durata media del viaggio dal paese di origine era di venti mesi, che si svolgevano quasi sempre al limite della soglia di sopravvivenza. È ormai ben documentato il fatto che la privazione di cibo, di ripari, l'affaticamento estremo, il senso di minaccia, i maltrattamenti ripetuti, i lutti dovuti alla perdita di persone care durante gli spostamenti sono condizioni che accomunavano tutti questi percorsi migratori. A queste, si aggiungeva, per la maggior parte di loro, un periodo di reclusione, che poteva superare l'anno, nei centri di detenzione della Libia dove le condizioni disumane, la pratica sistematica della tortura e della violenza sessuale sono state rese note e denunciate dalle principali organizzazioni internazionali, come Medici Senza Frontiere e Amnesty International (Fondazione Migrantes, 2018). Inoltre, l'alto potenziale traumatico di queste esperienze si aggiunge a vissuti altrettanto tragici legati alle circostanze di vita nel paese di partenza che aumentano la vulnerabilità dei migranti. Infatti, questi sono il più delle volte costretti a scappare da condizioni di instabilità politica, di gravi conflitti interni civili e di estrema povertà. È per quanto fin qui descritto che si può affermare che le persone in arrivo nei CAS sono portatrici di storie potenzialmente traumatiche e ad alta complessità psicosociale che richiedono un'attenzione particolare. Le pratiche d'accoglienza che vengono messe in atto nei centri devono tenere conto di tale complessità nel rispondere ai bisogni di ogni persona, sia nella dimensione psicologica sia in quella sociale. In questo modo, nel cercare di raggiungere l'obiettivo ultimo dell'integrazione dei richiedenti accolti, i progetti d'accoglienza potrebbero favorire la definizione di un loro processo di resilienza che li porti a vivere una condizione socialmente accettabile e di benessere. Il concetto di resilienza ha suscitato molto interesse in letteratura negli ultimi decenni. Un primo dato storico nell'evoluzione della teorizzazione di questo concetto (Cicchetti & Garmezy,1993) è lo spostamento dell'interesse dalla patologia e dalla vulnerabilità alla resilienza, che si può ricondurre alla diffusione di una prospettiva positiva e salutogena nella ricerca e nella pratica clinica e psicosociale (Bonanno & Diminitch, 2013; Bonanno, Westphal, & Mancini, 2011; Cicchetti, 2013; Cyrulnik & Malaguti,2015; Walsh, 2016). Negli anni il concetto di resilienza è stato indagato a partire da diversi approcci. Da alcuni autori (Costa & McRae, 1980) è stato studiato come un tratto di personalità, stabile e fisso, da altri (Wagnild & Young, 1993) come l'abilità di fronteggiare e adattarsi positivamente a eventi stressanti o avversivi. Cicchetti (2013), concettualizzando la resilienza come un processo, ha concentrato l'attenzione sui fattori che lo determinano, con particolare interesse a quelli genetici e neurali. Bonanno e Diminitch (2013) si sono, invece, concentrati su quei fattori di rischio o quelle condizioni esistenziali potenzialmente vulnerabili che possono determinare il processo e che gli autori (Bonanno et al., 2011) definiscono come eventi potenzialmente traumatici (EPT). Rutter (2012), da parte sua, ha teorizzato la resilienza come un concetto dinamico dato dalla continua interazione tra i fattori protettivi e di rischio, portando all'attenzione l'influenza ambientale. Tuttavia, sebbene l'autore (Rutter, 2012) abbia messo in luce la funzione dell'ambiente nel processo di resilienza, sono gli approcci più ecologici e sociali (Anaut, 2005; Cyrulnik, 2001; Cyrulnik & Malaguti, 2015; Malaguti, 2012; Walsh, 2016) che hanno enfatizzato e dato maggiore importanza ai fattori contestuali, sociali, familiari e relazionali nella definizione del processo di resilienza. In particolare, secondo Cyrulnik (2001), posti i fattori di protezione, il processo non può avvenire che nell'ambito di relazioni significative. Nello specifico, l'autore distingue tre elementi fondamentali che rendono conto, nell'insieme, del processo: 1- le esperienze pregresse nell'infanzia e nella storia personale dell'individuo, la qualità dei legami di attaccamento e la capacità di mentalizzazione; 2- il trauma e le sue caratteristiche (strutturali, contingenti ed emotive e sociali); 3- la possibilità di risignificare la tragedia avvenuta attraverso il sostegno affettivo e la relazione d'aiuto, descritta, genericamente come l'incontro con l'Altro. Secondo l'autore, la persona costruisce nel proprio passato, in particolar modo durante l'infanzia, attraverso il legame di attaccamento sufficientemente sicuro, le risorse e la capacità di mentalizzazione utili per affrontare e risignificare il trauma. È in questo spazio relazionale quindi che la persona forma una rappresentazione di Sé come persona amabile, capace di affidarsi e di costruire relazioni forti e significative anche in futuro. La capacità e la possibilità di costruire queste relazioni sono viste come le condizioni che possono aiutare la persona a riconoscere le risorse da attivare per superare la profonda ferita incisa dall'esperienza traumatica e per ristabilire un equilibrio nella propria esistenza. Nell'ultima fase della sua teoria l'autore specifica l'importanza di una figura che chiama tutore di sviluppo o di resilienza, le cui caratteristiche e funzioni sono approfonditamente delineate nella pubblicazione di Lighezzolo, Marchal, & Theis (2003). Secondo gli autori, il tutore di resilienza deve favorire un processo di autonomia e ri-strutturazione del sé, trasmettere sapere, fornire esempi e modelli che permettano e legittimino l'errore; non deve quindi ricoprire un ruolo insostituibile e onnipotente. Il tutore di resilienza, sia esso una persona adulta informale o una figura istituzionalizzata nel sistema di cura e presa in carico della persona, è una risorsa esterna che coadiuva nel processo di resilienza. In questo ultimo caso, la formazione e la definizione del ruolo dell'operatore nel processo di presa in carico contribuiranno alla costruzione di un efficace intervento sociale e clinico per la promozione della resilienza nell'assistito (Manciaux, 2001). Negli ultimi anni, una serie di rassegne internazionali (Agaibi & Wilson, 2005; Siriwardhana, Ali, Roberts, & Stewart, 2014; Sleijpen, Boeije, Kleber, & Mooren. 2016) e in Italia (Tessitore & Margherita, 2017), hanno tentato di sistematizzare i risultati degli studi sul processo di resilienza nell'esperienza potenzialmente pluritraumatica della migrazione, con particolare attenzione alla condizione esistenziale di rifugiato. I risultati evidenziano e si concentrano, soprattutto, sui principali fattori di rischio e quelli protettivi che possono intervenire nel processo di resilienza a seguito di queste esperienze pluritraumatiche. In questi lavori emerge, tuttavia, la necessità per la ricerca di individuare strategie e procedure per interventi e pratiche mirati ed efficaci a promuovere il processo di resilienza nei contesti dell'accoglienza. In particolare, rispetto al contesto italiano si riscontra che sono stati svolti pochi studi sul tema, ancora da approfondire (Tessitore & Margherita, 2017). L'analisi approfondita delle pratiche costruite e messe in atto nell'ambito dell'accoglienza negli ultimi anni in Italia risulta rilevante per una sistematizzazione di conoscenze e competenze e utili per la progettazione di interventi psicosociali efficaci. La presente ricerca si poneva l'obiettivo di studiare, se e in che misura, le pratiche dell'accoglienza e le strategie di intervento messe in atto nel sistema CAS di Parma e Provincia abbiano favorito un processo di resilienza nei richiedenti asilo accolti. Inoltre, si poneva l'obiettivo di comprendere se e in che modo l'operatore dell'accoglienza potesse svolgere una funzione di tutore di resilienza. Poiché basandosi sulla teorizzazione di Cyrulnik (2001), l'esito del processo di resilienza è dato dall'interazione dei fattori protettivi individuali, dalla qualità/intensità del trauma e/o comunque delle situazioni avverse e dall'incontro con i possibili tutori di resilienza, il progetto si è sviluppato in due fasi e ha tenuto conto sia dell'esperienza dei richiedenti asilo sia di quella degli operatori. Rispettivamente, nella prima fase l'obiettivo della ricerca si proponeva di individuare le risorse/vincoli personali presenti nella biografia dei richiedenti asilo, i vissuti emotivi e la qualità dei legami stabiliti nel passato, di individuare le risorse/vincoli messe in gioco durante il viaggio e, infine, di individuare le risorse/vincoli con funzione protettiva dal momento dell'arrivo in Italia e in particolare nel CAS di residenza e nella relazione con gli operatori. Nella seconda fase, la ricerca mirava a individuare le risorse e le competenze, rintracciabili nelle biografie degli operatori dei CAS messe in gioco nella pratica professionale e di conoscere le loro motivazioni alla base della scelta professionale, e a comprendere il significato e l'uso consapevole della relazione con i richiedenti asilo nella loro pratica professionale e, infine, a valutare la qualità della loro vita professionale tenendo conto del forte carico emotivo dovuto alla relazione con i richiedenti asilo e il loro vissuti traumatici. 2. Migrazione ed Europa: Una revisione sistematica sulla promozione della resilienza dei richiedenti asilo negli Stati membri dell'Unione Europea. La migrazione è un fenomeno complesso determinato dall'interazione di fattori di espulsione e di attrazione. L'Europa ha sempre svolto un ruolo di attrazione nei flussi migratori. Negli ultimi anni, le direttive per gli Stati membri hanno mirato a promuovere il benessere dei richiedenti asilo. È importante sviluppare la resilienza per raggiungere il benessere delle persone. L'obiettivo della revisione sistematica è stato quello di esplorare come viene studiata la resilienza nei richiedenti asilo nei paesi dell'UE. Sono stati consultati i database internazionali PsycINFO, PubMed, Web of science, Scopus, MEDLINE, Psychology e behavioural collection. Gli articoli sono stati analizzati secondo i criteri PRISMA. Sono stati ottenuti 12 articoli. Dall'analisi qualitativa sono emersi tre approcci principali e quattro principi teorici fondamentali che potrebbero guidare lo studio della resilienza in contesti migratori. Lo studio della resilienza può essere orientato verso un approccio clinico, clinico e sociale o psicosociale. Inoltre, la ricerca ha tenuto conto della necessità di costruire una nuova narrazione di sé e della propria storia nei richiedenti asilo, di restituire agency ai richiedenti asilo, di valorizzare il proprio contesto culturale e quello del paese ospitante e di promuovere una democratizzazione del sistema istituzionale di accoglienza. Si suggeriscono implicazioni per le politiche degli Stati membri dell'UE coinvolti in prima linea nella gestione dell'accoglienza in Europa. Data la limitata letteratura sull'argomento, questa rassegna suggerisce una nuova e originale visione di presa in carico dei richiedenti asilo attraverso una maggiore implementazione di interventi focalizzati sull'individuo e sulle sue risorse. 3. Promozione della salute psicosociale nei migranti: una revisione sistematica della ricerca e degli interventi sulla resilienza nei contesti migratori. La resilienza è identificata come una capacità chiave per prosperare di fronte a esperienze avverse e dolorose e raggiungere un buono stato di salute psicosociale equilibrato. Questa revisione mirava ad indagare come la resilienza è intesa nel contesto della ricerca sul benessere dei migranti e come gli interventi psicosociali sono progettati per migliorare la resilienza dei migranti. Le domande della ricerca hanno riguardato la concettualizzazione della resilienza, le conseguenti scelte metodologiche e quali programmi di intervento sono stati indirizzati ai migranti. Nei 63 articoli inclusi, è emersa una classica dicotomia tra la resilienza concettualizzata come capacità individuale o come risultato di un processo dinamico. È anche emerso che l'importanza delle diverse esperienze migratorie non è adeguatamente considerata nella selezione dei partecipanti. Gli interventi hanno descritto la procedura ma meno la misura della loro efficacia. 4. Il sistema d'accoglienza straordinaria di Parma e provincia: soddisfazione e benessere percepito dai migranti accolti. I servizi e le progettualità messi in atto nei CAS mirano a favorire integrazione, autonomia e benessere. Questi obiettivi si strutturano sull'attivazione e promozione di risorse dei richiedenti asilo. Nello specifico, vanno ad innestarsi sulle loro abilità, sulle conoscenze, sulle competenze, sulla loro agency e sulla capacità di proiettarsi verso un futuro. Poiché i richiedenti asilo sono i principali attori e fruitori di questi servizi, la valutazione di efficacia e di raggiungimento degli obiettivi preposti deve tenere conto necessariamente del loro punto di vista. I richiedenti asilo che hanno partecipato allo studio erano circa il 20% della popolazione dei richiedenti asilo adulti presenti nel territorio di Parma e provincia. Per la stratificazione del campione si è tenuto conto della variabile del paese di origine, della collocazione sul territorio provinciale (distretto) e il tempo di permanenza nel sistema CAS. È stato costruito un questionario ad hoc che mirava ad indagare la percezione di autonomia, di benessere personale, di soddisfazione verso sé stesso, la percezione di essere rispettato nelle proprie tradizioni culturali e la soddisfazione verso il servizio. Il questionario constava di una parte introduttiva, che forniva una breve descrizione al partecipante delle finalità d'indagine, e di diverse sezioni, che indagavano e approfondivano specifiche aree (temi) di interesse. Le prime due aree hanno rilevato i dati socio-anagrafici e il viaggio dei richiedenti asilo. La terza e la quarta area hanno indagato l'accoglienza nel centro e la struttura in cui risiedeva il beneficiario. Le altre aree si sono concentrate sui servizi primari (beni e servizi di prima necessità, assistenza medica) e servizi secondari (assistenza legale, lingua italiana, sostegno psicosociale, lavoro, mediazione culturale, orientamento al territorio e tempo libero) che gli venivano offerti. Le ultime sezioni si focalizzavano sul rapporto con gli operatori, sul progetto individualizzato e sui propri piani futuri. Alla fine del questionario vi era una breve sezione che mirava ad indagare la soddisfazione generale verso l'intero processo di accoglienza in Italia e la specifica esperienza nel territorio di Parma e provincia. Sono state effettuate delle analisi ed elaborazioni statistiche descrittive tramite il software SPSS. Dal questionario è emerso un quadro complessivo dei servizi offerti e una mappatura delle pratiche messe in atto all'interno delle strutture a partire dal punto di vista dei richiedenti asilo. Questi hanno espresso una generale soddisfazione del sistema accoglienza in Italia e in particolare di quella ricevuta a Parma. Hanno riportato un senso di protezione e sicurezza e una generale percezione di capacità e autonomia raggiunta in molti dei servizi e ambiti della quotidianità. Le aree più critiche sono risultate essere l'assistenza legale, l'avviamento lavorativo, la creazione di relazioni sociali con italiani nel tempo libero, la progettazione individualizzata e in particolare il sostegno psicosociale e, infine, la progettazione futura. In queste aree i richiedenti asilo hanno espresso una bassa soddisfazione verso il servizio di sostegno ricevuto, una scarsa consapevolezza di sé e delle proprie capacità e una bassa percezione di un'autonomia conquistata dal singolo servizio e, più in generale, dalla struttura d'accoglienza. 5. Vissuti, fattori di protezione e fattori di rischio nelle biografie dei richiedenti asilo: la definizione di traiettorie di resilienza nei Centri d'Accoglienza Straordinaria. I richiedenti asilo sono portatori di storie potenzialmente traumatiche a seguito delle quali possono vivere distress psicologico e PTSD nel paese d'accoglienza. Qui vengono inseriti in programmi che mirano a favorire benessere psicologico e integrazione. Tale processo è definito resilienza, La resilienza è un processo che vede le persone impegnate a guarire da esperienze dolorose, a prendersi cura della propria vita per continuare a svilupparsi positivamente in modo socialmente accettabile. Il presente studio mira a comprendere i fattori di protezione e le risorse personali e sociali che possono favorire il superamento dei traumi e un processo di resilienza nei richiedenti asilo. Sono stati somministrati 29 test CORE-10 e questionari costruiti ad hoc per il sostegno sociale percepito e condotte altrettante interviste in profondità. Con risultati moderati e gravi di distress psicologico nei partecipanti, sono emersi fattori protettivi e risorse già nella fase pre-migratoria. I legami di accudimento sembrano svolgere una funzione protettiva anche durante l'accoglienza, favorendo la costruzione di rapporti di fiducia. Il supporto sociale della comunità d'accoglienza e quello degli operatori nei centri possono influenzare la definizione di traiettorie resilienti. Lo studio solleva implicazioni di tipo clinico e sociale. Nei suoi limiti lo studio vuole essere un'apertura a nuovi approfondimenti di ricerca. 6. La qualità della vita professionale di chi lavora con i richiedenti asilo: Compassion Staisfaction, Burnout e Secondary Traumatic Stress negli operatori dell'accoglienza In Italia negli ultimi anni sono stati strutturati Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria per rispondere ai bisogni primari e secondari dei richiedenti asilo approdati sulle coste mediterranee. A seguito dell'apertura dei CAS, sul territorio nazionale si è formato un nuovo corpo professionale, i professionisti dell'accoglienza. Poiché inizialmente non è stata richiesta una formazione specifica in base al contesto e agli obiettivi posti, il loro profilo professionale derivava tendenzialmente dai diversi percorsi formativi e lavorativi precedenti. Considerando il mandato istituzionale del loro lavoro, quale favorire l'accoglienza e una completa presa in carico dei richiedenti asilo, i professionisti dell'accoglienza sono quotidianamente coinvolti nella relazione con gli accolti ed esposti ai racconti traumatici o ai sintomi agiti di questi. Infatti, i richiedenti asilo sono persone spesso profondamente traumatizzate dalle esperienze passate, dal viaggio, ma anche disorientate e impreparate per la complessa esperienza dell'accoglienza e dell'integrazione. Questo aspetto del lavoro con i richiedenti asilo può influenzare il clima e la qualità della vita professionale dei professionisti dell'accoglienza. Infatti, come nelle altre professioni d'aiuto continuamente esposte a eventi stressanti o traumatici, anche nel lavoro di cura e accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo è alto il rischio di sviluppare i sintomi negativi associati al burnout e al trauma vicario. Sebbene, negli ultimi venti anni, la qualità della vita professionale sia stata ampiamente approfondita in diversi settori, non risultano studi che esplorino questo tema tra i professionisti del settore dell'accoglienza. In questo studio è stato sottoposto il questionario ProQOL 5 ai professionisti dell'accoglienza dei Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria di Parma e provincia, attivamente coinvolti nella relazione d'aiuto con i richiedenti asilo, con lo scopo di definire lo stato di benessere psicosociale rispetto alla loro qualità di vita professionale. Anche se si è dimostrato che mediamente i professionisti dell'accoglienza riportano una buona soddisfazione nello svolgere il proprio lavoro, sono emersi tre profili. Il primo gruppo sembra esprimere soprattutto Burnout, il secondo gruppo una maggiore Compassion Satisfaction e il terzo gruppo un malessere evidente sia per il Burnout che per il Secondary Traumatic Stress. I dati ottenuti permettono di colmare parzialmente un vuoto nella letteratura di settore. Inoltre, la rilevanza dei dati spinge alla riflessione sulla possibilità di incoraggiare interventi efficaci di prevenzione e management delle organizzazioni, al fine di favorire il benessere psicosociale di questo corpo professionale emergente. 7. Essere professionisti dell'accoglienza: l'importanza di un uso consapevole del Se' nella relazione d'aiuto e la funzione del tutore di resilienza. All'interno dei CAS sono stati impiegati professionisti di differenti background formativi ed esperienziali. Appannaggio degli operatori è l'attivazione dei servizi interni ed esterni e il monitoraggio di tutte le fasi del progetto di accoglienza. La presa in carico si configurerebbe come una relazione d'aiuto possibile attraverso la compresenza di diversi aspetti di Sé. Chi lavora con i richiedenti asilo deve affrontare e gestire vissuti potenzialmente traumatici che influenzano il buon esito dell'intervento clinico-sociale. Nel favorire benessere psicologico nei beneficiari, gli operatori svolgono funzioni che richiamano quelle del tutore di resilienza. In questo studio si è esplorata la rappresentazione dei professionisti dell'accoglienza e la consapevolezza di Sé a partire dal loro punto di vista. Sono stati condotti tre focus group e le trascrizioni verbatim sono state analizzate secondo l'approccio IPA. Sono emersi tre aspetti del Sé (Sé personale, Sé professionale e Sé burocrate). Il Tempo e il Contesto sociale sono risultate possibili variabili che influenzano la relazione d'aiuto. Lo studio propone implicazioni di ricerche future e di policy. 8. Conclusioni Negli anni il sistema italiano dell'accoglienza si era ormai rodato e formalizzato su due principali dispositivi: il sistema SPRAR e i cosiddetti Centri di Accoglienza Straordinaria (CAS). Tuttavia, negli ultimi due anni, con il cosiddetto decreto Salvini (D.lg. 4/19/2018 n° 113), si è assistito ad un graduale ridimensionamento dei numeri degli accolti e ad una conseguente chiusura di strutture del sistema CAS. Pertanto, assume rilevanza e importanza capitalizzare le esperienze di accoglienza e comprenderne maggiormente le potenzialità e i limiti. Con la presente ricerca e le analisi delle pratiche d'accoglienza e delle progettualità messe in atto all'interno del sistema CAS sono emersi due risultati principali. Il primo risultato emerso è che i richiedenti asilo accolti abbiano consapevolezza delle risorse e dei fattori protettivi che hanno acquisito nell'arco di vita. Inoltre, si è evidenziata una forte e imprescindibile interdipendenza tra i vissuti psicologici, i bisogni e le risorse dei richiedenti asilo e la funzione relazionale dell'operatore dell'accoglienza. Dalla ricerca è emerso che il valore di tale interdipendenza, non essendo riconosciuto formalmente e quindi esplicitamente richiamato nelle norme e regolamentazioni, era dipeso da un reciproco riconoscimento dei richiedenti asilo accolti e degli operatori. Tuttavia, questa relazione, se opportunamente strutturata e formalizzata, può favorire la definizione di traiettorie di resilienza e il raggiungimento degli obiettivi di integrazione, autonomia e benessere psicosociale. Al momento in cui è stata condotta la ricerca, questi obiettivi erano parzialmente raggiunti. Infatti, sebbene nel sistema d'accoglienza i richiedenti asilo abbiano percepito di essere in un luogo sicuro e protetto e fossero generalmente soddisfatti dei servizi offerti, hanno riportato livelli medio-alti di disagio psicologico. Il valore traumatico delle loro esperienze di vita è stato esplorato e compreso nella sua diacronicità, in quanto i vissuti traumatici sono rintracciabili non solo durante il viaggio ma già nelle esperienze pre-migratorie. Le biografie dei richiedenti asilo sono segnate da profonde ferite, che spesso risalgono a perdite, lutti o tradimenti da parte delle figure significative dell'infanzia o della comunità allargata, fino a sentirsi espulsi dalle politiche disattente degli Stati d'appartenenza. Anche l'arrivo in Italia e l'inserimento nel sistema d'accoglienza comportano sfide esistenziali, che in alcuni casi arrivano a reiterare esperienze traumatiche passate. Nonostante questo, i richiedenti asilo hanno mostrato consapevolezza delle proprie risorse e dei fattori di protezione acquisiti già durante l'infanzia, attraverso le relazioni significative e di accudimento. Queste risorse hanno svolto una funzione di protezione e sostegno nel loro sforzo psicologico di fronteggiare e sopravvivere alle avversità incontrate in tutto l'arco di vita. Nonostante la loro consapevolezza e tenuto conto della permanenza relativamente lunga nel sistema d'accoglienza, è risultato che le esperienze traumatiche non trovano uno spazio adeguato di ascolto e di ri-significazione una volta inseriti nei progetti di accoglienza. Le caratteristiche strutturali e organizzative del sistema non sembrano favorire quell'incontro con l'Altro che può garantire la rielaborazione delle esperienze passate e riattribuire senso e agency alla propria vita, anche nella quotidianità. Al contrario, i richiedenti asilo sono consapevoli di ritrovarsi in una posizione di svantaggio rispetto al potere decisionale sui loro progetti di vita. Non sono coinvolti nelle scelte progettuali e non percepiscono una crescita personale nelle competenze e nelle capacità necessarie per rendersi autonomi. Tuttavia, i richiedenti asilo riconoscono negli operatori degli interlocutori diretti che svolgono un ruolo di congiunzione con la società ospitante. Nello svolgimento del proprio ruolo, gli operatori possono aprirsi ad un ascolto attivo di tutte le parti della biografia dei richiedenti asilo per costruire un rapporto di fiducia. Al fine di favorire la costruzione di tale rapporto, è importante che gli operatori nella loro pratica quotidiana mirino a riattribuire agency ai richiedenti asilo, coinvolgendoli nella progettazione individualizzata. Ciò favorirebbe la valorizzazione e l'attivazione delle risorse dei richiedenti asilo, l'instaurarsi di relazioni di fiducia che consentano la ricostruzione di significato delle proprie esperienze traumatiche di vita e la restituzione di una rappresentazione di Sé attiva e agente. In generale, si otterrebbe una maggiore adesione al progetto d'accoglienza. Inoltre, la valorizzazione della funzione relazionale degli operatori dell'accoglienza favorirebbe una maggiore qualità di vita professionale. I professionisti avrebbero così la possibilità di riconoscere e far riconoscere il proprio ruolo, che è stato profondamente messo in discussione dalla comunità e dalle politiche degli ultimi anni. Quindi, l'ascolto attivo, la riattribuzione di agency e l'esempio nella quotidianità da parte degli operatori favorirebbero il riconoscimento del loro ruolo come tutori di resilienza e promuoverebbero la definizione di traiettorie di resilienza. In questo modo si faciliterebbe il raggiungimento di uno stato di salute psicosociale nei richiedenti asilo. La legittimazione del ruolo funzionale della relazione tra i richiedenti asilo e gli operatori dell'accoglienza da parte del contesto sociale e istituzionale diventa un fattore necessario allo sviluppo di buone pratiche d'accoglienza e alla promozione di traiettorie di resilienza. 9. 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Annual Review Clinical Psychological, 7, 511–535. doi:10.1146/annurev-clinpsy-032210-104526 Cicchetti, D. (2013). Annual Research Review. Resilient functioning in maltreated children. Past, present and future perspectives. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 54(4), 402–422. doi:10.1111/j.1469-7610.2012.02608.x Cicchetti, D., & Garmezy, N. (1993). Prospects and promises in the study of resilience. Development and Psychopathology, 5, 497-502. doi:10.1017/S0954579400006118 Costa, P., & McCrae, R. (1980). Influence of extroversion and neuroticism on subjective wellbeing: Happy and unhappy people. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 38, 668-678. DOI:10.1037/0022-3514.38.4.668 Connell, J., & Barkham, M. (2007). CORE 10 user manual (versione 1.0). Centre for Psychological Service Research, CPSR Memo 1, University of Sheffield. Cyrulnik, B. (2001). Manifeste pour la résilience. Spirale, 18(2), 77-82. DOI 10.3917/spi.018.0077 Cyrulnik,B., & Malaguti, E. (2015). 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E-COMMUNICATION AND DIGITAL CONTENTS IN THE XXI CENTURY ART MUSEUMS Resumen:El artículo busca mostrar las nuevas maneras de operar y los tipos de relación con los públicos que han generado las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la web 2.0 en tres museos de arte ubicados en Madrid. El artículo parte con una reflexión teórica sobre la cultura y la comunicación digital hasta ejemplificar de qué manera los museos han hecho uso y han aprovechado estas nuevas posibilidades para sus fines didácticos y de comunicación. Palabras clave: Cultura digital, comunicación, web 2.0, TIC, museos de arte. Abstract:This article aims to show the operation processes and types of relationships with the public that have been generated by the new information technologies and the web 2.0 in three art museums located in Madrid. The article starts with a theorical reflection about culture and digital communication until it exemplifies the way in which museums have made use of this possibilities for their didactic purposes and communication strategies. Keywords: Digital culture, communication, web 2.0, TIC, art museums * * * * * 1. Cultura digital y nuevas tecnologías Las sociedades actuales están caracterizadas por los cambios acelerados, la globalización, las migraciones, los problemas ambientales, los avances tecnológicos, las nuevas dinámicas de comunicación, las nuevas maneras de relacionarse. Estas sociedades contemporáneas, en los últimos años han pasado a conocerse como "aldeas globales", y se han convertido en contextos cambiantes, condicionadas por trasformaciones que generan nuevas necesidades y exigen diferentes maneras de operar. En este marco, surge un nuevo paradigma: las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación, en donde se desarrollan otras maneras de acceso a la información dando paso a un nuevo tipo de comunicación: la cultura digital. La cultura digital es entendida como una nueva forma de relacionarse y generar conocimiento. Hugo Lewin (2014), señala que nos encontramos en la era de la comunicación digital o e-comunicación, en donde la cultura digital se posiciona en un espacio de intercambios simbólicos y el usuario se convierte en el eje de la comunicación. La cultura digital ofrece plataformas en donde la interrelación es participativa, los usuarios no solo consumen información sino que contribuyen a la construcción de la misma. Estas plataformas se han convertido es un espacio importante para el diálogo ya que "[…] presentan poderosos espacios en red para la (re)construcción de la vida social, en la cual las motivaciones sociales, políticas y culturales prevalecen frente a otras basadas en el mercado". (Aleksandra Uzelac, 2014:32). Las nuevas tecnologías han impactado notablemente en el estilo de vida de las personas, ampliando las maneras para acercarse a la información. El ámbito digital ha permitido acceder a la gente más fácilmente a la cultura, educación, salud, etc., convirtiéndose en un medio para relacionarse entre las personas y el mundo, facilitando las posibilidades de acceso a distintos ámbitos que hasta el momento no estaban disponibles para todos. Marco Urresti (2014), en su artículo "La comunicación digital y las políticas del Estado como intervención cultural", explica, refiriéndose a la cultura digital, que la realidad social actual está compuesta de circuitos informativos contenedores de mensajes para transmitir órdenes y disposiciones. Estos circuitos se convierten en recursos fundamentales para el funcionamiento de las distintas instancias que componen la realidad. Por otro lado, destaca el importante rol que han adquirido las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación en el entorno digital para la gestión de cualquier institución, ya que además del alcance que tienen, acortan las distancias territoriales, ahorran tiempo de trabajo, maximizan el rendimiento de las fuerzas productivas y abaratan costos. La cultura digital e internet han modificado los modos de comunicación entre las personas y las formas de acceso a la información, convirtiéndose en un importante medio de difusión de contenidos. Sin embargo, es importante mencionar que para el acceso y uso de toda la sociedad de estas herramientas es necesario poner en marcha políticas públicas para la creación de infraestructuras para el acceso y formación de las tecnologías para todos los sectores de la sociedad. La cultura digital puede estar orientada a ser un espacio de comunicación activo y participativo. Como señala Insa Alba (2009), para explotar todas las posibilidades que ofrecen las nuevas tecnologías es necesario implementar cuatro acciones para el desarrollo de las políticas de cultura digital: - La experimentación, para posibilitar a los creadores y agentes el acceso a las prácticas artísticas colectivas. - La producción discursiva, relacionada con creadores, gestores, público, (es necesario lograr una interacción entre todos, para mejorar la comprensión de los fenómenos y procesos artísticos). - La gestión a través de plataformas y redes para aumentar la participación de los públicos. - La divulgación tecnodigital, fundamentada sobre modelos de pensamiento crítico. En este sentido, visto el alcance de las nuevas tecnologías e internet a la hora de orientar gustos, opciones y valores, es importante recalcar el aporte de estos instrumentos como medio para la difusión de la diversidad cultural y el fomento del diálogo intercultural. Para fomentar la diversidad cultural en los contenidos digitales, según el informe de la UNESCO "Comunicación y contenidos digitales. Invertir en la diversidad cultural y en el diálogo intercultural", es necesario promover políticas que contribuyan al fomento del pluralismo y la libre circulación de ideas, aprovechando las posibilidades que ofrecen los nuevos medios y la participación de los usuarios. Así, es importante comprender que: Internet tiene potencial para apoyar la democracia comunicacional por medio de una serie de iniciativas culturales innovadoras que eluden las fuentes de información predominantes: el fomento de la identidad en el seno de las diásporas, el apoyo a estructuras que defienden los intereses de culturas minoritarias, comunidades en línea, grupos militantes y personas con intereses culturales comunes. (UNESCO, 2009:20) Este nuevo marco tecnológico no ha sido ajeno al mundo de la cultura que ha reconocido el impacto positivo de las nuevas tendencias de comunicación y se han ido adaptando a los nuevos códigos y hábitos de consumo en la red, aprovechando de esta manera la oportunidad para difundir sus contenidos, la información cultural, aumentar la participación del público en sus actividades y crear nuevas audiencias, otorgando a las nuevas tecnologías un papel importante en los procesos de producción y consumo cultural. Los contenidos digitales pueden contribuir a la diversidad cultural, para esto es necesario producir contenidos innovadores para garantizar la integración de la diversidad cultural en el sector cultural, ampliar el acceso y fomentar nuevas estrategias tanto de información como de comunicación y por último, obtener una representación equilibrada de las distintas partes de la sociedad. (UNESCO, 2014) La cultura digital e internet han ofrecido a las instituciones culturales la posibilidad de actuar como plataformas en donde los procesos de experimentación y producción son participativos, dando de esta manera la posibilidad de construir cultura de una manera colectiva. Insa Alba (2009), afirma que el verdadero reto de los gestores culturales al enfrentarse a la cultura digital consiste en "despertar una sensibilidad estética que desconecte para conectar" y tener la capacidad de transformar el espacio virtual a un espacio de aprendizaje y comunicación activo. Estas nuevas tecnologías además de haber cambiado la manera tradicional en que la cultura incide en la organización social y la experiencia artística, han sacado a la luz "[…] nuevos elementos de debate sobre aspectos que han estado en el centro de la definición de las políticas culturales contemporáneas, como son el acceso a la cultura y la participación cultural de la ciudadanía, los derechos culturales o la relación entre cultura, economía y sociedad". (Martínez, 2004: 3) Las instituciones culturales han tenido que adaptarse a este cambio de escenario, -resultado del desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías y la cultura digital-, y han ido incorporando nuevas estrategias institucionales intentando establecer un diálogo con los nuevos públicos y de esta manera responder a este nuevo paradigma. Este hecho se ha visto en una serie de acciones reflejadas en estrategias de participación, promoción, comunicación y difusión de actividades culturales o contenidos como son: la edición y publicación de páginas web, las redes sociales, los blogs, chats, listas de correo, el streaming, las visitas virtuales a colecciones y bibliotecas, las convocatorias para proyectos artísticos en red, los dispositivos móviles, las apps, el crowdfunding, entre otros, todos esos instrumentos brindan la posibilidad de interacción y ofrecen la posibilidad de acrecentar la experiencia del visitante y cubrir las necesidades del público contemporáneo. Hugo Lewin (2014) se refiere a cinco aspectos propuestos por Carlos Scolari que conforman la nueva comunicación: la digitalización de los productos culturales, la multimedialidad donde conviven en un mismo soporte medios y lenguajes, la navegación hipertextual, la reticularidad, es decir, una configuración muchos-a-muchos y por último a interactividad. Desde hace varias décadas, se ha visto una evolución de enfoques en el ámbito museológico. Los museos a lo largo de la historia se han ido adaptando a su entorno y este fenómeno no es ajeno a los nuevos contextos de la era digital. A partir de la década de los noventa, el museo se ha ido integrado al mundo digital y ha ido incorporado la tecnología como herramienta para cumplir sus objetivos de comunicación, difusión y acceso a sus contenidos a través de una serie de estrategias digitales. Las demandas del público contemporáneo han exigido a los museos generar nuevas identidades e integrarse al mundo global. En la actualidad, las nuevas tecnologías, internet y la web 2.0 han supuesto un cambio de paradigma dentro del ámbito museístico, los museos han incorporado estas nuevas estrategias virtuales y se han ido apoyando en plataformas de la web 2.0 como: flickr, youtube, vimeo, facebook, twitter, entre otros, para acceder más fácilmente al público, de esta manera asegurar una participación más activa y ofrecer una experiencia complementaria a la visita física. Las páginas web interactivas, las pantallas tecnológicas táctiles, la geolocalización, la realidad aumentada, los códigos QR, los podcast, las redes sociales, la digitalización de documentos, el crowdfunding, son estrategias que han conseguido que el museo traspase sus muros, convirtiéndolo en un lugar más social y dinámico. Con la innovación tecnológica y la web 2.0 las posibilidades de comunicación y de difusión del museo se multiplican, así como la participación del público para la interacción y la construcción de contenidos, en este sentido, la web 2.0 da la posibilidad al público además de la participación directa, generar información y ser parte del proceso informativo. Debido al alcance global y social de estas herramientas se han convertido en un medio fundamental para la comunicación, difusión de los contenidos y la participación de los públicos en los museos. Como explica Lewin: "los sistemas de comunicación actuales van más allá; aumentan la interconexión entre los usuarios y las posibilidades de modificar los objetos culturales". (2014:125) Las redes sociales reportan una serie de ventajas al sector cultural, permiten la participación directa de la sociedad civil y generan intercambios de contenidos, las instituciones culturales a través de las redes sociales pueden conocer mejor a sus usuarios, interactuar con ellos y a través de esta relación se puede obtener evaluaciones de su gestión, opiniones de las actividades propuestas, además se pueden obtener estadísticas. Las redes sociales son un tipo de marketing eficaz y mucho más económico que el tradicional, la información nos llega filtrada y a través de un "marketing de recomendación", tienen gran capacidad de convocatoria y movilización, contribuyen a una participación más accesible, incluso se han convertido en fuentes de financiación y micro-mecenazgo. El mantenimiento habitual de las redes sociales es una tarea fundamental, es importante crear una plataforma interactiva, novedosa y cercana con los usuarios para garantizar el éxito de las mismas. Uno de los problemas fundamentales a los que se enfrentan las instituciones culturales es la falta de asistencia del sector juvenil a sus actividades, en ese sentido, las redes sociales en la red constituyen una importante herramienta para atraer a las nuevas generaciones a los espacios culturales. Los museos se han ido adaptando paulatinamente a los cambios propuestos por la cultura digital e internet, varios de los museos más representativos del mundo han ido integrando la tecnología y los dispositivos para la difusión de sus contenidos. Además, han apostado por la creación de entornos de experiencia centrados en el público, direccionando su acción de acuerdo a los nuevos retos que requieren las nuevas tecnologías y las nuevas necesidades de los usuarios y públicos. Uno de los objetivos fundamentales de los museos es acercar sus contenidos a la sociedad, en ese sentido, la comunicación y difusión en el museo tiene una función primordial. Los museos en la actualidad enfocan la comunicación como parte principal en su estrategia organizativa, ellos han ido incorporando las nuevas tecnologías, internet y los nuevos modelos de relaciones para mejorar y lograr una comunicación directa con los públicos. Adaptarse a estos cambios no ha sido una tarea fácil, sin embargo; ya se han visto resultados positivos de los procesos de creación de comunidades culturales en los museos más representativos en el mundo, a través de redes como facebook, twiter, o youtube y de la incorporación de las nuevas tecnologías para la difusión de los contenidos del museo y el enriquecimiento de la visita del público. La razón fundamental para utilizar las redes sociales como estrategia comunicativa en los museos consiste en crear comunidades para compartir experiencias culturales y artísticas, como resultado de este proceso de interacción se pueden obtener "[…] dos efectos inmediatos: por una parte, compromiso y cercanía (engagement en la terminología del marketing) y por otra, difusión, más allá de lo que otros medios de comunicación son capaces de conseguir y a mucho menor precio". (De la Peña:2014:103). 1.1 Museos de arte, nuevas tecnologías y web 2.0 El Museo de Arte Contemporáneo Reina Sofía (MNCARS)[1] de Madrid constituye uno de los ejemplos paradigmáticos en cuanto a buenas prácticas en el uso los nuevos contenidos digitales, la estrategia de comunicación propuesta para las redes sociales y el uso de su página web como plataforma de distribución de los contenidos del Museo. El Museo Reina Sofía en lo que tiene que ver con el uso de las nuevas tecnologías y la presencia en la red ha planteado a través del Plan General de actuación 2014-2017, los siguientes objetivos y proyectos: - Dinamizar el diálogo entre el Museo y sus públicos a través de las tecnologías de la información y las comunicaciones, a través de la investigación y desarrollo de aplicaciones (apps) para dispositivos móviles y otras tecnologías de comunicación, que ofrezcan acceso a contenidos del Museo y el aumento de la presencia del Museo en las redes sociales y de su capacidad de interacción y expansión, desarrollo de programas online, web, y otras herramientas digitales. - Fomentar la edición y distribución digital de las publicaciones para ampliar y facilitar su difusión. - Desarrollar un programa de acción educativa para los diversos públicos con discapacidad, y mejora de la accesibilidad teniendo en cuenta los nuevos recursos tecnológicos. El Museo desde el 2004 con la aparición de las redes sociales ha buscado diversificar su acción online y responder a las necesidades de los usuarios y los nuevos públicos, obteniendo resultados positivos, en primer lugar ha logrado crear una potente comunidad en la red y en segundo lugar ha logrado un importante acercamiento e interacción con el público. Para el contacto en red con los usuarios el Museo utiliza las redes de facebook y twiter, a través de su cuenta propone las distintas actividades que organiza el museo, como inauguraciones de exposiciones, información sobre talleres, las conferencias se suelen transmitir en directo a través de twiter, de esta manera ofrece la posibilidad de producir un feedback entre el conferenciante, el público virtual y presencial. La cuenta de facebook del Museo, es una página activa, en donde se ofrece información y se debate sobre la actividad del Museo, la comunidad es participativa y se percibe una constante interrelación entre el público y la institución. La página cuenta con más de 37.000 seguidores. Además, el Museo usa las plataformas de twiter, delicious y flircks. Los nuevos canales de comunicación del museo han conseguido cubrir sus propósitos logrando establecer una plataforma virtual en donde convergen la comunicación y la participación activa del público. Esta comunicación interactiva y cercana se convierte en una ventaja para el Museo ya que el aporte de "Los nuevos sistemas de recomendación de contenidos culturales basados en la satisfacción real de anteriores visitas permitirán a los gestores culturales recomendar visitas de forma muy personalizada ya que conocerán las afinidades reales de sus clientes, así como el grado de satisfacción de las mismas". (Dosdoce.com Museos en la era digital, 2013:4) El Museo del Prado de Madrid[2] en su Plan estratégico 2013-2016, cuenta con el apartado "Prado online" en donde se proponen los lineamientos para el desarrollo de los recursos web y de los canales digitales del Museo. El Plan propone las líneas de actuación para el desarrollo de los canales y plataformas digitales para el cumplimiento de los siguientes objetivos: incrementar el conocimiento sobre la Colección y las actividades del Museo a través de internet; optimizar y facilitar el acceso online a contenidos e información sobre el Museo independientemente del lugar, dispositivo y plataforma de acceso y crear comunidad a través de las redes sociales participando en el diálogo actual sobre arte y museos. Las líneas de actuación se ejecutarán a partir de tres programas: el primero es el "Prado Web", consiste en incrementar el acceso, utilidad y conocimiento de la colección a través de su página web, para esto propone un nuevo diseño, estructura y funcionalidad de la página web a través de la reestructuración y ampliación de los contenidos del canal y la actualización tecnológica, otra propuesta dentro de este programa es la creación del nuevo website del canal Prado database por el cual se podrán acceder al catálogo actualizado y completo de la base de datos documentales de la colección del Museo; el segundo programa es el "Prado mobile" que tiene como objetivo la ampliación de la disponibilidad on line para el visitante y el usuario de contenidos multimedia. Una de las acciones prioritarias en este programa consiste en la creación de un programa para el desarrollo de las apps específicas para diferentes usos y públicos, diversos dispositivos y plataformas, el último programa propuesto es el "Prado. Redes Sociales", el programa tiene el objetivo de ampliar la presencia del museo en las redes sociales para ampliar la comunicación, cooperación e interacción del museo con los usuarios e instituciones interesadas. El Museo propone un plan de coordinación de las actividades de las distintas áreas del museo para los gestores de las redes sociales orientado a la difusión diaria de la actividad y los contenidos científicos y educativos de la institución y para promover la implicación de los usuarios con la institución por medio de concursos, encuentros on line, etc. Por último, el Museo del Prado hace la evaluación constante de la pertinencia en el uso de las redes sociales, el perfeccionamiento de las estrategias de comunicación on line y el monitoreo de las nuevas tendencias en redes sociales. El Museo del Prado tiene un apartado en su página web para el acceso directo a las páginas de las redes de facebook, twiter, instagran, pinterest, spotify y los canales rrss desde donde destaca las noticias más relevantes de las redes. De la Peña, explica en su artículo la importancia de las redes sociales para crear, financiar, impulsar y dar futuro a la cultura, al mismo tiempo señala sobre la creación de la cultura en las sociedades actuales que: La creación cultural ha de diseñarse tomando en cuenta esta nueva realidad, sabiendo que existe una cultura digital en la que confluir para encontrarse con su público más activo. Hay que abrir la cultura a esta nueva cultura digital y al mismo tiempo aprovechar lo que puede aportar y el ahorro que puede suponer en todo lo que suponga difusión. Hacerlo bien precisa de estrategia, de objetivos claros y de medición constante. (De la Peña, 2014:104). En cuanto a los contenidos digitales el Prado cuenta con la página web que potencia la interactividad directa y participativa con los usuarios y permite abarcar la actividad educativa, investigativa y científica el Museo, las aplicaciones para teléfonos celulares y tablets: La guía del Prado que proporciona información acerca de los contenidos del Museo y fomenta la interacividad. "Second cavas" que ofrece un estudio detallado de 14 obras en formato gigapixel de la colección del Museo, además ofrece radiografías e infrarrojos de los cuadros. Por último, tenemos a la aplicación "Photo Prado" es una aplicación de realidad aumentada que permite la realización de fotografías, el dispositivo reconoce puntos específicos y se crea una foto entre los visitantes y las obras, superando de esta manera los límites del Museo. Como hemos visto, además de las redes sociales los Museos se han decantado por incorporar a su estrategia de comunicación y educación las aplicaciones digitales para los dispositivos móviles conocidas como las "apps", disponibles por lo general para los smartphones y las tablets. Estos recursos se han convertido en una de las tendencias más importantes dentro de la comunicación y difusión del museo debido a las posibilidades que ofrecen para enriquecer la visita del público y por la facilidad que brindan para acceder a los contenidos desde cualquier parte del mundo. En los últimos años los museos se han ido posicionando como importantes espacios de cultura y aprendizaje, son espacios en los que han surgido proyectos que han significado verdaderas revoluciones didácticas. El área educativa de los Museos no ha desaprovechado la oportunidad que ofrecen los recursos digitales y la web, han surgido varios propuestas didácticas on line aportando varios proyectos educativos innovadores. Una iniciativa interesante para atraer la atención de los nuevos públicos de la red es a través de la gamificación, este es un recurso que toma los planteamientos de los juegos para involucrar a los usuarios, varios museos han realizado esta práctica con éxito, algunos de ellos han compartido los juegos en las redes sociales para acrecentar la difusión de la colección o las exposiciones temporales, el crecimiento de la comunidad y aumentar de interés de los "fans" por el mundo del arte. Existen varias propuestas del uso de este recurso en los museos españoles, el Museo del Prado cuenta con la sección llamada "Mi Prado", en este canal se pueden diseñar recorridos temáticos potenciado las cualidades curatoriales de los usuarios, de la misma manera están disponibles juegos que tienen el propósito de presentar las obras de colección a los usuarios a través de técnicas lúdicas. El Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza[3] de Madrid ha realizado una verdadera innovación tecnológica experimentando nuevas formas de transmitir conocimiento a través de las diferentes posibilidades que aportan las nuevas tecnologías e incorporado los recursos de la red y de la web 2.0 con fines educativos. En este sentido el Museo ha propuesto un programa de educación conocido como Educathyssen, es un proyecto del área de educación que cuenta con su propio espacio virtual, y a su vez está conectado con la página web principal. En esta página encontraremos los diferentes programas educativos y las acciones de apoyo interpretativo, divulgativo y de mediación entre el público y el Museo. El programa debido a su carácter innovador se ha convertido en uno de los referentes metodológicos en educación a nivel Iberoamericano. Educathyssen.org[4], es un portal que usa las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación como recurso educativo, está concebido como un espacio de reflexión y encuentro para el aprendizaje, el disfrute del arte y el intercambio del conocimiento de los contenidos del Museo a través de las nuevas tecnologías y las posibilidades que ofrece la red y los diferentes canales. En esta página web, que en si constituye un recurso didáctico, encontramos varios proyectos educativos que usan las tecnologías de la información y comunicación como medio y herramienta de apoyo para el aprendizaje, como son los juegos y los videos educativos e informativos. Dentro del área de los juegos tenemos a uno de los más importantes proyectos de la estrategia digital propuesta por el área de educación, se trata de Nubla, es un juego estudiado y cuidado metodológicamente por especialistas, con el propósito de desarrollar acciones educativas en torno a la tecnología y los videojuegos. El videojuego es un laboratorio de innovación que tiene el objetivo de potenciar la creatividad de los usuarios por medio del arte y de acercarlos al Museo a través de la tecnología. El juego consiste en descubrir el pasado y la relación con las obras de arte, de un personaje que vive en el interior de los cuadros a través de diferentes rompecabezas. Estos rompecabezas tienen que ver con conceptos como el arte, la conservación, en un contexto de diferentes disciplinas. El juego ha sido diseñado por un equipo multidisciplinar de jóvenes programadores, diseñadores, ilustradores, historiadores, entre otros. Cuenta con disponibilidad además de la web, para dispositivos móviles con apps compatibles para tablets y smartphones. Como recursos educativos, además del área de juegos podemos encontrar propuestas como: Viaje al Oeste, es un viaje interactivo protagonizado por pintores amantes de la aventura, especialmente los norteamericanos del siglo XIX, es una experiencia que a través de los relatos de los artistas nos permite conocer sus biografías y los mapas de contexto. Experiment now!, a través de la participación lúdica de los participantes da a conocer las obras más importantes del Museo y las exposiciones temporales a través de un punto de vista didáctico. Publicaciones educativas "Quiosco Thyssen", son publicaciones digitales con carácter educativo. Itinerarios artísticos: son cuatro itinerarios propuestos para conocer la evolución del espacio en la pintura y la historia de las técnicas artísticas. En cuanto a los recursos de la web 2.0 para la comunicación y difusión de las actividades, el Museo cuenta con un canal en youtube donde publica toda la información de las actividades en formato video, el registro fotográfico de todas las actividades del Museo se puede encontrar en la cuenta de flickr, la presencia en las redes sociales y en la web 2.0 la encontramos en el perfil de twiter y la cuenta de facebook, que es usada con carácter sobretodo informativo. Todos estos canales han tenido gran aceptación y cuentan con un número importante de participación en Iberoamérica. Como hemos visto, la cultura digital y las nuevas tecnologías ofrecen numerosas posibilidades para enriquecer la comunicación, la investigación y la educación en un museo. Los resultados de la investigación del equipo de Dosdoce.com realizado en el año 2013, "Los Museos en la era digital. Uso de nuevas tecnologías Antes, Durante y Después de visitar un museo, centro cultural o galería de arte", muestran que existe un alto porcentaje de acceso por parte del público a las redes sociales y a los dispositivos móviles antes de la exposición, sin embargo; el nivel va disminuyendo durante la visita y después de la visita los índices son bajos por lo que recomienda potenciar las actividades y propiciar la interacción para el momento y después de la exposición. Por otro lado, la investigación antes citada, sugiere una serie de acciones para optimizar el desarrollo de las estrategias de comunicación y difusión de las colecciones y actividades de los museos como establecer una retroalimentación entre las acciones analógicas y digitales para enriquecer la experiencia del visitante, relacionar la estrategia digital a la estrategia global de la organización y extenderse a todos los departamentos de la institución para la captación de nuevas audiencias. Por último destaca que tanto la experiencia virtual como la analógica se complementan mutuamente. Conclusión Los Museos se han ido adaptando a las posibilidades que brindan las nuevas tecnologías, además de lograr una integración de una comunidad para los fines del museo, han incorporado las tecnologías 2.0 como pilares fundamentales para el desarrollo de las estrategias de comunicación, difusión, educación e investigación de las instituciones. Las herramientas de las redes sociales y los recursos digitales han contribuido a lograr una participación del público más accesible y han permitido que la experiencia de la visita al museo se convierta en una interacción comunitaria. Varios estudios han constatado que el impacto del uso de las nuevas tecnologías y las redes sociales en los Museos ha sido positivo, por esta razón, consideramos que es importante adaptarse y hacer uso de las posibilidades que nos brindan las nuevas tecnologías y la web 2.0 pero sin perder la esencia del Museo. [1] Página web del Museo de Arte Contemporáneo Reina Sofía (España), disponible en: http://www.museoreinasofia.es/en[2] Página web del Museo del Prado (España), disponible en: https://www.museodelprado.es/en[3] Página web disponible en: http://www.museothyssen.org/thyssen/home[4] Página web disponible en: http://www.educathyssen.org/
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Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems
This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
The relationship between technological innovation processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is the most relevant aspect of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?
The main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states. The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge, science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.
From a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it is also a global phenomenon.
Nowadays, another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.
For the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.
For example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example, formulated.
How can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and (iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and bilateral relationships.
This ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".
For example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective that includes Lombardy. On the one hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g., Milan–Turin–Genoa).
Since political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge" (locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.
In the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system heuristically. For example, when analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?
A complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point, Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize when symbolically generalized.
Codes are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by specifying the why as an hypothesis. What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.
Against Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be translated into one another since interhuman communications are not operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market selection environments, but not among selection environments that are differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed over long periods of time.
How did you arrive where you currently work on?
I became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.
In the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The Challenge of Scientometrics had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?
For example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal, for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article. The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.
In evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative bibliometrics is even more recent.
In evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological) trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more) dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the configuration is optimal.
From such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in 1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or, in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of innovation.
What would you give as advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and global politics?
In general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that. Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages. If your background is political science, then take a minor in science & technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the status of what one can say in one or the other framework.
For example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as "modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.
In the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations) because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates in the political sphere.
What does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation systems"?
In 2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first published in Research Policy. Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China and Russia.
Several conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental statistics.
For the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected: Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise: We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most important.
In the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the "Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing, but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke" we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had become obsolete after 1990.
After studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally, we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a European system.
When Hungary came into the position to create a national innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally controlled system of innovations.
A similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague (Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands off the economy.
Actually, when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability of well-organized data of this national system.
We expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about "regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.
Can governments alter historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?
Let me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk (an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses, NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However, this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis if one had full data. We guess that the National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data. I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.
We analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China. From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Chongqing.
These four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this relationship.
The Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?
Referring more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.
As noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.
The Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration (collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.
Is there a connection between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?
One of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that knowledge intensive services (KIS) are not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or train station.
This is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state apparatuses.
In the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues –it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions in Moscow).
Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of innovation dynamics?
In The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for path-dependency and critical transitions.
In the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston. One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not matter anymore for a receiver.
Such a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of time.
Thus, my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead, incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.
Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters.
Literature and Related links:
Science & Technology Dynamics, University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR)
Leydesdorff, L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.
Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.
Leydesdorff, L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.
http://www.leydesdorff.net/
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0 0 1 4814 27442 School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg 228 64 32192 14.0
IntroducciónLas sucesivas crisis fiscales que han acontecido en la problemática historia económica argentina han sido causadas principalmente por dos situaciones: la existencia de una desmesurada confianza que generaba burbujas (como la "crisis de progreso" de 1890) o una irresuelta puja distributiva que generaba déficit fiscales insostenibles (por ejemplo, 1975, 1989, 2001).Este trabajo hace hincapié en la segunda situación e intenta argumentar el inicio de las pujas distributivas irresueltas en el juego de suma cero que prosiguió a la incipiente articulación del proceso de industrialización argentino en la década del 20'.En primer lugar, debemos argumentar el comienzo del proceso de industrialización en los 20', detallando las visiones contrapuestas. En segundo lugar, debemos discutir por qué este proceso habría supuesto un juego de suma cero. En tercer lugar, intentaremos demostrar por qué, asumiendo la existencia de un juego de suma cero, eso necesariamente devendría causa de la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos y, eventualmente, de las sucesivas crisis fiscales.Por ende, primero debemos introducir brevemente el debate sobre las condiciones del proceso de industrialización en Argentina.La década del 20 y el proceso de industrialización¿Hay una relación analítica entre el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y la sistemática presencia de crisis fiscales en la economía argentina? ¿Cuándo comienza el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y cuál es la relación entre ese juego y las sucesivas crisis fiscales argentinas? Este trabajo intenta marcar la existencia de una relación analítica entre la oposición campo-industria y la acentuada volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos.Si bien la literatura especializada había mencionado la década del 30' como el momento histórico donde se consolida la incipiente industria, contemporáneamente los historiadores han situado ese proceso mucho antes: según Fernando Rocchi, en la década final del siglo XIX pueden verse intentos de protección a industrias nacientes en el interior del país, como la vitivinícola en Mendoza y la caña de azúcar en Tucumán (1). Los grupos de interés se articulaban eficientemente para lograr cuotas y tarifas que impidieran el acceso al mercado doméstico de bienes producidos en el extranjero.Un trabajo muy influyente sobre el rol jugado por un proceso de industrialización tardío es "Las Etapas del Desarrollo Económico Argentino", donde Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman desarrollan la teoría de la "gran demora". ¿En que consiste? En la supuesta incapacidad de los policy makers en ver que se agotaba un (largo) modelo y ciclo económico, siendo necesario empezar a pensar una nueva manera de insertarse en una economía mundial que iniciaba un proceso de cambio. Para los autores, se había alcanzado la frontera de producción agrícola y se necesitaba pensar un nuevo país basado en el desarrollo de una política industrial específica. Sin embargo, esta posición tiene demasiados problemas. Por un lado, supone un análisis ex post de los acontecimientos. Es decir, Di Tella y Zymelman exponen la supuesta incapacidad de los dirigentes para realizar un cambio de política desde la perspectiva que les daba conocer el futuro. A su vez, la teoría de la "gran demora" no se cuestiona por qué no se podía profundizar la frontera de producción agrícola, asumiendo que efectivamente se hubiera alcanzado. ¿Qué había hecho que los 20' reflejaran un límite para la expansión agrícola? ¿Por qué la economía argentina no habría podido lograr nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector? (2).En cambio, Javier Villanueva critica la visión tradicional sobre el inicio de la industrialización en los 30´, producto de las dificultades que supuestamente habría generado la Gran Depresión. Según Villanueva, esa es una versión "olímpica", es decir, alejada del análisis detenido de los acontecimientos locales. El autor sostiene que la industria argentina había comenzado a despegar en los años 20´ como consecuencia de una incipiente política proteccionista. Villanueva considera acertada la implementación de este conjunto de políticas. Según Villanueva, "…puede observarse que la tasa de crecimiento de la actividad industrial es por lo menos igual o aun mayor para el periodo comprendido entre 1911-1929, que para el periodo 1929-1939…si lo que se somete a la observación es, no ya la tasa de crecimiento del sector mismo, sino de la participación porcentual en la producción total del país, las conclusiones son parecidas a las señaladas anteriormente…"(3).A su vez, sostiene que:Los datos del censo de 1946 sugieren la idea de que, en lo que se refiere a la creación de establecimientos industriales, con independencia de su tamaño, los años 20´ no resultaron menos fructíferos que los del 30´. En 1946 continuaban produciendo 9943 empresas de la cepa de 1926-1930 contra 9962 del periodo 1931-1935…La tasa de crecimiento más elevada de la inversión en el sector industrial corresponde a los años 1923-1929. Un examen de la inversión en equipos y maquinarias industrial contribuye a reafirmar lo expuesto en los párrafos anteriores: entre los años 1924 y 1930 se produce la más amplia inversión en el sector industrial hasta la segunda guerra mundial. (4)Podemos ver el siguiente cuadro elaborado por el autor:Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufactureroParticipación y aumento en la participación (1900 – 1950) Fuente: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 7.Por su parte, Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre ven en la política económica de los 20' un antecedente del peronismo pero con apertura, es decir, salarios reales altos, un desarrollo industrial incipiente y un sector agro-ganadero con menor peso relativo. Para los autores The 1920s are thus placed as a "missing link" in Argentine economic history: it is a period that does not seem to carry with it distinct features of its own, but rather tends to be depicted as either the proto-history of economic stagnation or the epilogue of open-economy development…The fact that import prices retained during the 1920s part of their gains of the previous decade, gave way to conditions that favoured a 'spontaneous' kind of protection; in contrast, high export prices in the 1940s presented peronism with an opportunity to seize resources and allocate them to the industrial sector. Whereas the radical administrations would not break ties with the past in terms of identifying exports as the growth engine, and would thus take an attitude of 'benign neglect' towards industry, the peronist creed had industrial development as one of its pillars -and so would finance subsidies to industries with the trade surplus. It was 'market driven' industrialisation that took place in the 1920s, as opposed to active pro-industrial policies in the 1940s." (5)A partir de estas distintas posiciones que reflejan los historiadores económicos, podemos ver que la década del 20' no es el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino pero sí deviene como el periodo donde, sin saberlo los actores, se estaba alcanzando un punto en que la continuación exitosa del histórico modelo agro exportador necesitaría de inversiones importantes para mantener su eficiencia económica. En este sentido, la articulación de un sector industrial con capacidad para capturar rentas devenía no sólo un problema para el sector agropecuario sino para la economía en su conjunto.El comienzo de un proceso de industrialización no necesariamente tiene que generar juegos de suma cero con otros actores. ¿Por qué ello habría ocurrido en Argentina y cuales han sido sus características peculiares?Oposición campo - industria y juegos de suma ceroA partir de los aportes de los historiadores económicos, podemos reformular el problema: la década del 20' no significa el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino, sin embargo, puede significar el comienzo del juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el incipiente sector industrial. ¿Cuándo se dan los juegos de suma cero? Cuando hay dos o mas actores con la suficiente capacidad para generar y mantener un marco institucional donde uno captura sistemáticamente la mayor eficiencia de otro. Es importante notar que lo analíticamente relevante no es la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la permanencia del mismo en el tiempo. Es decir, un problema atrae a analistas e historiadores no cuando sucede en un momento T1 sino cuando sigue sucediendo, sin solución de continuidad, en T2, T3, Tn. Así, lo que debemos responder es por qué se mantiene en el tiempo un marco donde un sector A es lo suficientemente productivo para ser sistemáticamente capturado y un sector B es lo suficientemente eficiente para capturar sistemáticamente a A.¿Por qué el juego de suma cero habría comenzado en los 20' y por que no había existido tal juego anteriormente? Como mencionamos, para la existencia de un juego de suma cero se necesitan al menos dos actores: uno que produzca los bienes que otro captura. Podemos pensar que antes de la década del 20' no estaban en la economía argentina suficientemente configurados los actores relevantes para la existencia de un juego de estas características. Es decir, el sector agropecuario expandía su producción y el mundo demandaba sus productos, mientras que por otro lado el sector industrial no era lo suficientemente articulado y poderoso como para capturar parte de las rentas agropecuarias. La década del 20 da comienzo a una particular economía política de la Argentina por la concatenación de estas características: 1) un sector agropecuario (relativamente) menos productivo que en el pasado, 2) un sector industrial en proceso de articulación y 3) una crisis en ciernes. ¿Cuál es la novedad analítica que nos provee la economía política de finales de los 20'? La existencia de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar la renta de un sector lo suficientemente productivo para ser capturado justo en el momento histórico donde acontecía una caída en la demanda de lo que producía dicho sector capturado y la economía mundial se adentraba en una Gran Depresión. ¿Es azarosa la aparición conjunta en el tiempo de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar y una economía que se avecinaba a la situación de un juego de suma cero? No necesariamente. Es posible que la mayor capacidad de captura se haya debido a la debilidad relativa que crecientemente mostraba el eficiente sector agropecuario argentino.El juego de suma cero que se avecinaba puede ser percibido en la siguiente definición de Gerchunoff y Llach:Mencionamos dos asimetrías. Una podría llamarse la asimetría sectorial; otra, la asimetría regional. La asimetría sectorial alude a la vasta brecha de productividad entre actividades primarias y secundarias. Como consecuencia de la escasa población y de la abundancia de tierra fértil (combinadas, al menos en un principio, con una mínima existencia de capital acumulado), la Argentina estuvo siempre muy bien preparada para producir alimentos. Esa ventaja absoluta para la elaboración de bienes primarios, resultado de la demografía y de la naturaleza, fue al mismo tiempo la fuente de la gran desventaja comparativa que siempre tuvo la Argentina para la producción industrial, que requería precisamente los factores menos abundantes, el trabajo y el capital. La relación entre abundancia de factores productivos y perfil productivo era visible para los observadores más agudos de la joven Argentina. Carlos Pellegrini presentaba en el Congreso de 1899 una versión rudimentaria del teorema Heckscher-Ohlin: "En la República Argentina es muy caro el capital y es muy cara la mano de obra, por ejemplo, mientras que hay otras naciones en que una y otra cosa son más baratas. En la República Argentina hay facilidades de otro orden, que no se encuentran en otros países. Una industria cualquiera que requiriera mucha mano de obra, sería una industria muy difícil de arraigar en la República Argentina, porque desde el principio tendría que luchar contra esta condición especial nuestra, que es la falta de mano de obra." (6) Podemos introducir la cuestión de la oposición campo-industria desde la perspectiva analítica que da la oposición campo-ciudad. Sostiene Varshney Ashutosh:A history of ideas on town-country struggles must start with the obvious fact that as economies develop and societies modernize, agriculture declines. Before the rise of industrial society, all societies were rural. If we look at the most industrialized societies of today, their agricultural sectors constitute less than five per cent of GDP. Contrariwise, in the poorest economies of the world, agriculture still accounts for anywhere between 30 to 65 per cent of GDP (World Bank, 1991: 208-9).(7)Así, si bien el autor se refiere a la problemática relación campo-ciudad en África, el desarrollo que hace nos sirve para Argentina:Using theories of collective action, Bates (1981) reformulated this argument. One can identify 3 steps in his argument. First, to extract resources for the treasury, city and industry, African states set prices that hurt the countryside. Second, by selectively distributing state largesse (subsidies and projects), African states divide up the countryside into supporters that benefit from state action and opponents who are deprived of state generosity, and are frequently punished. Such policy-induced splits pre-empt a united rural front. Third, independently of the divisive tactics of the state, rural collective action is difficult because (a) the agriculture sector is very large with each peasant having a small share of the product, and (b) it is dispersed, making communication difficult. The customary free-rider problem in such situations impedes collective action. Industry, on the other hand, is small and concentrated in the city, and the share of each producer in the market is large, making it worthwhile for each producer to organize."(8)A su vez, la asimétrica relación entre el campo y la industria depende en parte importante del grado de desarrollo de la economía en cuestión. Richard Peerlberg ha realizado una síntesis del problema en el American Journal of Agricultural Economics:Un excelente estudio para explicar por qué todos los países desarrollados tienden a proteger a los productores agropecuarios es un libro publicado por Anderson y Hayami. Los autores realizan una comparación de las variaciones nominales en la protección del sector agrícola (es decir, la ratio entre el precio interno y el externo) en 15 países, desarrollados y en vías de desarrollo, en el periodo 1955-80. Los autores encuentran que el 70% de estas variaciones en la protección nominal puede ser explicada, país por país, a través de la variación de los indicadores de urbanización e industrialización (indicadores como ratio tierra-trabajo y ratio productividad del trabajo agrícola versus productividad del trabajo industrial). Anderson y Hayami concluyen que, mas allá de la distintiva historia de un país, su cultura o instituciones, el nivel de protección para el sector agrícola tenderá a crecer junto a la industrialización, o más precisamente, cuando las ventajas comparativas de la agricultura decrecen. Así, en cuanto las ventajas comparativas se trasladan de la agricultura a la industria, el foco de la protección cambiará desde la industria a la agricultura. Anderson y Hayami estudian particularmente esta tendencia en Asia Oriental, donde países como Japón, Corea, y Taiwán han pasado dramáticamente de castigar impositivamente a proteger al agro, una vez que el rápido proceso de industrialización comenzó.(9)De la cita anterior surge un punto analítica y políticamente central para este trabajo: mientras en los países desarrollados la industrialización supuso un proceso donde se pasaba de castigar a proteger al sector agropecuario, la experiencia Argentina ha mostrado el camino inverso. El país "era desarrollado" cuando no se protegía al agro y comenzó a retrasarse (relativamente, en relación al ingreso per capita de los países ricos) cuando inició el supuesto proceso de industrialización. Es decir, este camino inverso refleja la asimétrica relación entre un sector agrícola altamente productivo y un sector industrial poco productivo. El siguiente gráfico refleja la decadencia relativa:Evolución relativa del ingreso por habitante de Argentina.Ingreso per cápita argentino como % del promedio entre Estados Unidos, Francia, Reino Unido, Italia, Alemania, Bélgica, Canadá, Australia, Nueva Zelanda y Brasil. Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad, Op. cit., 8.Juegos de suma cero y repetición de crisisDurante la crisis y post crisis de 1929 es cuando comienza a consolidarse el juego de suma cero que se institucionaliza en la estable puja distributiva que impone el primer peronismo. La influencia que la Gran Depresión ha tenido en la economía política de la Argentina no puede subestimarse. Tanto la Gran Depresión como el primer peronismo son variables centrales para entender por qué acontece una puja distributiva de baja calidad institucional, que se consolida en el tiempo independientemente de las sucesivas crisis fiscales que ayuda a provocar. Podemos ver los siguientes indicadores:La depresión del comercio argentino:exportaciones e importaciones durante la crisis Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto: Un siglo de políticas económicas argentinas (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998), 114. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto)¿Cuáles son las nuevas variables que aparecen con la Gran Depresión? La principal variable que genera la crisis es una ola proteccionista. Una segunda variable, relacionada con la primera, es la incipiente consolidación de la Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones (ISI), modelo económico-político que es institucionalizado por el primer peronismo. Una crisis puede tener la particularidad de generar incentivos económicos e institucionales anteriormente inexistentes. Sin embargo, lo relevante de la crisis del 29' para la economía política de la Argentina ha sido contribuir a generar nuevos incentivos que se fueron consolidando con las sucesivas crisis. Es decir, es un dato analítico inusual que las posteriores crisis fiscales hayan contribuido a institucionalizar un patrón de captura en vez de generar incentivos para al menos intentar modificar la economía política del estancamiento.La crisis del 29' nos provee también indicadores comparados:Un mundo en crisis:Caída máxima del producto en tiempos de la Depresión (%) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 119.Como mencionamos, podemos ver que la puja distributiva que comienza en el juego de suma cero de finales de los 20's se consolida durante el primer peronismo(10): Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003): Nominal Wage Index (IEERAL (1986) and Mundlak, Cavallo and Domenech (1989)) (De aquí en adelante: Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, A New Economic History of Argentina)La puja distributiva también queda reflejada en el Índice de Precios al Consumidor: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por otro lado, podemos ver como después de la Gran Depresión los salarios del sector agropecuario se recuperan en parte, para volver a caer con la llegada del primer peronismo. En cambio, los salarios del sector industrial permanecen en una meseta durante la Depresión, para alcanzar un aumento notable con la llegada del peronismo: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por último, es necesario mostrar la discriminación al campo que se consolida e institucionaliza con el primer peronismo:La discriminación al campo(Base 1925-1929 = 100) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 189.¿Por qué habría una relación entre el juego de suma cero planteado y la repetición de las crisis fiscales en Argentina? Como mencionamos, la década del 20 contribuyó a consolidar un proceso de industrialización de baja calidad. En ese marco, el problema no sólo era la mala calidad de la industrialización sino el momento histórico donde ello acontecía. Cuando más se necesitaban recursos para producir nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector agropecuario argentino, comenzaba una eficiente captura por parte de un nuevo actor. Esta sistemática captura puede ejemplificarse en la aparición de la Junta Nacional de Granos en 1935 y en las políticas distributivas implementadas por el primer peronismo(11). Sin embargo, aquí el punto analítico principal es que el juego de suma cero se institucionaliza con el primer peronismo, y las sucesivas crisis fiscales son incapaces de generar incentivos como para modificar la captura en marcha.A partir de la cita anterior de Astoney Vahsney, podemos pensar que la complejidad de la experiencia argentina se debe en parte a la existencia de un proceso de industrialización donde el perjudicado es el sector agropecuario y el protegido es precisamente un sector industrial con bajos índices de productividad. Siguiendo esta lógica, es posible ver que la mala calidad del proceso de industrialización argentino institucionaliza un marco estable de captura porque el sector eficiente es también el más atomizado políticamente. Así, las sucesivas crisis fiscales reflejan la existencia de una irresuelta puja distributiva. Esta particular economía política de la captura puede ayudarnos a articular una explicación sobre la estabilidad del estancamiento.El juego de suma cero supone la existencia de cierta ineficiencia económica y esta a su vez supone la posibilidad de un sector público que gasta por encima de sus ingresos. A su vez, eso genera una crisis. Sin embargo, esa crisis fiscal no necesariamente supone una cesación de pagos. Della Paolera, Irigoin y Bózzoli hacen hincapié en un punto analíticamente central: para ellos, los problemas de incumplimiento del sector público argentino no tienen que medirse sólo en relación al default de bonos de la deuda sino al default interno que significa la desvalorización de la moneda local debido a la inflación causada por la excesiva monetización. La impresión de moneda local es una deuda que el Estado contrae con sus ciudadanos y la monetización de los déficits es, para los autores, una manera de incumplir con las obligaciones asumidas. Es decir, no sólo se pueden violar los derechos de propiedad a través de la cesación de pagos de bonos de la deuda publica sino también a través de la cesación de pagos de hecho que significa la impresión de moneda que genera procesos inflacionarios. En palabras de los autores:As was the case prior to 1850s, currency issue was the ultimate recourse taken to meet the fiscal gap. This was the result of the government's capacity to influence the authorities in charge of monetary policymaking. Eventually, excessive monetary expansion led to inflation and allowed the government to repudiate some of its liabilities. Because inflation diminished the real value of money, the monetization of the fiscal deficit acted as a progressive expropriation of domestic currency held by private agents, i.e., it acted as an inflation tax. This permanent erosion in the purchasing power of the public's cash holdings had dramatic consequences. Over time, this repeatedly used device reached extreme proportions: on a percentage basis, increases in the fiscal deficit were often met one-for-one with increases in inflation tax…The use of monetization to finance persistent fiscal deficits was one of the main problems of the Argentine economy in the second half of the 20th century. (12)Las crisis económicas pueden reflejarse en incumplimientos en el pago de bonos pero también en el valor de la moneda local. El sector público argentino ha sistemáticamente monetizado sus déficits y generado así ganadores y perdedores. Sin embargo, lo destacable del proceso ha sido la dificultad para modificar el patrón de captura. Es decir, una pregunta central que debe responder la historia económica no es la existencia de una puja distributiva sino la irresuelta permanencia de la misma. En este trabajo hemos intentado marcar que esa irresuelta permanencia se ha debido en parte a la compleja e inusual relación dada en un país que elige para modernizarse depender de la eficiencia del sector agropecuario. A su vez, ello no sólo generó la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la estabilidad de ese juego. La razón de la estabilidad hay que buscarla en la lógica de la acción colectiva: el incipiente sector industrial no sólo era ineficiente económicamente sino que se encontraba en una relación de poder asimétrica y ventajosa con el crecientemente desarticulado sector agropecuario, situación que contribuyó a institucionalizar el juego de suma cero incluso ante la sucesión de crisis fiscales.Consideraciones finales¿En qué medida el incipiente proceso de industrialización en marcha en los años 20' potenció un juego de suma cero entre el campo y la industria y, al hacerlo, ha contribuido a generar diversos ciclos de expansión populista que, dado su volatilidad, ayudaron a consolidar un marco institucional de sucesivas crisis? Es decir, ¿potencian los juegos de suma cero la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos?En el presente trabajo hemos intentado marcar una relación entre el juego de suma cero del campo y la industria y la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos en Argentina a partir de la institucionalización de la captura. ¿Cuál ha sido la particularidad de la economía política de la Argentina? Posiblemente, que la captura ha sido estable debido a que el proceso de modernización supuso la protección para la industria y no para el campo. Esto hizo estable la captura y una captura estable devino en sucesivas crisis fiscales que, a su vez, no podían generar un cambio posterior en los incentivos institucionales.La volatilidad del ciclo económico argentino ha sido producto en parte de la mala calidad de la puja distributiva. Una puja distributiva es de mala calidad cuando se institucionaliza una captura de un actor sobre otro y las sucesivas crisis (de mayor o menor volatilidad) no pueden modificar los incentivos. Si bien podemos enumerar decenas de pujas distributivas que permanecen en la misma dinámica, sin solución de continuidad, debemos preguntarnos qué tiene de distintivo la puja que surge con el proceso de industrialización. Lo distintivo es la concatenación con la Gran Depresión y la necesidad de desarrollar importantes inversiones en un sector agropecuario que debía competir con un mundo crecientemente protegido pero competitivo. A su vez, la mala calidad de la industrialización argentina se concatena con una eficiente articulación política del sector urbano-industrial. Asimismo, el peronismo institucionaliza este mecanismo y hace que la puja distributiva que había nacido fuera de difícil modificación incluso después de sucesivas y profundas crisis fiscales. BibliografíaDella Paolera, Gerardo y Alan Taylor. A New Economic History of Argentina. EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003.Di Tella, Guido y Manuel Zymelman. Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967. Díaz Alejandro, Carlos. Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Horacio Aguirre. In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s. Mimeo. Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003. Gerchunoff, Pablo y Damián Antúnez. "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo." En Los Años Peronistas, Vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, 125-205. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Lucas Llach. El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto. Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas. Ved en Trono a la noble igualdad. Crecimiento, equidad y política económica en la Argentina, 1880-2003. Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003.Paarlberg, Robert. "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches." The American Journal of Agricultural Economics71 (diciembre 1989): 1157-1164. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.Rocchi, Fernando. Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the- Century Argentina. PhD dissertation. Santa Barbara: UC Santa Barbara, 1997.Varshney, Ashutosh. "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective." Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 3-22.Villanueva, Javier. "El origen de la industrialización argentina." Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 1-24. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar.NOTAS(1) Ver Fernando Rocchi, Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the-Century Argentina. Ph.D. dissertation (Santa Barbara: UC-Santa Barbara, 1997).(2) Ver Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman, Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967).(3) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Revista de Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 4. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar. (De aquí en adelante: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina").(4) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 6.(5) Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre, In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s.Mimeo (Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003), 1 y 20. El investigador Carlos Díaz Alejandro desacredita la posibilidad de la década del 20´ como un punto de inflexión. El historiador económico cubano demuestra que las tasas de crecimiento continuaban siendo elevadas y superiores a la tasa promedio de los países principales. Ver la clásica obra: Carlos Díaz Alejandro, Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970).(6) Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad. Crecimiento, Equidad y Política Económica en la Argentina: 1880-2003 (Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003), 3. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad).(7) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 7. (De aquí en adelante: Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective")(8) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Op. cit.: 7.(9) Robert Paarlberg, "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches," The American Journal of Agricultural Economics 71 (diciembre 1989): 1158. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.(10) Tomando en cuenta la mayor participación del sector industrial en el Producto Bruto Nacional, especificado anteriormente en el cuadro de Javier Villanueva titulado "Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufacturero".(11) Ver Pablo Gerchunoff y Damián Antúnez, "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo," en Los Años Peronistas, vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002).(12) Gerardo Della Paolera, María Alejandra Irigoin y Carlos G. Bózzoli, "Passing the buck: Monetary and fiscal policies," en A New Economic History of Argentina, ed. Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 72-73. A su vez, Della Paolera y Taylor desarrollan la relación entre moneda y baja calidad institucional en Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, Straining at the Anchor (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001). *Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina), maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Ha sido Profesora Adjunta en Historia Economica (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)
