Suchergebnisse

Emotions and feelings overwhelm mnemonic practices of any collective with traces of violence in its history. The violent history has become the means for the Iranian regime to regulate the nation's political consciousness. The regime formulates the political consciousness by way of politics of memory and enforcing a master narrative drawn from Shi'i history. I trace elicited emotions, within the war veterans' memoirs, to explain feelings and consciousness in the realm of situated bodies. By way of those emotions, the article outlines an anthropology of emotions that rejects universal codes of emotions and instead proposes following an embodied consciousness through emotions along with histories that evoke them. My argument broadens Sarah Ahmed's idea of history and emotions to arrive at the assemblage of mnemonic practices in post-war Iran and advocate a historically informed anthropology of emotions.

This paper, particularly, aims at showing the multi-dimensions of Iran- UAE dispute over the three Arab islands' issue: Greater and Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa, which were taken over by Iran within two phases: 1971 and 1992. Based on a critical, analytical, and legal methodology, this paper depicts the very multi-dimensions of such dispute through throwing light on the natural and human geography of these islands. Accordingly, this study attempts to highlight how Britain did help Iran to dominate these islands for the sake of the British interests. The paper also expounds, at length, the local stand against such dispute including the Arab and Islamic one, and the International one through denouncing, condemning, and boycotting Iran as well as urging it to diffuse the dispute. Such stand is based on testimonies and evidence refuted legally for both sides. It tackles the peaceful attempts to solve the dispute such as; the swift diplomatic and the bilateral negotiation methods through calling to bring the suit against Iran at the International Justice Court. The study suggests some recommendations to solve the dispute.

Background: Sulphur mustard (HD) is a lipophilic caustic alkylating vesicant (blister agent) that has mutagenic and carcinogenic effects. Among the studied perturbations are long-term genitourinary (GU) and fertility effects. Approximately 50,000 Iranian soldiers and civilians were exposed to HD during the Iraq-Iran war (1980-1989). This study questioned the wives of Iraq-Iran war veterans to determine the effects of male HD-exposure on pregnancy complications, adverse pregnancy outcomes, and secondary infertility.Methods: A retrospective, survey-based cohort study was conducted of wives of Iranian military veterans that survived HD-associated injuries while serving in Ahvaz, Iran during the Iraq-Iran war (1980-1989), as compared to non-exposed veterans serving concomitantly. Patients were identified from a database of injured veterans maintained by the Foundation of Martyrs and Veterans Affairs (Iran) via a systematic random sampling method utilizing a random number table. Using a validated questionnaire, collected data included: Demographics; type and severity of chemical injury; spouse's obstetric history (pregnancy number, duration, complications, and outcomes before and after spouse's chemical injury); and secondary infertility.Results: An increase in spontaneous abortion (P =.03), congenital anomalies (P 50 body surface area. No difference in stillbirth, premature birth, or low birth weight was observed.Conclusion: Exposure to HD in combat may have long-lasting fertility effects on soldiers and their spouses, including spontaneous abortion, congenital anomalies, and secondary infertility. Further investigation is needed into the long-term effects of HD exposure as well as methods to better protect soldiers. © 2020 World Association for Disaster and Emergency Medicine.

AbstractEarly nationalist thought in nineteenth‐century Iran emphasised the lost glories of the Zoroastrian pre‐Islamic past, which it held for a utopian society of refinement, progress, and power destroyed by the advent of Islam. This article aims to show the prominence of this archaistic movement in the early phase of Iranian nationalism by highlighting the impact of an Indian Parsi traveller named Manekji Limji Hataria on nationalist intellectuals. Because of his religious background as a Zoroastrian, Manekji came to be perceived as an emissary of Iran's Golden Age. Fully aware of the potential influence this perception granted him, Manekji endeavoured to disseminate neo‐Zoroastrian, pre‐Islamic‐centred, and frankly anti‐Arab/anti‐Islamic readings of history among intellectuals, and thus succeeded in having a disproportionate influence on the nationalist definition of Iranian history and identity.

Backgrounds and aims: Iran has 2.1 and 1.8 of its 15�64-year-old population living with illicit substance and opioid use disorders, respectively. To address these problems, Iran has been developing a large and multi-modality addiction treatment system, spanning the time before and after the Islamic Revolution. Methods: Iran's current drug treatment scene is a combination of services, ranging from medical/harm reduction services to punitive/criminal justice programs. Included in this array of services are drop-in centers providing low-threshold harm reduction services, such as distribution of sterile needles and syringes; opioid maintenance treatment clinics providing methadone, buprenorphine and opium tincture; and abstinence-based residential centers. We will review the evolution of this system in four phases. Results: In 1980, Iran's revolutionary government shut down all voluntary treatment programs and replaced them with residential correctional programs. The first shift in the addiction treatment policies came 15 years later after facing the negative consequences. Addiction is viewed as a disease, and new voluntary treatment centers offering non-agonist medications and psychosocial services were established. With an increased number of people who inject drugs and HIV/AIDS epidemics, in the second shift an extensive move towards harm reduction strategies and opioid-maintenance programs has been implemented to reduce HIV-related high-risk behavior. The emergence of a methamphetamine use crisis creating an increased number of socially marginalized addicted people resulted in public and political demands for stricter policies and ended in the third shift starting in 2010, with extended compulsory court-based residential programs. Currently, there is a new shift towards reducing the severity of criminal penalties for drug use/sales and promoting proposals for opium legalization. Conclusion: Iran's evolutionary experience in developing a large addiction treatment program in a complex combination of medical/harm reduction and punitive/criminal justice addiction treatment can be examined in its political, clinical and pragmatic context. © 2019 Society for the Study of Addiction

At the close of 1979, the United States encountered a critical need to realign its Middle East strategy in the wake of the capture of the American Embassy in Tehran by supporters of Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah R. Khomeini on November 4, and the subsequent deployment of Soviet troops in Afghanistan on December 25. Faced with the challenges presented by the Iranian and Afghan crises, the United States' analytical, intelligence, and military bodies navigated various resources in search of viable solutions.This study delves into the consideration of the Kurdish factor as a potential instrument in shaping the regional landscape. The National Security Council (NSC), State Department, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the US Department of Defense all scrutinized the Kurdish movement, evaluating its prospects for advancing American interests. Drawing from documents obtained from the State Department, National Security Council, and CIA, this article tracks the evolution of US policy concerning the Kurdish movement and its utility in realizing Washington's strategic objectives during the most critical phases of the Iran and Afghanistan crises.The analysis underscores the fundamental flaw in the initial evaluation of events in Afghanistan and Iran, misinterpreting them as a calculated move within a Soviet strategy to extend influence into the Persian Gulf region. This misconception was the primary cause of the Carter administration's failure in utilizing the Kurds as a counterforce against the Khomeini regime and its erroneous perceptions of the Iranian political regime's vulnerabilities. Inconsistencies in Washington's relationship with Tehran hindered the formulation of a coherent approach toward the Afghan-Iranian direction.

AbstractIn this paper, the outline of national guideline for gender‐sensitive post‐disaster needs assessment (PDNA) that was developed based on the experiences of 2019 Iran floods is presented. Accordingly, at first, the baseline information on female‐headed households, elderly, disabled women and the employment situation of females that should be collected before the disaster is introduced. Then, the mechanism for evaluation the effects and impacts of disasters on women and girls is presented. Finally, considering the recovery strategies, their needs in recovery and reconstruction are addressed. The results can be used in other countries to develop the gender‐sensitive PDNA guidelines.