Suchergebnisse

Also available via the World Wide Web as an Acrobat .pdf file (1.12 MB, 48 p.). ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 39-42).

Because of the severity of recent crises and the generalized intransigence to resolve their root causes, as well as the strong reaction of the international community in bringing aid and relief to those affected, humanitarian action has emerged as an important aspect of international relations. It is growing ever more evident that humanitarian action can have a profound and lasting impact on internal social/political cohesion and international order. In our era of globalization it is essential to recognize the importance of the concept of the international 'responsibility to protect,' as well as the integral relationship between humanitarian action and international order. The development of a broadly based international order inspired by humane values, such as freedom and solidarity, as well as a reversal of the fear of the Other, will be an essential part of international relations in the future. W. A. Butler

Large bodies of research examine why states construct and ratify international legal agreements, yet little research has investigated the conditions under which states are likely to go further and legislate international legal norms into their domestic laws. The question is important, because the creation and ratification of treaties are often not enough for them to work as they are designed to – the enforcement of international law today increasingly depends on states enacting domestic implementing legislation that incorporates international legal rules into their domestic laws. To investigate why they do so, I examine the conditions under which states worldwide have legislated one set of international legal norms into their domestic laws: criminal prohibitions against genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity – also known collectively as "atrocity crimes." Drawing on research on norm diffusion and professional communities in policymaking, I propose a new theory to explain the spread of these laws. In brief, I argue that the adoption of domestic anti-atrocity laws around the globe since World War II has largely been the result of choices made by technocratic legal experts who were appointed by governments to lead national criminal code reform projects. Though implementing international law has not motivated governments to initiate such reforms in the first place, legal experts have nonetheless used their delegated authority to codify norms – like anti-atrocity laws – that they believed embodied how a "modern" criminal code should look. To test this theory, I use a multi-method research design. First, using time-series statistical methods and an original dataset I constructed documenting the existence and timing of national criminal laws against genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity in every country in the world that has adopted them since World War II, I find strong support for my hypothesis that states that undertake wholesale reforms of their national criminal codes are more likely to adopt national anti-atrocity laws. Second, drawing on interviews and archival research in the field, I conduct an in-depth case study of a particularly puzzling case of atrocity criminalization – Guatemala in 1973 – and find strong support for the causal mechanisms I theorize to be underlying these statistical correlations.

Die Berufstätigkeit der Frau wird häufig als Grundlage der Gradmessung ihrer Emanzipation gesehen. Mit Hilfe eines theoretischen Modells wurde versucht, "emanzipatorische Hoffnungen" zu messen. Daten aus dem internationalen Zeitbudget-Projekt von 1965 bildeten die Grundlage. Vier Hauptkriterien wurden untersucht: Stellung im Beruf, Bildung, Fortbildung und Umgang der Freizeit außer Haus. Eine Familie wurde um so mehr als partnerschaftlich bewertet, je mehr die Funktionen der Versorgung und der Sozialisation nicht nur von der Frau, sondern auch vom Mann wahrgenommen wurden. Das Gesamtergebnis erbrachte, daß in allen Ländern die Frauen durchschnittlich eine niedrigere Stellung im Beruf haben als die Männer und daß ein deutlicher Ost-West-Unterschied nicht besteht. Insgesamt besteht auch im Hinblick auf Bildung keine Gleichstellung der Frauen mit den Männern. In allen Ländern nehmen Frauen weniger an der Fortbildung teil als Männer. Nach zusammenfassenden Indexwerten haben das höchste Maß an Gleichberechtigung die Frauen in den USA, das niedrigste die Frauen in Nordjugoslawien. Den höchsten Grad an Partnerschaftlichkeit der Familie weist die CSSR auf, den niedrigsten Peru. Als aufschlußreich erweist sich der wirtschaftlich-technische Entwicklungsstand eines Landes. Je höher er ist, um so höher ist der Grad an Gleichberechtigung und um so weniger besteht ein Gleichberechtigungsvorsprung der berufstätigen vor den nichtberufstätigen Frauen. Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung ist nun aber niedrig in denjenigen untersuchten Ländern, in denen ein großer Teil der Frauen berufstätig ist (UdSSR z.B.). Hier sehen die Autoren eine Erklärung für ihr Ergebnis, daß die höhere Berufstätigkeit der Frauen nicht mit größerer Gleichberechtigung einhergeht. (MW)

What has been the impact of Communism on the European scholarship of international law in the post-World War II period ? What are lingering differences today in the attitudes of scholars from West and East Europe twenty years after the end of the cold war? This paper, which is part of a series of country studies, is aimed at contributing to a reflection on these questions by focusing on Italy and Italian international law scholarship in the period 1945-1989. The research has covered the responses of Italian scholars to some of the major international crises triggered by Soviet Communism during the Cold War, the influence of Communist theories of international law on Italian doctrine, Communism as an object of study by Italian international law scholars, and the influence of Communism on the active political engagement of Italian scholars. Surprisingly, the conclusion is that such influence has been extremely limited, in spite of the profound impact of Communism on post World-War II Italian political and social life.

AbstractResearch Question/IssueWe examine the association between foreign institutional ownership and climate change disclosure quality from 2006 to 2018 across 34 countries. We find that firms with a higher level of foreign institutional ownership demonstrate better quality climate change disclosures, whereas domestic institutional ownership has immaterial impacts on such disclosures. We utilize a difference‐in‐differences (DiD) analysis using a firm's addition to the Morgan Stanley Capital International (MSCI) index as an exogenous shock to control for endogeneity. Our findings are robust to various other endogeneity controls. We also establish evidence on an indirect effect of climate change disclosure quality in mediating the positive association between foreign institutional investors and firm valuation.Research Findings/InsightsWe find that the positive association between foreign institutional ownership and climate change disclosure quality is more pronounced for (1) firms domiciled in stakeholder‐orientated countries, (2) firms domiciled in countries that adopt emission trading schemes, and (3) firms with a greater level of information asymmetry. Additionally, our results are more robust when foreign investors are domiciled in countries that care more about the environment.Theoretical/Academic ImplicationsOur study contributes to climate change disclosures, corporate governance, and international business literature by showing that foreign rather than domestic institutional investors contribute to improved corporate climate change disclosure quality in their portfolio firms.Practitioner/Policy ImplicationsOur study urges regulators to increase their market oversight, especially in firms with less foreign institutional ownership. This is required because such firms are prone to exhibiting poorer accountability for their climate risk management practices, and their disclosures are bereft of effective external monitoring mechanisms.

The relevance of the topic of the article is confirmed by the tendencies and dy-namics of the internal development of modern democratic states, the need for a comprehensive theoretical and legal study of the effectiveness of the practice of law in the mechanism of ensuring the constitutional rights of citizens. In the context of this, the aim of the article was to carry out a comprehensive comparative analysis of the legal regulation of practice of law in the territories of the Member States of the European Union and the Commonwealth of Independent States. The author's developments and conclusions resulting from scientific and legal research are summarised as follows: international and national law consolidates different approaches to the practice of law; the legal regulation of the process of entering into the profession of lawyer and the subsequent exercise of his lawyer's activity in the territory of the European Union has more detailed elaboration in the context of the realities of modern legal relations in comparison with Commonwealth of Independent States countries; a comparative analysis showed that a model of practice of law, regulated by the legislation of the French Republic, can be considered the most approximate to the idealistic.