Suchergebnisse

This paper presents a model comparing the optimal degree of asset class diversification abroadby a central bank and a sovereign wealth fund. We show that if the central bank manages itsforeign asset holdings in order to meet balance of payments needs, particularly in reducing theprobability of sudden stops in foreign capital inflows, it will place a high weight on holding saferforeign assets. In contrast, if the sovereign wealth fund, acting on behalf of the Treasury,maximizes the expected utility of a representative domestic agent, it will opt for relativelygreater holding of more risky foreign assets. We also show how the diversification differencesbetween the strategies of the bank and SWF is affected by the government's delegation ofresponsibilities and by various parameters of the economy, such as the volatility of equity returnsand the total amount of public foreign assets available for management.

Aus US-amerikanischer Sicht

Based on Presidential Instruction Number 3 of 2003 concerning National Policies and Strategies regarding E-government. Demand governments at various levels to take the necessary steps according to their respective duties, functions and authorities for the implementation of e-government development programs. To apply e-government in Sumenep Regency, the local government began to take steps in responding to the presidential decree issued by the central government by launching the g-online program. The g-online program is able to provide benefits to local government organizations in integrating public service systems. As technology and information are developing rapidly, government programs are undergoing renewal, with the birth of the smart city development program as a step towards strengthening the implementation of e-government in the regional government of Sumenep Regency. So this writing aims to answer how the influence of e-government in the construction of smart cities in Sumenep Regency. The method used in this research is an explanative descriptive method with the support of library or library data.

Although accession to the European Union created some expectations of change, an examination of party politics in the new member states of Central and Eastern Europe between 2004 and 2008 indicates that EU membership had only a limited impact on party organization and programmes across the region. Nonetheless, in the realm of party politics the EU acted as a constraint, a source of spill-over and a point of reference. Adapted from the source document.

Nigeria-China trade and investment relations are claimed to move to the advantage of China. Hence, the more their trade relation flourishes, the more Nigeria experiences trade deficits, and the more China records trade surpluses. In this scenario, Nigeria depends more on imports from China than China. That is why Nigerian market is overflowed with Chinese made products such as cell phones, television sets and so forth. The study examined how Nigeria-China relations impact on the manufacturing sector in Nigeria. The study employed secondary source of data collection and relied on 'content analysis' as a technique for data analysis. There has been recorded failure of Nigeria to compete favourably with China in terms of import and export of manufactured products. The manufacturing sector in Nigeria remains far behind to commensurately compete with China's. Over concentration on the oil sector is directly linked to over reliance of the Nigerian economy on oil sector. The study draws a paradigm shift from the argument that China relations with Nigeria is imperialistic, to a hypothesis that the failure of the Nigerian government to adequately reposition Nigerian manufacturing to a globally competitive status through research and development as well as human capacity building, is thus, mainly responsible. The disarticulated economic structures Nigeria is currently maintaining is less capable of guaranteeing the development of the manufacturing sector that can enjoy competitive advantages in the international markets. Policy actions that are geared towards human capacity building and provision of sustainable incentives to local investors are needed.

The China–Pakistan relation has historical underpinning. By establishing diplomatic relations in 1951, each passing decade has witnessed that China–Pakistan relations coalesce into a dependable friendship. This relationship has gone beyond the usual diplomatic and political comfortability transcending to a broad-based framework incorporating economics, trade and defence dimensions. In the given context, this paper is an empirical study aiming to examine the historical process in the gradual culmination of China–Pakistan relations into a broad-based partnership. It further evaluates the present nature of relationship between the two countries and the prospects it holds in the wake of changing world scenario. By primarily focusing on the secondary sources of data and interviewing key people from the decision-making circles, this paper argues that the China–Pakistan relation is deep-rooted in the history and the on-going collaboration between China and Pakistan in defence and economy is the natural evolution of their mutual ties.

By the time Prime Minister Abe Shinzo and President Park Geun-hye took office, Japan-South Korea relations were already experiencing a downturn over history issues and Lee Myung-bak's unprecedented presidential visit to the disputed islets of Dokdo/Takeshima. Park's refusal to hold a bilateral summit became the symbol of strained ties. Then on November 2, 2015 — 980 days after taking office — Park met Abe for bilateral talks in Seoul. On December 28, the two sides declared a rapprochement with an agreement supporting survivors of wartime brothels. Tensions worsened again during President Moon Jae-in's term (2017–2022), contradicting the narrative that leaders had turned relations around in late 2015. Yet the diplomatic relationship was not on a downward spiral. Japanese and Korean policymakers managed to put a floor under their interactions owing to three stabilizing mechanisms that operated during both the Park and Moon administrations. First, political elites practiced mutual restraint to limit vicious cycles of nationalist recriminations. Second, Tokyo and Seoul carefully calibrated policies toward Beijing while avoiding divergence from each other. Third, reassuring the United States about the cost-effectiveness of its alliances involved trilateral cooperation that also helped stabilize Japan-South Korea relations. (Pac Rev / GIGA)

Normative critiques of South-South relations assess the extent to which solidarity and cooperation are achieved among partner countries. However, they tend to overlook the role of inter-ethnic tensions in partnerships and the ways global South actors exercise agency in achieving cooperation. Transnational skilled migration between global South countries is an emerging context where South-South cooperation takes place. Using the case of Filipino skilled workers in Indian cities, this paper aims to ascertain the sort of tensions that characterise South-South relations and the manner in which actors work out cooperative partnerships. The concept of boundary work, a process of defining 'us' and 'them' and relating to others through a set of socio-cultural criteria (ASR 73:37-59, 2008), is deployed to analyse Filipino-Indian interactions in the workplace. Ethnographic data reveal that while ethnic moralities constitute boundaries and tensions between Filipino and Indian workers, they also become bases of affinity. Cooperation is achieved when Filipino and Indian participants engage in personal and mutually beneficial arrangements such as guru-student and patron-client relations. An ethic of reciprocity thus animates South-South cooperation. I conclude with some implications for global South partnerships.

The Ministry of Social Development of the Nation of Argentina, during the second government of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2009-2015), promulgated in its social policies a territorial orientation and principles of the social and solidarity economy. At the same time, it encouraged the participation of governments and universities in the different stages of public policy. These guidelines were embodied in the Social Income with Work Program - Argentina Trabaja (Prist - At). In this framework, we propose to characterize the relational dimension of social policy by analyzing the network of actors that make up the principle - In the relations between them in the local management space. The methodology has been classified qualitatively and includes information gathering techniques such as interviews, observation and analysis of official documents. ; El Ministerio de Desarrollo Social de la Nación de Argentina, durante el segundo gobierno de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2011–2015), promulgó en sus políticas sociales una orientación territorial y principios de la economía social y solidaria. A su vez, fomentó la participación de gobiernos subnacionales y universidades públicas en las diferentes etapas de la política pública. Dichos lineamientos, se plasmaron en el Programa Ingreso Social con Trabajo – Argentina Trabaja (Prist – At). En este marco, nos proponemos caracterizar la dimensión relacional de la política social analizando el entramado de actores que conforma el Prist - At y las relaciones entre ellos en el espacio local de gestión. La metodología utilizada es cualitativa e incluye diversas técnicas de recolección de información como entrevistas, observación y análisis de documentos oficiales.

AbstractThis paper questions the pertinence of the humanitarian aid localization agenda in Latin America, at least in the narrow sense embraced by the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit. Localized support has been the standard practice in the region for decades, thanks to at least two correlated factors: the Monroe Doctrine limiting intervention to the USA and regional efforts to resist such intervention. Instead, humanitarian action in the region is an example of a particular way of understating localization, mainly specialized support to specific issues, no distinction between humanitarian or development divisions, and coexistence of different response approaches, synthesizing international and local experiences that intermingle with community practices and traditions, under national government leadership. Governments, together with NGOs, civil protection, and other relevant actors from international cooperation and development, engage in crises based on a long-standing tradition of risk management at national and regional levels. Fears of abuses hidden behind the non-interference principle, human rights activism, and disaster risk management approaches to emergencies created a complex ecosystem for humanitarian localization.

This paper questions the pertinence of the humanitarian aid localization agenda in Latin America, at least in the narrow sense embraced by the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit. Localized support has been the standard practice in the region for decades, thanks to at least two correlated factors: the Monroe Doctrine limiting intervention to the USA and regional efforts to resist such intervention. Instead, humanitarian action in the region is an example of a particular way of understating localization, mainly specialized support to specific issues, no distinction between humanitarian or development divisions, and coexistence of different response approaches, synthesizing international and local experiences that intermingle with community practices and traditions, under national government leadership. Governments, together with NGOs, civil protection, and other relevant actors from international cooperation and development, engage in crises based on a long-standing tradition of risk management at national and regional levels. Fears of abuses hidden behind the non-interference principle, human rights activism, and disaster risk management approaches to emergencies created a complex ecosystem for humanitarian localization.

"Frankly, he had no use for the National Government. He feared the Conservative Party had been led astray by strange gods and had departed from its old ideals. This was how the Norfolk Chronicle summed up the speech of Colonel Thomas Purdy to a gathering of the North Norfolk Conservative Association in January 1935. The colonel was well known in the county. He had served as an officer in the Norfolk Regiment during the Great War, including as a company major with the men of the king's Sandringham estate who met their fate in Gallipoli. A lifelong Conservative and party activist, he had railed against the cross-party National government's 'un-Conservative' policies since the formation of that administration in 1931. Continued membership, he warned, amounted to self-destruction. He had most emphatically not, he said, become a Conservative in order to support coalition government, much less so one led since 1931 by a Labour prime minister. Ramsay MacDonald was a peace campaigner during the war and a socialist whose policies now included far-reaching reforms to the Indian constitution, a particular bugbear for Purdy"--

This study analyzes the multifaceted dynamics of Türkiye-India relations from 2000 to 2023, exploring their bilateral interactions across diplomatic, economic, scientific, and cultural spheres. It delves into both nations' foreign policy strategies, considering the historical context and evolving geopolitical landscapes. Despite historical tensions and differing stances on issues like Kashmir and Cyprus, the research highlights a trajectory of improving relations, particularly in economic engagements and cultural exchanges. The study underscores the influence of global shifts and internal political changes on their diplomatic approaches, with Türkiye's strategic pivot under the AK Party (since 2002) and India's assertive foreign policy under the BJP (since 2014) shaping their international postures. By examining trade patterns, institutional collaborations, and societal interactions, the article articulates a complex yet progressively cooperative relationship between Türkiye and India, pointing toward a future where economic diplomacy and mutual interests may further solidify their ties amid regional and global challenges.