Suchergebnisse

Growing municipal borrowing is not surprising today because not only municipalities but also the state itself borrows actively. We live in a period when the funds of EU are actively being absorbed, and according to regulations, in order to use these funds, it is necessary, albeit a small part, to add own funds. The borrowing requirement which exists at all levels of government is aggregated, and borrowed funds represent the total public debt. When the need arises, municipalities, like the state, can borrow financial resources, but their borrowing is more regulated than the state. The research problem. The annual public resources generated by municipalities represent only a small fraction of public finance flows circulating in state jurisdiction. The financial situation of municipalities is complicated due to the fact that insufficient funds are allocated from the state budget to ensure the performance of state-delegated functions. This article looks at the answers to questions of what are the reasons for municipal borrowing and what are the opportunities of growing borrowing to continue borrowing? The object of the researchis municipal debt. The purpose of the researchis to analyze municipal debt and borrowing as a phenomenon and to reveal the borrowing situation of Lithuanian municipalities. The statistical data of theDepartment of Statisticsto the Government of the Republic ofLithuania, the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Lithuania and the Association of Lithuanian Municipalities were used for the analysis. For the analysis of the municipal debt situation the budget income and expenditures of all sixty municipalities and municipal net annual borrowing were analyzed. Research period is 2005–2014.This choice of the research period allows to partially eliminate the influence of economic cyclicality, because this period covered rapid economic growth after Lithuania's accession to the European Union, a period of economic recession since 2008, and the last economic recovery period. Based on the analysis, municipal borrowing in Lithuania and other countries is strictly regulated with established borrowing limits and borrowing objectives, usually borrowing is in the domestic banking market for a long or short period. The reasons for borrowing are varied, but usually they are aimed at attracting additional investment by contributing to the borrowed funds of the municipality.In most cases, municipalities pay off in the implementation of EU structural funds projects, to which they themselves have to contribute. In 2013–2014, the debt for these projects amounted to about 50% of all municipal debts. Due to EU projects, debt grows in all municipalities. Another reason for borrowing is related to the increasing trend of municipal functions in Lithuania, although self-generated municipal income is decreasing. All this also becomes the reason for borrowing. The total debt of all municipalities in Lithuania, per capita, is increasing every year. During the analyzed period, this debt increased by 4.68 times. However, the municipal debt of Lithuania compared with the debt of municipalities of other EU countries shows that this debt is not high and has a potential for future growth. However, since 2014, the debt of Lithuanian municipalities, albeit insignificant, has been decreasing. Very similar debt is also in Estonia, slightly more in Latvia. The most indebted are the municipalities of France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom. The growing responsibilities of municipalities in Lithuania reflect the development of active regions, which invest heavily in infrastructure, community projects and economics, and therefore EU funds provide funding to municipalities in implementing targeted projects. On the basis of rules in Lithuania, in order to receive EU funds, the municipality must itself contribute with its own funds to the ongoing project. In such cases, the state gives the municipalities the right to increase their obligations. During the analyzed period, in comparison with the Lithuanian metropolitan municipalities, Vilnius city, Klaipeda City, and Kaunas City municipalities borrowed the most. It is considered that the high level of indebtedness of major cities of Lithuania is determined by both the desire to create an attractive and balanced environment for a large flow of people and business entities to live and work as well as implementation of a large and strategic state infrastructure projects. Borrowing is an inevitable macroeconomic process that can spur economic growth. If borrowed funds are diverted to productive investments and the level of debt does not endanger economic stability, municipalities could increase their debts, of course guaranteeing the repayment of debt in a timely manner. The problem arises when borrowed funds are used only for consumption or short-term projects, thus these funds do not generate the necessary income in order to timely repay the debt, therefore the situation becomes difficult without the additional state financial support. This scientific article is funded by the Research Council of Lithuania according to the project "The evaluation of municipalities' fiscal competitiveness in the context of economic growth" (2015–2018), registration No. MIP-013/2015.

В статті досліджено сутність та роль лобізму в інституціональному середовищі, особливості українського лобізму, його вплив на стан економічних процесів. Лобізм (від англ. — «кулуари») — термін, що позначає розгалужену систему контор і агентств монополій або організованих груп при законодавчих органах, що чинять тиск (аж до підкупу) на законодавців і чиновників з метою ухвалення рішень (певних законопроектів, отримання урядових замовлень, субсидій) на користь організацій, що представляються ними. Метою статті є обгрунтування механізму формування цивілізованої моделі українського лобізму. Лобізм у різних формах існує в кожній державі. В Україні він асоціюється з тіньовими формами взаємодії влади і бізнесу й часто є найбільш ефективним і єдиним в нинішніх умовах способом домогтися реалізації групових цілей. Феномен лобізму неоднозначно відображається суспільною свідомістю — від позитивного до негативного сприйняття. З одного боку в Україні відбуваються інтенсивні процеси інституціоналізації груп інтересів, артикуляції й боротьби за їх реалізацію, що в свою чергу об'єктивує феномен лобіювання цих інтересів. З іншого боку термін «лобізм» асоціюється з поняттям протекціонізму, підкупу державних службовців і депутатів, коли спостерігається «ототожнення механізму лобіювання як сукупності силових методів і корупційних дій для досягнення мети». Виходячи з політичної, економічної, соціо-культурної ситуації, яка склалася на сьогоднішній день в Україні, дослідження лобізму, як своєрідного політичного механізму ухвалення рішень, має величезне теоретичне, практичне та прогностичне значення. Тим самим вивчення основних факторів, способів, моделей і механізмів лобіювання в політичній сфері життя українського суспільства сьогодні стає особливо актуальним. Розвиток інститутів громадянського суспільства завжди повинен супроводжуватися включенням їх в процес вироблення та прийняття політикоуправлінських рішень. Це можливе за умови функціонування цивілізованого лобізму у державі. Однак в Україні на сьогоднішній день такий феномен не набув інституціоналізованого характеру, тому що представляє протирічливу, складну, багатофункціональну систему, що розвивається одночасно в сферах тіньової і публічної політики. Запроваджуючи «рамкові» умови функціонування інституції «лобізм», потрібно враховувати його можливі переваги й недоліки. ; The essence and role of lobbying in the institutional environment, specifics of ukrainian lobbying and its influence on the state of economical processes are researched in this article. Lobbying — a term that denotes the ramified system of the offices and monopoly agencies or organized groups under the legislation that put pressure (up to bribes) on the legislators and officials with the purpose of making decisions (certain bills, acquiring government orders, subsidies) in favor of organizations represented by them. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the mechanism of formation of a civilized model of Ukrainian lobbying. Lobbying exists in every country in various forms. In Ukraine it is associated with shadow forms of interaction between government and business and frequently is the most effective and in current conditions the only way to achieve the realization of group goals. The phenomenon of lobbying is displayed ambiguous by the public consciousness — from positive to negative perception. On one hand, intensive processes of institutionalising groups of interest, articulation and struggle for their realization are happening in Ukraine which in turn objectifies the phenomenon of lobbying for these interests. On the other hand the term "lobbying" is associated with the term of protectionism and bribing government officials and deputies when "identification of lobbying mechanism as totality of force methods and corrupt actions for achieving the goal" is observed. Based on the political, economical and socio-cultural situation that formed in Ukraine at present the research of lobbying as a peculiar political mechanism of decision making has a huge theoretical, practical and prognostic value. Thus the study of main factors, ways, models and mechanisms of lobbying in the political area of the ukrainian society's life becomes especially relevant at present. The development of the civil society's institutes should be always accompanied by including them in the process of making decisions regarding political management. This is possible provided the functioning of civilised lobbying in the country. However such a phenomenon has not acquired institutional nature in Ukraine for today because it represents a contradictory, complicated and multifunctional system that is developing in the areas of shade and public politics at the same time. Introducing the "frame" conditions of functioning of the "lobbying" institution, its possible advantages and disadvantages need to be considered.

In conditions of establishing market relations and development of integration processes, efficient functioning of agrarian complex of the Republic of Belarus requires searching for new mechanisms and methods to improve competitiveness. As experience of economically developed countries of the world shows, states and producers actively use diverse logistic solutions, models, strategies and methods for planning and arranging activities. Organization of resource support for agricultural producers and promotion of their products in market according to logistics principles results in a significant economic, social and environmental effect. The paper, in the context of the modern period, presents social and economic indicators of the transport and logistics sector, system of state regulation, structural characteristics of logistics centers, agricultural foreign trade and logistics infrastructure. The main factors were identified hindering development of agrologistics in Belarus. Organizational and economic mechanism has been developed for improving logistical activities at the interstate (EAEU) and national levels have been developed. In case of proposal to create a single agrologistics market of Eurasian Economic Union at the interstate level, it is planned to increase efficiency of the national agrologistics market on the national level based on expansion of logistics infrastructure. Via integration of several prediction methods (expert assessments (pessimistic, optimistic and probabilistic opinions), economic and mathematical (extrapolation, time series analysis), non-standard (verbal information)), a reasonable forecast of development of logistics centers of the Republic of Belarus until 2025 was made. The issues in the paper are of interest for preparation of draft state programs and strategies in the field of agrologistics and development of exchange activities, development of country position in implementation of the agreed agro-industrial policy of the EAEU Member States.Acknowledgments. The study was performed within the framework of the following research programs and assignments: State program of scientific research "Quality and efficiency of agro-industrial production" for 2016–2020, subprogram 1 "Economics of agro-industrial complex", task 1.3 "Study of theoretical and methodological basis for efficient functioning of the national food system, improvement of foreign economic activity of agro-industrial complex, methods and mechanisms of management for agricultural products quality in the context of deepening regional and international integration " for 2016–2018; State Research and Technical Program "Agropromkompleks-2020" for 2016–2020, subprogram "Agropromkompleks – efficiency and quality", task 1.1 "Develop a system of scientifically substantiated recommendations ensuring sustainable and efficient functioning of the national food market, foreign trade policy of the agro-industrial complex of Belarus, forming of mechanism of state regulation of agricultural products quality in the context of development of the world trade and economic space" for 2016–2018. ; В условиях становления рыночных отношений и развития интеграционных процессов эффективное функционирование аграрного комплекса Республики Беларусь требует поиска новых механизмов и методов повышения конкурентоспособности. Как показывает опыт экономически развитых стран мира, государства и их товаропроизводители активно используют разнообразные логистические приемы, модели, стратегии и методы при планировании и организации деятельности. Организация ресурсного обеспечения сельхозпроизводителей и продвижения их продукции на рынок на принципах логистики дает значительный экономический, социальный и экологический эффект. В статье в разрезе современного периода представлены социально-экономические показатели развития транспортно-логистического сектора, система государственного регулирования, структурная характеристика логистических центров, аграрной внешнеторговой и логистической инфраструктуры. Выделены основные факторы, сдерживающие развитие агрологистики в Беларуси, для решения которых разработан организационно-экономический механизм совершенствования логистической деятельности на межгосударственном (ЕАЭС) и национальном уровнях. Если на межгосударственном уровне предлагается создание единого агрологистического рынка Евразийского экономического союза, то на национальном предусматривается повышение эффективности функционирования национального агрологистического рынка на основе расширения логистической инфраструктуры. С помощью интеграции нескольких методов прогнозирования (экспертных оценок (метод пессимистических, оптимистических и вероятностных мнений), экономико-математических (экстраполяция, анализ временных рядов), нестандартных (вербальная информация)) выполнен обоснованный прогноз развития логистических центров Республики Беларусь до 2025 г. Раскрытые в статье вопросы представляют интерес при подготовке проектов государственных программ и стратегий в области агрологистики и развития биржевой деятельности, выработке страновой позиции при реализации согласованной агропромышленной политики государств – членов ЕАЭС. Благодарности. Исследование выполнено в контексте следующих научных программ и заданий: государственная программа научных исследований «Качество и эффективность агропромышленного производства» на 2016–2020 гг., подпрограмма 1 «Экономика АПК», задание 1.3 «Исследование теоретико-методологических основ эффективного функционирования национальной продовольственной системы, совершенствования внешнеэкономической деятельности агропромышленного комплекса, методов и механизмов управления качеством сельскохозяйственной продукции в условиях углубления региональной и международной интеграции» на 2016–2018 гг., государственная научно-техническая программа «Агропромкомплекс–2020» на 2016–2020 гг., подпрограмма «Агропромкомплекс – эффективность и качество», задание 1.1 «Разработать систему научно обоснованных рекомендаций, обеспечивающих устойчивое и эффективное функционирование национального продовольственного рынка, внешнеторговой политики АПК Беларуси, формирование механизма государственного регулирования качества сельскохозяйственной продукции в условиях развития мирового торгово-экономического пространства» на 2016–2018 гг.

Clean air is a basic requirement of life (World Health Organization, 2010). The Indoor Air Quality (IAQ) has been the object of several studies due to an increasing concern within the scientific community on the effects of indoor air quality upon health, especially as people tend to spend more time indoors than outdoors (Franck et al., 2011; Canha et al., 2010; WHO, 2010; Environmental Protection Agency, 2010; Saliba et al., 2009; Fraga et al., 2008; Fromme et al., 2007; Guo et al., 2004; Kosonen, 2004; Lee et al., 2002a; Lee et al., 2002b; Carrer et al., 2002; Lee et al., 2001; Li et al., 2001; Wilson & Spengler, 1996; Allen & Miguel, 1995; Jenkins et al., 1992; WHO, n.d.). The quality of air inside homes, offices, schools or other private and public buildings is an essential determinant of healthy life and people's well-being (WHO, 2010). People can be exposed to contaminants by inhalation, ingestion and dermal contact. In the past, scientists have paid much attention to the study of exposure to outdoor air contaminants, because they have realised the seriousness of outdoor air pollution problems. However, each indoor microenvironment has unique characteristics, determined by the local outdoor air, specific building characteristics and indoor activities (Pegas et al, 2010). Indeed, hazardous substances are emitted from buildings, construction materials and indoor equipment or due to human activities indoors (WHO, 2010; Carrer et al., 2002). Reports about buildings with air-related problems have received increasing attention since the 1970s (Spengler & Sexton, 1983; Hodgson, 1992). In an indoor environment, dust on floors and other surfaces contains minerals, metals, fibres from textiles, paper, and insulation material, particles from tobacco smoke, including polycyclic aromatic compounds (PAH's). For this reason, the indoor environment is cleaned to maintain an acceptable level of perceived cleanliness, to prevent surface degradation, to control potential risk of infection from microorganisms, and to control dust exposure in general (Wolkoff et al., 1998). All of these pollutants could cause significant damage to health globally (WHO, 2010).The IAQ in school buildings is expected to be a key role player in the assessment of the effects of the children personal exposure to air pollution as children spend at least a third of their time inside school buildings, that is, approximately seven or more hours a day in school (Almeida et al., 2010; EPA, 2010; Pegas et al., 2010; Wheeler et al., 2009; Ramachandran et al., 2005). Poor IAQ can affect scholarly performance and attendance (Daisey et al. 2003; Godoi et al. 2009). Hence, several studies about air quality in schools have recently been published (Goyal & Khare, 2009; Tippayawong et al., 2009; Fraga et al., 2008; Fromme et al., 2007; Hwang et al., 2006). Environmental asthma triggers commonly found in school buildings include respiratory viruses; cockroaches and other pests; mold resulting from excess moisture in the building; dander from animals in the classroom; and dander brought on the clothing from animals at home. Second-hand smoke and dust mites are other known environmental asthma triggers found in schools. Children with asthma may be affected by other pollutants from sources inside schools, such as unvented stoves or heaters and common products including chemicals, cleaning agents, perfumes, pesticides and sprays. Indoor Air Quality problems in schools may be even more serious than in other categories of buildings, due to higher occupant density and insufficient outside air supply, aggravated by frequent poor construction and/or maintenance of school buildings (Pegas et al., 2010). Schools are seen as particularly likely to have environmental deficiencies because chronic shortages of funding contribute to inadequate operation and maintenance of facilities (Mendell & Heath, 2005). Previous studies showed the poor indoor environmental quality at schools may be explained by: (1) insufficient ventilation in schools, specially in winter, (2) infrequently and not thoroughly cleaned indoor surfaces, and (3) a large number of students in relation to room area and volume, with constant re-suspension of particles from room surfaces (Janssen et al., 1999). Children constitute a sensitive group with higher risk than adults (Stranger et al., 2007a) because children are particularly vulnerable to pollutants due to their undeveloped airways (Stranger et al., 2007a; Mendell et al., 2005). Moreover, children have greater susceptibility to some environmental pollutants than adults, because they breathe higher volumes of air relative to their body weights and their tissues and organs are actively growing (Mendell & Heath, 2005). The effects of air pollution on children have been growing (Khan et al., 2007) and one of the consequences is the increase of the prevalence of allergic rhinitis (ISAAC, 1998). The chemical and microbiological parameters required by the Portuguese Legislation for IAQ monitoring purposes are: carbon dioxide (CO2), carbon monoxide (CO), ozone (O3), formaldehyde (HCHO), volatiles organic compound (VOCs), bacteria and fungi (DL n.º 79/2006).

Freiwilligenarbeit spielt in der Schweiz wie in vergleichbaren Ländern eine wichtige Rolle für Nonprofit- und öffentliche Organisationen. Betroffen sind die Anbieter von Freiwilligenarbeit vom gesellschaftlichen Wertewandel, den Herausforderungen der Globalisierung, den Chancen und Risiken neuer Technologien, dem Umgang mit demographischen und bildungspolitischen Entwicklungen, mit konkreten Auswirkungen auf die Arbeitstätigkeit der Freiwilligen. Die zunehmende Spezialisierung der Freiwilligenarbeit erfordert zusätzliche Investitionen in Aus- und Weiterbildungsmöglichkeiten, differenzierte Formen der Anerkennung und neue Karrieremuster. Ebenso zeichnet sich eine zunehmende Formalisierung in den personalen und sozialen Rahmenbedingungen ab, mit denen die Anbieter von Freiwilligenarbeit konfrontiert sind. Diese Trends belasten in erster Linie die personal- und finanzschwächeren Organisationen mit limitierten Ressourcen und Wissenspotenzialen. Während die Bedeutung der Freiwilligenarbeit für Gesellschaft, Wirtschaft und NPO gut dokumentiert ist, insbesondere anlässlich des UNO-Jahres der Freiwilligen und der Studien in dessen Folge, geben nur wenige Studien detailliert Auskunft über das Management von Freiwilligen. Da der Begriff Freiwilligenmanagement ebenso unklar und unerforscht ist wie die benötigten Werkzeuge und Instrumente, Strategien und Ansätze und die sich ergebenden Konsequenzen, wird auch die Frage der Relevanz eines Managements von Freiwilligen in der Literatur kontrovers diskutiert. Erste Recherchen brachten Quellen zu Tage, die sich mit unterschiedlichen Aspekten des Managements von NPO befassen. In grossem Umfang liegt Literatur vor zu Organisation, Marketing und Unternehmensführung. Spezifische Publikationen, die sich ganzheitlich mit der systematischen Führung von Freiwilligen befassen, sind dünn gesät. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass sich NPO zunehmend mit einer Professionalisierung der Freiwilligenarbeit auseinandersetzen müssen, besteht hier ein Defizit an theoretischer und praxisorientierter Literatur. Grundsätzlich lässt sich erkennen, dass sich die Wissenschaft allgemein schwer tut, quantitativ- empirische Erkenntnisse über NPO zu gewinnen, da die staatlichen Kontrollen und damit auch die gesetzliche Datenerfassung häufig ungenügend sind. Bis anhin existiert für die Schweiz kein Gesamtbild darüber, wie Freiwilligenmanagement praktiziert wird. Grundsätzlich kann man davon ausgehen, dass NPO den Einsatz von Freiwilligen bewusst führen und managen. Allerdings stützen sie sich dabei eher auf praktische Erfahrung als auf systematisiertes Managementwissen. Angesichts der vorgefundenen Forschungsdefizite möchte die vorliegende Arbeit helfen, das Gesamtverständnis über das Freiwilligenmanagement zu verbessern, sowohl hinsichtlich der vorliegenden Praxis als auch der dazugehörigen Personalpolitik. Im engeren Fokus stehen Notwendigkeit und Entwicklung des Freiwilligenmanagements innerhalb Schweizer NPO und die Frage, wieweit Freiwilligenmanagement relevant ist im Kontext unbezahlter Arbeit sowie die Identifikation relevanter Einflussgrössen. Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, basierend auf einer Bestandsaufnahme des Freiwilligenmanagements in NPO der Schweiz, einen Überblick zu vermitteln zum Verständnis der Rolle des Freiwilligenmanagements im Kontext der Organisation und der unterschiedlichen Ausprägungen insbesondere der personalen Arbeit innerhalb der unterschiedlichen Typen von NPO. Es wird versucht, verschiedene Ansätze des Freiwilligen-managements zu qualifizieren und grössenklassen-adäquate Empfehlungen zu geben für die Gestaltung effizienter und effektiver Einsätze des Freiwilligenmanagements im Sinne des Auftrags der NPO. Darüber hinaus steht die Entwicklung eines Praxisführers an. Abschliessend wird im engeren Kontext der Arbeit auf offene Forschungsfragen hingewiesen. ; The work done by volunteers in Switzerland as well as in comparable countries plays an important role for non-profit and public organisations. Those organisations that have volunteer work to offer are feeling very definite effects on the work being done by their volunteers as a result of the shift in values which is taking place within society, the challenges being posed by globalisation, the chances and risks associated with new technologies and how developments in demographic and educational policy are being dealt with. The increasing specialisation that the volunteer work now demands, requires additional investment in training and further training possibilities, differentiated forms of recognition and new career models. An increasing formalisation of the personnel and social framework conditions has also begun to emerge with which volunteer work has to deal with. These trends first and foremost affect those organisations that have significant personnel, financial and resource limitations as well as a shortfall in resources and expertise. While the importance of voluntary work for the society in general, the economy and NPOs is well documented – in particular on the occasion of the UNs International Year of Volunteers and the studies that followed as a result – only very few studies offer any detailed information on the management of volunteers. Because the term volunteer management is as unclear and unresearched as the tools and instruments, strategies and approaches, as well as the consequences that arise as a result, the question with respect to the relevance of managing volunteers is critically discussed in the literature. Initial research brought sources to light that dealt with the different aspects of NPO management. There is a lot of literature available relating to the topics organisation, marketing and company management. Specific publications that deal entirely with the systematic management of volunteers are few and far between. As a consequence of the fact that NPOs are increasingly being required to react and come to terms with the increasing professionalization of the volunteer work, a deficit when it comes to theoretical and practically-orientated literature has arisen. One thing is certainly clear, scientific academia has found it hard to acquire quantitative-empirical knowledge on NPOs because the state controls, and as a result, the legal collection of data is often insufficient. Until now, no overall picture detailing how the management of volunteers is practiced exists for Switzerland. One thing that can be readily assumed is that NPOs consciously guide and manage the volunteers when in deployment. In such cases however, they rely far more on their practical experience than on systematic management knowledge. In view of the deficiency in the research carried out, this paper is to contribute to the betterment of the overall understanding of managing volunteers, both in terms of the practical experience available as well as the human resources management which goes hand-in-hand with this. The necessity and development of volunteer management within Swiss NPOs and the question as to what extent volunteer management is relevant within the context of unpaid work as well as the identification of relevant influencing variables will be subjected to closer scrutiny. Based on a survey of the volunteer management in NPOs in Switzerland, it is the goal of this paper to present an overview of the role played by volunteer management within the context of the organisation, and the different characteristics of the work, particularly the work with volunteers, carried out by the different types of NPOs. The attempt to qualify the different approaches to volunteer management is undertaken and recommendations suitable for small- to large-scale implementation with respect to the structuring of efficient and effective implementation of volunteer management in keeping with the objective of the NPO are put forward. The development of a practical guidebook is also being planned. In the conclusion of this paper, reference will be made to open research.

A military policy was and remains important direction of activity of political subject. There are two gnosiological platforms of understanding of essence sources and rich in content parameters of military policy. Part of researchers considers this variety of policy a constituent above all things public policy, directed on application of facilities of the armed violence for the sake of realization of national aims. Other research workers diffuse a military policy for limits actually the states, providing with military-political thought political parties, public associations, other structures of civil society and even anti-gov- ernment forces.The amount of presidential republics on post-soviet political space arrives at nine (Azerbaijan, Byelorussia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kirghizia, Russia, Tadjikistan, Turk- menistan, Uzbekistan), mixed (parlamentary-presidential, presidential-parlamentary, especially parliamentary) – to six (Georgia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Ukraine). To the unpresidential republics of the CIS the peculiar combined method of forming of military policy which combines it state and non-state constituents. Presidential («super- presidential») republics saved tradition of state (presidential) determination of military policy with the minimum account of non-state sources of its producing and even them complete ignoring. The presidential republics of the CIS, as a rule, chosen military orga- nization as instituter basis of power protection of political process. Creation the sector of safety and defensive removes western (democratic) approaches on questions making and practical realization of military policy. The unpresidential republics of the CIS are inclined to consider this sector institutionally basis armed power to influence on social realities.The military policy of Russian Federation both independent nation-state has as inte- gration and individual lines which considerably differ from its collective initiatives. By the collective organ of countries of the CIS, to initiator RF and built in accordance with the Kremlin understanding of questions of safety and defensive on post-soviet space, there is Organization of agreement about collective security or Tashkent pact, created in 15.05.1992. Parallel from strengthens the own (state selfish) variant of military policy, independent of post-soviet allies these RF. The evolution of conceptual principles of military-political thought of RF, reflected in the Russian military doctrines certifies about it. The evolution of military doctrines of Russia in essence forms the picture of it imperial expansions in a post-soviet period.In 1991 Ukraine took advantage of possibility of reorganization the fragment of So- viet Army in Military Powers of Ukraine, giving here up a soviet nuclear inheritance. The years of independence were witnessed by an inconsistence and even utopia of separate military-political sketches, executed different political commands. Beginning from 2014, Ukraine appeared pulled in in the armed opposition with the Russian army and reparative groupmates which are actively supported Kremlin. The armed answer of Ukraine to ad- dress the Russian troops, which allowed to stop their advancement to Ukrainian territory, became possible due to the total actions of the state armed forming and armed structures of civil society.Decisive resistance of the state armed forming and volunteer tactical units was stopped Russian expansion, however created the mechanisms of returning of the lost territories, proceeding in tangible assets, social resources, and also reliable guaranteeing of strategic prospects of Ukraine, deprived Russian interference. Ukraine appeared before the neces- sity of creation on principle of new model of military policy, the key signs of which must become euro Atlantic integration, creation modern the sector of safety and defensive, complete disclaimer of soviet inheritance. Thus have a situation of transformation of military policy of countries of the CIS after the followings scenarios: collective providing of military safety by entering into NATO (countries of Baltic); situation adaptation to Rus- sian influences (countries of ODKB); complete or partial ignoring of Russian interests in an attempt to protect an own geostrategic choice (Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan); proclamation of neutrality (Turkmenistan). Dispersion military and political trajectories of former Soviet republics does not hope for their reintegration into coherent military- security structure. ; Раскрыты особенности формирования военной политики странами СНГ. До- казана разница между президентским и парламентским подходами относительно развития военно-политической сферы государства. Указано на специфику военной политики России, направленной на обеспечение регионального и глобального доми- нирования. Аргументирована необходимость продолжения военно-политических преобразований в Украине на демократических принципах. ; Розкрито особливості формування воєнної політики країнами СНД. Доведено різницю між президентським та парламентським підходами щодо розвитку воєнно- політичної сфери держави. Вказано на специфіку воєнної політики Росії, спрямо- ваної на забезпечення регіонального та глобального домінування. Аргументовано необхідність продовження воєнно-політичних перетворень в Україні на демокра- тичних засадах.

This has been an unusually tough year. The SARS-CoV-2, severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2, emerged in January 2020. The World Health Organization announced "covid-19" as the name of this new disease on 11 February 2020 while the world kept looking to China. Within weeks, the virus managed to circumvent the globe and engulfed the world into a pandemic unlike any seen for generations (Platto et al. 2020). To date, more than 73 million people have been infected and some 1.6 million people have died according to the World Health Organization (WHO 2020).Science has been issuing warnings of looming pandemics for decades. "The single biggest threat to man's continued dominance on the planet is the virus." A punching quote from the Nobel laureate Joshua Lederberg in the 1990s. Previous epidemics and outbreaks like SARS in 2003, bird flu H5N1 in 2005, and Ebola (2014–2016), were alarm bells (Servigne et al. 2020). Yet, we went about our business ignoring those early warning signs. It seems that our immediate priorities are more pressing, our collective memory short and the Spanish flu—the last global pandemic caused by the HiN1 influenza that killed more than 50 million people or more than 2.5% of the World population, within the span of 2 years—too distant in time to create concern.The global society came to a quasi-standstill. Travelling dropped to almost zero during the first wave experienced in March and April this year. The skies were almost free of airplanes. Oceans free of boats. Streets almost empty. Many national borders closed. People forced to stay in their houses. Only Nature took a moment to breathe (Corlette et al. 2020). This situation of reduced human activities, coined "anthropause" by some scientists (Rutz et al. 2020, Stockstad 2020), led to dramatic drops in air pollution, and for example whales being seen in waters that usually are noisy and full of boats.Impacts of this ongoing pandemic are devastating on several levels. The tragic loss of so many human lives due to this new disease risks leading us forgetting about HIV, Malaria, Tuberculosis, and other diseases, causing annually millions of casualties. The Pandemic has battered the economy, disrupted supply chains and slowed international trade. It has disrupted the livelihoods of most of humanity. Many governments are struggling with the devastating economic costs. Already unlikely to be reached by 2030 before the pandemic, the Sustainable Development Goals now need to be carefully reassessed, as the pandemic's impacts likely further threaten many of the 169 SDGs targets (Naidoo and Fisher 2020).So far, Africa remains one of the least affected regions worldwide by the virus despite an announced disaster (Nordling 2020). In Madagascar, a scientific study carried out over nine months by the Institute Pasteur and the Ministry of Health suggests a covid-19 prevalence level of close to 40% (Tétaud and Spiegel 2020). This means considerable spreading of the virus within the population, which is trending towards a level experts would label as herd immunity (but see Fontanet and Cauchemez 2020). Madagascar has officially accounted for less than 300 deaths. Taking this number with a grain of salt, the reason may be found in its demographic profile: some 60% of 27 million inhabitants are of age 25 or younger, while the higher covid-19 risk groups (>55 years) comprise less than 10% of the population. Science still needs to find the answer to this question and many more (e.g., Nordling 2020, Zeberg and Pääbo 2020).A rare positive note emerging from this pandemic: Science emerges as a winner. Never in human history was the development of vaccines—a global race leading to some +150 candidates, some with >90% effectiveness—so fast and efficient. It took science less than 11 months from the discovery of this new virus to the distribution of the vaccines. This is truly remarkable and a result of international collaborations. Now that first candidates are already on the market, it remains to be seen how distribution of these vaccines will play out. How collaborative will human society actually be? Who will get a shot first? Who will have to pay for it and how much? More importantly, who will likely never get a chance to be vaccinated against covid-19? We refrain from conspiracies, but politics has shown in this spectral year of 2020, that, if anything, it can be extremely disruptive and divisive—take the USA as a sully example. To date, 7.48 billion vaccine doses have been pre-purchased. Some 40% may go to middle- and low-income countries that account for some 85% of the world population (So and Woo 2020). Nine out of 10 people from 67 low- and middle-income countries are set to miss out on the covid-19 vaccination in 2021. Madagascar is one of those (Oxfam 2020). Sadly, maybe herd immunity—through exposure to the virus, not vaccination—might be a more realistic strategy after all for some countries.A number of factors can come into play and potentially pave the way for the emergence of infectious diseases like covid-19. (1) The globe has become a village. Increased mobility allowed more than 4.5 billion passengers to fly in 2019. Within a day, one can hop around half the globe, and so can a virus. (2) Over half of the human population lives in urban areas. Increasingly high-density cities are an ideal habitat for a virus to jump from host to host. (3) Climate defines the biophysical boundaries that allow species or populations to thrive. Climate change—leading to increased temperatures, changing rainfall patterns, increased frequency of extreme weather events—are shifting these boundaries (Ceballos et al. 2020, Watsa et al. 2020) and laying grounds for vectors—insects, bats, people—and their diseases to spread and establish. (4) Digging deeper into natural habitats by ways of agricultural expansion, infrastructure, and wood extraction—to mention the most salient direct drivers of deforestation—are increasingly exposing humans to zoonotic diseases. Wildlife trade is yet another means to bring humans directly in contact with animals—while calls for bans only risk undermining their purpose (Roe et al. 2020)—potentially further opening the doors to viruses spreading (McCleery et al. 2020).A tough year to say the least. The years to come, however, will only become more challenging. While we will eventually overcome this pandemic, the virus will likely remain amongst us, similarly to the flu viruses. A global economic depression is looming and recovering from this will be a gargantuan task, while the pandemic may have revealed that our economic system is sick and not adapted to the survival of our species. The biggest threat to all life on Earth is already underway and will only grow in severity—the climate crisis. All in all, the perfect storm.

The article is aimed at presenting the selection process of candidates for MPs before the elections to the PRL Sejm of 1957. The analysis has been performed predominantly on the basis of numerous archival sources and the existing literature. The transformations of 1956 in Poland fostered the opportunity to reassign the Parliament the role it deserved, an aspect universally considered to be important in the process of liberalization of the political and government system. The coming election, based on the changed Electoral Law, were to open the path to the Sejm not only to persons nominated by the Party, but also to the representatives of circles less associated with the authorities. The United People's Party (ZSL) and the Alliance of Democrats (SD) also wanted to benefit from the circumstances, as they strove to widen the margin of their independence from the weakened PZPR. Meanwhile, the new Party leadership under Gomułka, aimed at restoring political balance, strove to maintain domination over the choice and selection of the contenders for the seats in the Sejm. Hence, they made efforts which, for the price of minor compromises, ensured that the PZPR played a decisive role in the final approval of candidate slates. The regulations introduced by the authorities, stipulated not only the procedure and mode of submitting candidates, but also the division of seats in the future Sejm, and imposed the so-called central candidates upon many districts. This, however could not quell thousands of initiatives throughout the country aimed at obtaining the desired representative in the Parliament. In this context, the activity by a large portion of the PRL citizens constituted not a mere result of the atmosphere of the 'political thaw', but rather a form of acting out the repressive realities of the preceding period, and the emerging social antagonisms. What lied at the root of those was oftentimes genuine care about the interests of all the various milieux, local communities, professional groups, organizations to a greater or lesser extent associated with authorities, as well as ethnic minorities. And even though spontaneously submitted candidacies, usually put forth during pre-election meetings, were doomed to fail, it nevertheless served as a proof that people had high hopes for the election and continued democratization of political relations. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie procesu wyłaniania kandydatów na posłów przed wyborami do Sejmu PRL z 1957 r. Analizy dokonano głównie na podstawie licznych źródeł archiwalnych oraz dotychczasowej literatury. Przemiany 1956 r. w Polsce stworzyły możliwości przywrócenia należnej roli parlamentowi, co powszechnie traktowano jako ważny element liberalizacji ustroju i systemu władzy. Nadchodzące wybory, oparte na zmienionej ordynacji, miały otwierać drogę do Sejmu już nie tylko partyjnym nominatom, ale także dać szansę reprezentantom środowisk mniej powiązanych z władzą. Sytuację taką planowały też wykorzystać Zjednoczone Stronnictwo Ludowe i Stronnictwo Demokratyczne, dążące do poszerzenia marginesu swojej niezależności wobec osłabionej PZPR. Tymczasem nowa ekipa przywódcza na czele z Gomułką, zorientowana na przywrócenie politycznej stabilizacji, zamierzała utrzymać hegemonię w doborze i selekcji pretendentów do ław poselskich. Podjęła więc działania, które, za cenę pewnych ustępstw, zapewniły PZPR decydującą rolę w ostatecznym zatwierdzaniu list kandydatów.Wprowadzone przez władze regulacje dotyczyły nie tylko sposobu i trybu zgłaszania kandydatur, ale ustalały też z góry podział miejsc w przyszłym Sejmie oraz narzucały w wielu okręgach tzw. kandydatury centralne. Nie zdołało to jednak stłumić tysięcy inicjatyw w całym kraju, których celem stało się posiadanie własnego przedstawiciela w parlamencie. W tym kontekście aktywność sporej części obywateli PRL była nie tylko skutkiem odwilżowego klimatu, formą odreagowania represywnej rzeczywistości poprzedniego okresu, czy też ujawniających się antagonizmów społecznych. U jej podłoża tkwiła często rzeczywista troska o interesy poszczególnych środowisk, społeczności lokalnych, grup zawodowych, organizacji mniej lub bardziej powiązanych z władzą oraz mniejszości narodowych. I choć spontaniczne wysuwanie kandydatów, odbywające się najczęściej w trakcie zebrań wyborczych, było z góry skazane na niepowodzenie, to jednak dowodziło, że z wyborami wiązano generalnie duże nadzieje na dalszą demokratyzację stosunków politycznych.

This article explores the issue of key reforms necessary for the full preparation of Ukraine to join the European Union. The key of concern regarding the territorial losses of Ukraine, which fell during the period of armed confrontation with Russian Federation and determine possible options for the future fate of these territories. Analyzed the activities of the countries of the "Normandy Four", as the most effective tool of NATO's diplomatic influence on Moscow in the context of resolving the situation in the East of Ukraine. Analyzed the historical forms of confrontation of the Nort-Atlantic Alliance with the Soviet Union, whose legal successor is currently the Russian Federation during the "Cold War". Considered the positive and negative aspects that occurred during the period and became the result of such hostility. The importanceof reforming the defense and security sector of the state in the context of armed aggression of Russian-terrorist troops in the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk regions is researched. The work of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, through the prism of the participation of its representatives in the activities of the special monitoring mission of the OSCE on the line of separation between the ATO/OS forces and the militants of the so-called "DNR" and "LNR". Promoting OSCE observers to prevent violations of the cease-fire regime, monitoring of shelling of mines prohibited by the Minsk accords, provision of humanitarian aid to the affectedpopulation of the country. Particular attention was paid to the political steps aimed at returning Ukraine to the Russian-occupied Autonomous Republic of Crimea. It is indicated for the role of the factor of international legal influence as an exclusive and united possibility of the Crimea's return to the status of Ukrainian territory by using the institutional mechanisms of international judicial instances whose jurisdiction is recognized by Russia ; У статті досліджується питання проведення ключових реформ, необхідних для повноцінної підготовки України до вступу в Європейський Союз. Розглянуто ключові проблемні питання стосовно територіальних втрат України, що припали на період збройного протистояння з РФ, та визначення можливих варіантів подальшої долі цих територій. Проаналізовано діяльність країн "Нормандської четвірки" як найбільш дієвого інструмента дипломатичного впливу НАТО на Москву в контексті врегулювання ситуації на Сході України. Проаналізовано попередні історичні форми протистояння Північноатлантичного Альянсу з Радянським Союзом, правонаступником якого на сьогодні є Російська Федерація, в період "холодної війни". Розглянуто позитивні і негативні сторони, що відбувались у цей період та стали наслідком такої ворожнечі. Досліджено значення реформування оборонного та безпекового секторів держави в контексті збройної агресії російсько-терористичних військ на території Донецької та Луганської областей. Охарактеризовано діяльність Організації з безпеки та співробітництва в Європі крізь призму участі її представників у діяльності спеціальної моніторингової місії ОБСЄ на лінії розмежування між силами АТО/ООС та бойовиками так званих "ДНР" і "ЛНР"; сприяння спостерігачів ОБСЄ недопущенню порушення режиму припинення вогню,моніторингу обстрілів із заборонених "Мінськими домовленостями" калібрів, надання гуманітарної допомоги місцевому населенню, що постраждало від обстрілів. Окрему увагу звернуто на політичні кроки, спрямовані на повернення Україною до свого складу окупованої росіянами Автономної Республіки Крим. Вказано на роль фактора міжнародно-правового впливу як виняткової та єдиної можливості повернення Криму в статус української території шляхом використання інституційних механізмів міжнародних судових інстанцій, юрисдикцію яких визнано Росією. Висвітлено окремі аспекти міжнародно-правової бази створеної з метою вирішення ситуацій пов'язаних з порушеннями територіальної цілісності держав внаслідок військових конфліктів. Зазначено про безальтернативність європейського вибору України, як показника прагнень українського народупозбутися "привиду" радянської минувшини, з поступовим перетворенням держави в гідного, повноправного члена європейського співтовариства. Опрацьовано матеріали досліджень науковців, що вивчають питання взаємодії України та НАТО, а також, вплив останнього на політичні процеси, що відбуваються в країнах-членах Альянсу та державах, які мають намір приєднатися до єдиної європейської колективної системи безпеки.

Recibido 4 de julio de 2013 • Corregido 8 de agosto de 2013 • Aceptado 15 de agosto de 2013El propósito de este trabajo es presentar: a) los esfuerzos históricos, organizacionales y legislativos que han contribuido al desarrollo de la profesión de consejería en rehabilitación, b) cómo estos esfuerzos han aportado al desarrollo de la identidad profesional de los consejeros y consejeras en rehabilitación y c) cómo estos acontecimientos han contribuido a expandir el desarrollo de programas y la prestación de servicios de calidad para las personas con necesidades especiales en Puerto Rico. A través de la historia oral y la revisión de bibliografía se reconoce la importancia de la creación de la legislación federal que promovió el primer programa de servicios para personas con necesidades especiales en los Estados Unidos y Puerto Rico. Estos mandatos legislativos también han promovido el desarrollo de la profesión de consejería en rehabilitación en el siglo XX y el desarrollo de las organizaciones profesionales determinantes en el establecimiento de la profesión. Se ilustra cómo, a finales de 1960 en Puerto Rico, la creación de la Asociación de Consejeros en Rehabilitación fue fundamental para la transformación de la profesión y la creación del Colegio de los Profesionales de la Consejería en Rehabilitación de Puerto Rico, a principios del siglo XXI, así como la contribución de un grupo de personas relacionadas con esta. Se presentan, además, los esfuerzos legislativos posteriores y la aprobación de nuevos mandatos, incluyendo la modificación de la Ley de Salud Mental de Puerto Rico para incorporar a este profesional entre los profesionales que prestan servicios a las personas con problemas de salud mental en el país. Después de esta revisión teórica e histórica se concluye que, si bien la profesión aún necesita más mercadeo, es una profesión de vanguardia que se ha ido actualizando con el tiempo, lo que garantiza el compromiso profesional de seguir ofreciendo servicios de calidad a las personas con necesidades especiales. ; The purpose of this paper is to explain a) the historical, organizational, and legislative efforts that have contributed to the development of the Rehabilitation Counseling profession, b) how these efforts have contributed to the development of the professional identity of the rehabilitation counselors and c) how these events have contributed to the development of programs and the provision of quality services to people with special needs in Puerto Rico. Through oral history and literature review, it is possible to recognize the importance of the establishment of the federal legislation that promoted the first program of services to people with special needs in the United States and Puerto Rico. Those legislative mandates have also promoted the development of the Rehabilitation Counseling profession in the 20th Century and the development of professional organizations that have been determinant for the professionalization. This paper illustrates how at the end of 1960, in Puerto Rico, the creation of the Rehabilitation Counselors Association (Asociación de Consejeros en Rehabilitación, ACER by its Spanish acronym) was critical for the transformation of the profession and for the creation of the Puerto Rico's Professional Society of Rehabilitation Counselors (Colegio Profesional de los Consejeros en Rehabilitación de Puerto Rico) at the beginning of the 21st Century. The study refers to the subsequent legislative efforts and the approval of new mandates as the amendment to the Puerto Rican Law of Mental Health made to include the Rehabilitation Counseling professionals among the professionals authorized to provide such services to people with mental health conditions in the country. After this theoretical historical review, it is concluded that although more marketing is required in terms of promoting the profession, this innovative profession has kept up-to-date over time, and that is a guarantee of the professional commitment to continue providing quality services to the persons with special needs.

Conflict is something that can not be separated in the process of management of the company. Conflict that managed well will be able to make a positive contribution to the business activities and the achievement of corporate goals. This study used a qualitative research methodology with a case study approach. The selection of a qualitative methodology based on the problem formulation used in this studyThe results of this study indicate that the conflicts that happened in management Central Market Puspa Agro caused by internal and external factor. Internal factor is derived from obscurity powers, functions and roles, monitoring and evaluation weakness, slowness of responds to the problems, the competence of individual differences, the target and task interdependence. External factors consist of the presence of government policies and industry demands. The effect of conflicts are functional and dysfunctional. Conflicts levels are low, optimal and high.Conflict management is applied by stimulation, reduction of conflict and conflict resolution methods. Conflict stimulation methods include the application of the system of reward and punishment and the different treatment of habit . Conflict reduction methods include the provision of a forum for dialogue, joint activities and creating new challenges. Conflict resolution methods include the expansion of resources, compromise, change the variable structure of the company, avoiding and otorative command. REFERENCESAamodt, M.G. 2007. Industrial/Organizational Psychology, An Applied Approach. 5th Edition. United States: Thomson Wordsmoth.Afifuddin, Beni dan Ahmad Saebani. 2009. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: Pustaka Jaya.Al Tabari,Ibnu Jasin. 1997. Jami' Al-Bayan fi Ta'wil Al Qur'an. Vol.9. Saudi: Al Maktabah Al Shamilah.Anoraga, Pandji dan Sri Suyuti. 1997. Perilaku Keorganisasian. Jakarta : PT. Dunia Pustaka Jaya.Avruch. 1991. Introduction: Culture and Conflict Resolution. Dalam: Conflict Resolution: Cross-Cultural Perspective. New York: Greenwood Press.Daft, Richard L. 2011. Understanding Management. 8th Edition. Canada: Cangage Learning.Depag RI. 1989. Al-Qur'an dan Terjemahnya. Surabaya: Surya Cipta Aksara.Ebert dan Griffin. 2005. Business Essentials. New Jersey: Prentice Hall International.Faisal, Sanapiah. 1982. Metodologi Penelitian Pendidikan. Surabaya: Usaha Nasional.Gitosudarmo, Indriyo dan Sudita. 2008. Perilaku Keorganisasian. Edisi Pertama. Jogjakarta: Erlangga.Hafidhuddin, Didin dan Tanjung. 2003. Manajemen Syariah dalam Praktek. Jakarta: Gema Insani Press.Handoko, T. Hani. 1995. Manajemen. Ed.2. Yogyakarta: BPFE Yogyakarta.Kusnadi. 2003. Masalah, Kerjasama, Konflik dan Kinerja. Malang: Tanada.Lewicki,RJ dan J.A.Literer. 1985. Negotiation. Illinois: Homewood.Martoyo, Susilo. 1994. Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia Edisi Ketiga. Yogyakarta: BPFE Yogyakarta.Marwansyah. 2010. Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia (Edisi 2). Bandung: Alfabeta.Moleong, M.A. Lexy J. 2011. Metode Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: Remaja Rosdakarya.Munawir, A.W. 1997. Kamus Al Munawir Arab-Indonesia Terlengkap. Surabaya: Pustaka Progresif.Nimran, Umar. 1997. Perilaku Organisasi. Surabaya: Citra Media.Qurtubi. 2004. Al Jami' Al Ahkam Al Qur'an. Vol.5. Saudi: Al Maktabah Al Shawilah.Rivai, Veitzhal. 2005. Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia Untuk Perusahaan. Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Perkasa.Robbins, Stephen P. 2006. Organizational Behavior: Concepts, Controversies, Applications (7th Ed). New Jersey: Prentice Hall International. 1996. Organizational Behavior. New Jersey: Prentice Hall International. 1991. Organizational Behavior. New Jersey: Prentice Hall International. Managing Organizational Conflict: A Nontraditional Approach. New York: Prentice Hall.Robbins, Stephen P., Judge. 2006. Organizational Behavior. 12th Edition. New York: prentice Hall.Shiddieqy, Hasbi Ash., Muhammad. 2000. Tafsir Al Qur'anul Majid An Nuur. Cetakan kedua-Ed.2. Semarang: Pustaka Rizki.Shihab, M.Quraish. 004. Tafsir Al Misbah. Cetakan kedua-Vol.13. Jakarta: Lentara Hati.Siswanto, Bedjo. 1990. Manajemen Modern : Konsep dan Aplikasi. Bandung: Sinar Baru.Slide profile PT. Jatim Grha Utama. 2013. Surabaya.Stoner, James A.F., Freeman. 1989. Principle of Management. 4th Edition. England: Longman Higher Education.Suriasumantri, JujunS. 2001. Filsafat Ilmu: Sebuah Pengantar Populer. Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan.Surwandono dan Ahmadi. 2011. Resolusi Konflik di Dunia Islam. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu.Wahyudi. 2008. Manajemen Konflik dalam Organisasi. Bandung: Alfabeta.Wijono, Sutarto. 1994. Konflik dalam Organisasi/Industri dengan Strategi Pendekatan Psikologis. Semarang: Satyawaca.Winardi. 1994. Manajemen Konflik (Konflik Perubahan dan Pengembangan). Bandung: CV. Mandar Maju.Wirawan. 2009. Evaluasi Kinerja Sumber Daya Manusia. Jakarta: Erlangga.Wood, Jack dkk. 1998. Organizational Behavior An Asia-Pasific Perspektve. Queesnland : Bracken Ridge.Yin, Robert K. 2009. Studi Kasus (Desain dan Metode). Jakarta: PT. Raja Grafindo Persada.

Books reviewed:Anthropology and historyHare, Tom, Remembering Osiris: number, gender, and the word in ancient Egyptian representational systemsHarlan, Jack R., The living fields: our agricultural heritageInomata, Takeshi & Stephen D. Houston (eds), Royal courts of the ancient Maya. Vol. 1: theory, comparison, synthesisLockwood, Matthew, Fertility and house– hold labour in Tanzania: demography, economy, and society in Rufiji district, c.1870–1986Pollock, Susan, Ancient Mesopotamia: the Eden that never was (Case Stud. early soc.)Quijada, Mónica, Carmen Bernand & Arnd Schneider, Homogeneidad y nación: con un estudio de caso: Argentina, siglos XIX y XX (Coll. tierra nueva e cielo nuovo 42)Anthropology of religionAssayag, Jackie & Gilles Tarabout (eds), La possession en asie du sud: parole, corps, territorie / Possession in South Asia: speech, body, territoryKlass, Morton & Maxine K. Weisgrau (eds), Across the boundaries of belief (Contemp. issues in anthr. relig.)Rakotomalala, Malanjaona, Sophie Blancy & Françoise Raison–Jourde, Madagascar: les ancêtres au quotidien: usages sociaux du religieux sur les Hautes–Terres MalgachesDevelopmentBierschenk, Thomas, J.–P. Chaveau & J.–P. Olivier de Sardan (eds), Courtiers en développement: les villages africains en quête de projets (Collection 'Hommes et Sociétés')Zerner, Charles (ed.), People, plants, and justice: the politics of nature conservationGeneralArmbrust, Walter (ed.), Mass mediations: new approaches to popular culture in the Middle East and beyondDupont, Veronique, Emma Tarlo & Denis Vidal (eds), Delhi: urban space and human destiniesKing, Victor T. (ed.), Rural development and social science research: case studies from Borneo (Borneo Res. Counc. Proc. 6)Privratsky, Bruce G., Muslim Turkistan: Kazak religion and collective memoryVan Beek, Martijn, Kristoffer Brix Bertelsen & Poul Pedersen (eds), Ladakh: culture, history, and development between Himalaya and Karakoram (Recent research on Ladakh 8)Winzeler, Robert L. (ed.), Indigenous architecture in Borneo: traditional patterns and new developments (Borneo Res. Counc. Proc. 5)Human evolutionAgustí, Jorge, Lorenzo Rook & Peter Andrews (eds), The evolution of Neogene terrestrial ecosystems in Europe (Hominoid Evol. clim. chge Eur 1)Curtiss, Garniss, Carl Swisher & Roger Lewin, Java man: how two geologists changed the history of human evolutionde Bonis, Louis, George Koufos & Peter Andrews (eds), Phylogeny of the Neogene hominoid primates of Eurasia (Hominoid Evol. clim. chge Eur. 2)Ghiglieri, Michael P., The dark side of man: tracing the origins of male violenceLegal anthropologyJust, Peter, Dou Donggo justice: conflict and morality in an Indonesian societyKahn, Paul W., The cultural study of law: reconstructing legal scholarshipNiezen, Ronald, Defending the land: sover– eignty and forest life in James Bay Cree society (Cult. Surv. Stud. Ethn. Chge)Peterson, Nicolas & Will Sanders (eds), Citizenship and indigenous Australians: changing conceptions and possibilities (Reshaping Australian Institutions ser.)MethodGuneratne, Katharine Bjork, In the circle of the dance: notes of an outsider in NepalMihesuh, Devon A. (ed.), Natives and academics: researching and writing about American IndiansMukherji, Partha Nath (ed.), Methodology in social research: dilemmas and perspectives: essays in honour of Ramkrishna MukherjeeNewman, Paul & Martha Ratliff (eds), Linguistic fieldworkSocial anthropologyFonseca, Isabel, Bury me standing: the Gypsies and their journeyForshee, Jill, Between the folds: stories of cloth, lives, and travels from SumbaHua, Cai (transl. Asti Hustvedt), A society without fathers or husbands: the Na of ChinaJackson, Peter, Michelle Lowe, Danielle Miller & Frank Mort (eds), Commercial cultures: economies, practices, spaces (Leisure, consumption and culture)McKnight, David, People, Countries, and the Rainbow Serpent: systems of classification among the Lardil of Mornington Island (Oxford studs. in anthrop. ling. 12)Palerm Viqueira, Jacinta & Tomás Martínez Saldaña (eds), Antologia sobre pequeño riego, Vol. II (Organizaciones Autogestivas)Pottier, Johan, Anthropology of food: the social dynamics of food securitySchmidt, Bettina E. & Ingo W. Schröder (eds), Anthropology of violence and conflict (EASA)Schneider, Arnd, Futures lost: nostalgia and identity among Italian immigrants in ArgentinaSmith–Hefner, Nancy J., Khmer American: identity and moral education in a diasporic communityTheoryDube, Leela, Anthropological explorations in gender: intersecting fieldsKuper, Adam, Among the anthropologists: history and context in anthropologyLatta, Robert L., The basic humor process: a cognitive–shift theory and the case against incongruity (Humor Res. 5)Linke, Uli, Blood and nation: the European aesthetics of raceLittlewood, Roland, Religion, agency, restitution (Wilde Lectures in Natural Religion 1999)Martin, Calvin Luther, The way of the human beingMiller, Dean A, The epic heroStedman Jones, Susan, Durkheim reconsideredTilley, Christopher, Metaphor and material cultureTodorov, Tzvetan (transl. K. Golsan & L. Golsan), Life in common: an essay in general anthropology (European Horizons)Wolf, Eric R., Pathways of power: building an anthropology of the modern world

En las sociedades modernas, la regulación poblacional se desarrolla en cada Estado-nación a través de políticas de control de los nacimientos. En el afán por regular la población, las instancias gubernamentales han ubicado a las mujeres más como objetos por controlar para alcanzar ciertos indicadores, que como sujetos con necesidades específicas con respecto a su salud sexual y reproductiva. Las mujeres han sido concebidas básicamente como seres domésticos, que deben cumplir con las funciones de ama de casa, esposa y madre, antes que acceder al trabajo remunerado y a lo público en su conjunto. En el trabajo se aborda la posición de varios actores, tanto institucionales como de la sociedad civil, así como su interrelación con los movimientos feministas, los organismos internacionales involucrados y las propuestas gubernamentales, en el periodo 1970 al 2012, en México. El análisis del control natal se aborda desde la salud reproductiva, vinculada a la salud sexual, a la luz de la perspectiva de género, sin perder de vista el vínculo de los actores involucrados. La política gubernamental del siglo XX e inicios del XXI parte del supuesto, sin obviar sus matices, de las "mujeres objeto". La primera parte del siglo XX hasta 1970 se caracterizó por una política gubernamental pronatalista, con lemas como el del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas: "Gobernar es poblar". A partir de los cambios de la década de los sesenta, la política gubernamental se orientó hacia la reducción de la natalidad: "pocos hijos para darles mucho" y "la familia pequeña vive mejor". Tanto la postura pronatalista como la de control natal partieron del supuesto de que las mujeres son solo "seres para otros", objetos y no sujetos de las políticas públicas demográficas. Por su parte, los organismos internacionales las consideraron, en un primer momento, como el factor clave para el control natal, pero también como un principio de desarrollo. En un segundo momento, las mujeres fueron identificadas en el discurso político de acuerdo con las demandas feministas: como sujetos con derechos, con base en supuestos con perspectiva de género. ; In modern societies the population is regulated and developed in each nation state via birth control policies. In the rush to regulate population, governmental bodies have rather placed women as objects to control in order to achieve certain indicators, than assubjects with specific necessities as regards sexual and reproductive health. Women have been conceived basically as domestic beings that should carry out the functions of housewife, wife and mother before both taking on jobs that pay and/or assuming a public role.If it is true that the conception of the domesticated woman has been a constant, we can focus on the analysis of the problem established during the 1970 to 2012 period in Mexico. In the realm of working life one takes up the position of different actors, both institutional (as in civil society) and as an interrelation with feminine movements, international organizations that are involved, and government proposals. The analysis of birth control is approached from the angle of reproductive health, linked to sexual health, in light of a generic perspective without losing sight of the participation of the involved actors. The government policy of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries assumes, without regard to the nuances, the position of "women treated as objects". The first part of the 20th Century until 1970 was characterized by a pro-birth governmental policy with slogans such as that of the government of Lazaro Cardenas: "To govern is to populate". Beginning with the changes of the decade of the 1960s, government policy became oriented toward a reduction of the birth rate: "fewer children in order to provide more" and "the small family lives better". Both the pro-birth position and birth control stemmed from a conception that women were merely "beings to serve others", objects and notsubjects of the public demographic policies. For their part, the international organizations considered them, at first, as the key factor in birth control, but also as a beginning of development. Later, women were identified in public discourse according to feminist demands: as subjects with rights and with positions with a generic perspective. ; Nas sociedades modernas, a regulação populacional se desenvolve em cada Estadonação por meio de políticas de controle de natalidade. Na ânsia por regular a população, as instâncias governamentais vêm posicionando as mulheres mais como objetos a controlar para atingir certos indicadores do que como sujeitos com necessidades específicas, no que se refere à saúde sexual e reprodutiva. Elas têm sido concebidas basicamente como seres domésticos, que devem cumprir com as funções de dona de casa, esposa e mãe, antes que aceder o trabalho remunerado e o público em seu conjunto. Neste trabalho, aborda-se a posição de vários atores, tanto institucionais quanto da sociedade civil, assimcomo sua inter-relação com os movimentos feministas, os organismos internacionais envolvidos e as propostas governamentais, no período de 1970 a 2012, no México. A análisedo controle de natalidade se aborda a partir da saúde reprodutiva, vinculada à saúde sexual, à luz da perspectiva de gênero, sem perder de vista o vínculo dos atores envolvidos. A política governamental do século XX e início do XXI parte do pressuposto, sem obviar suas nuances, das "mulheres objeto". A primeira parte do século XX até 1970 foi caracterizada por uma política governamental pró-natalidade com lemas como o do governoLázaro Cárdenas "Governar é popular". A partir dessas mudanças da década de 1960, a política governamental foi orientada à redução da natalidade: "poucos filhos para lhes dar muito" e "a família pequena vive melhor". Tanto a postura pró-natalidade quanto a decontrole da natalidade partiram do pressuposto de que as mulheres são somente "seres para outros", objetos e não sujeitos das políticas públicas demográficas. Por sua vez, os organismos internacionais as consideraram, num primeiro momento, como o fator-chave para o controle da natalidade, mas também como um princípio de desenvolvimento. Num segundo momento, as mulheres foram identificadas no discurso político de acordo com as demandas feministas: como sujeitos com direitos, com base nos princípios com perspectiva de gênero.

Este documento refleja el entorno dentro del cual se está luchando actualmente por la justicia de género en el mundo. También da un paso para atrás para darnos un marco analítico que explique las tensiones centrales entre la justicia de género y otros elementos de la justicia social o económica y las implicaciones estratégicas de los múltiples sitios en que operan las relaciones de género. Se inspira en las experiencias de feministas que se dedicaron al análisis y a la promoción al mismo tiempo que participaban en las negociaciones de las conferencias de las Naciones Unidas de los años 90. Estas conferencias – sobre el medioambiente, los derecho humanos, la población, el desarrollo social, la mujer, la vivienda, los niños, el VIH/SIDA, la seguridad alimentaria, el racismo – y sus revisiones cada cinco o diez años – han brindado una oportunidad única para negociar un programa social progresivo de forma sistemática y seguida. Pero aun cuando se estaban acordando los detalles de un programa de este tipo, el ámbito de la política económica estaba casi completamente supeditado al pensamiento económico neoliberal dominado por el Consenso de Washington. La interacción entre estas dos fuerzas constituye nuestro tema principal. El documento también comenta las implicaciones para la justicia de género del cambio en el orden mundial hacia la monopolaridad, y especialmente, el cambio de la era neoliberal a una época neoconservadora. El trabajo de feministas y demás académicos y activistas después de las conferencias de los años 90, muestran claramente que la seguridad de los medios de vida y de un entorno económico habilitador forman una base importante para satisfacer las necesidades de salud reproductiva y sexual mediante sistemas sanitarios que funcionen bien (Petchesky 2003). Sin embargo, algunos de los países que apoyaban más fervientemente la lucha por los derechos sexuales y de reproducción eran los más refractarios en las negociaciones económicas entre el Norte y el Sur. Estas tensiones se hicieron sentir no solamente en las conferencias de la ONU, particularmente en El Cairo y Beijing, sino también en sus revisiones 'más cinco'. A pesar de esto, se lograron avances considerables en cuanto a los derechos de reproducción y de salud sexual durante los años 90 por el control limitado sobre el poder del Estado que tenían los fundamentalistas religiosos. Este escenario ha cambiado mucho en el período neoconservador mediante, por un lado, más control por parte de los fundamentalistas religiosos sobre los niveles claves del poder estatal y, por otro, el auge de una economía política neoconservadora. La primera década de este siglo ha producido pruebas tangibles e importantes de lo dicho en conferencias claves sobre el VIH/SIDA, la infancia, la población, y también en muchos otros foros. Este informe parte de análisis previos de la fase anterior para extraer las consecuencias para el terreno actual en el que los feministas y sus aliados están luchando para mantener sus logros difíciles y avanzar hacia delante. ; This paper is a reflection on the environment within which the struggle for gender justice is currently under way in the global arena. It also steps back to provide an analytical frame to explain the core of the tensions between gender justice and other elements of social/economic justice, and the strategic implications of the multiple sites in which gender relations operate. It draws from the experiences of feminists who engaged in analysis and advocacy while participating in the negotiations of the United Nations conferences of the 1990s. These conferences— on environment, human rights, population, social development, women, habitat, children, HIV/AIDS, small island states, food security, racism—and their five- and 10-year reviews have provided a unique opportunity for negotiating a progressive social agenda in a systematic and ongoing way. But even as such an agenda was being spelled out, the global economic policy terrain was almost entirely subordinated to neoliberal economic thinking dominated by the Washington Consensus. The interplay between these two sets of forces is our subject matter. The paper also comments on the implications for gender justice of the shift to a unipolar world order, and in particular, the movement from the neoliberal era to the neoconservative one. The work of feminist and other scholars and activists following the conferences of the 1990s showed clearly that security of livelihoods and an enabling economic environment are an important basis for moving forward to meet reproductive and sexual health needs through well-functioning health systems (Petchesky 2003). Yet some of the very countries that were most vocal in their support for sexual and reproductive rights were also the most hard-nosed in South–North economic negotiations. These tensions came to the fore not only in the UN conferences themselves, especially Cairo and Beijing, but also in their "plus five" reviews. Despite this, considerable advances were possible on reproductive and sexual health and rights during the 1990s because of the limited control over state power by religious fundamentalists. This scenario has undergone a major change in the neoconservative period, with much stronger control over key levers of state power by religious fundamentalists on the one hand, and the rise of neoconservative political economy on the other. The first decade of this century has seen significant and tangible evidence of this in key conferences on HIV/AIDS, children, and population, as well as in many other sites. This paper builds on previous analysis of the earlier phase to draw out implications for the current terrain in which feminists and allies are struggling to maintain hard-won gains and move forward. ; Ce document est une réflexion sur l'environnement dans lequel se poursuit la lutte pour la justice sexuelle dans le monde. L'auteur prend aussi du recul pour fournir une grille d'analyse qui permette d'expliquer l'essentiel des tensions entre la justice sexuelle et d'autres éléments de la justice sociale et économique, et de tirer les conséquences stratégiques de la multiplicité des espaces dans lesquels interviennent les rapports sociaux entre hommes et femmes. Elle s'appuie sur l'expérience de féministes qui ont fait un travail d'analyse et de sensibilisation alors qu'elles participaient aux négociations des conférences organisées par les Nations Unies dans les années 90. Ces conférences, qui ont porté sur l'environnement, les droits de l'homme, la population, le développement social, les femmes, l'habitat, les enfants, le VIH/sida, les petits Etats insulaires, la sécurité alimentaire, le racisme, et l'examen de leurs retombées cinq et dix ans après ont été des occasions sans pareille de négocier un programme social progressiste de manière systématique et continue. Mais au moment même où ce programme se définissait, le terrain de la politique économique mondiale était presque entièrement occupé par la pensée économique néolibérale, elle-même dominée par le consensus de Washington. L'interaction de ces deux types de force est précisément le thème de ce document. L'auteur traite aussi des répercussions qu'ont eues sur la justice sexuelle le passage à un ordre mondial unipolaire et, en particulier, l'avènement de l'ère néoconservatrice après l'ère néolibérale. Les travaux réalisés par des féministes et d'autres intellectuelles et militantes à la suite des conférences des années 90 ont montré clairement que la sécurité des moyens d'existence et un environnement économique favorable sont des conditions importantes pour la satisfaction des besoins de santé gynécologique et génésique dans un système de santé bien rodé (Petchesky 2003). Cependant, certains des pays les plus assidus à défendre les droits en matière de sexualité et de procréation ont été aussi les plus intraitables dans les négociations économiques Sud-Nord. Ces tensions sont apparues au grand jour non seulement dans les conférences des Nations Unies elles-mêmes, en particulier au Caire et à Beijing, mais aussi dans les conférences d'examen tenues cinq ans plus tard. Malgré cela, il a été possible de réaliser des progrès considérables sur les droits et la santé en matière de procréation et de sexualité dans les années 90 parce que les fondamentalistes religieux n'avaient qu'un pouvoir limité sur l'Etat. La situation a complètement changé pendant la période néoconservatrice, marquée, d'une part, par une tenue beaucoup plus ferme des principaux leviers de l'Etat par les fondamentalistes religieux et, de l'autre, par la montée de l'économie politique néo-conservatrice. On en a eu des preuves tangibles et multiples pendant la première décennie de ce siècle, lors des grandes conférences sur le VIH/sida, les enfants et la population, et à bien d'autres occasions. Ce document s'inspire d'une analyse de la phase antérieure pour tirer les conséquences qui s'imposent pour la situation actuelle, où les féministes et leurs alliés se battent pour conserver des acquis durement gagnés et aller de l'avant.