Suchergebnisse

Although the nation-state was historically considered as the primary unit of international economic action, some scholars have recently argued that it has lost considerable power & that this loss can be attributed to certain characteristics of transnational corporations (TNCs): (1) assets & sales larger than the gross domestic products of most nation-states, (2) the multilocational nature of TNCs, & (3) the ability to move jobs & resources, thereby undermining the state's regulatory powers. Although these factors have transformed global ecnomic structures, it is argued that international economies are best understood as interactions between nation-states & TNCs, which are locked into a complex process of interdependence & bargaining. The recent emergence of regionally integrated economic blocs highlights the potential for mutually fulfilling relationships between nation-states & TNCs: states ensure a stable & efficient employment sector, while TNCs consolidate diverse resources, production facilities, & employees in a small, integrated region. 2 Photographs, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Der Band enthält Aufsätze des Tübinger Historikers zu unterschiedlichen Facetten von Nation und Nationalismus. Acht der neun Aufsätze sind überarbeitete Fassungen früherer Publikationen, die zwischen 1990 und 2000 teils in Fachzeitschriften, teils in Sammelbänden erschienen sind; eine Erstveröffentlichung stellt 'Historische Wege nach Europa' (217 ff.) dar. Langewiesche hat die Abhandlung drei Schwerpunkten zugeordnet: Grundzüge des Nationalismus (14 ff.), kulturelle Nationsbildung im Kontext deutscher Geschichte (82 ff.) und Entstehung von Nationalstaaten (172 ff.). Dem Autor geht es nicht darum, Nation und Nationalismus als obsolete Vorstellungen zu dekonstruieren, er möchte vielmehr durch Historisierung jene aufklärende Distanz ermöglichen, die versteht, 'was frühere Generationen über Nation gedacht und von ihr erwartet haben, wie in der Vergangenheit Nationen und Nationalstaaten entstanden, umgeformt und untergegangen sind' (10). Inhaltsübersicht: I. Nation und Nationalismus - Grundzüge und Wandel: 1. 'Nation', 'Nationalismus', 'Nationalstaat' in der europäischen Geschichte seit dem Mittelalter - Versuch einer Bilanz; 2. Nationalismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert: zwischen Partizipation und Aggression; 3. Föderativer Nationalismus als Erbe der deutschen Reichsnation. Über Föderalismus und Zentralismus in der deutschen Nationalgeschichte. II. Kulturelle Nationsbildung: 4. Kulturelle Nationsbildung im Deutschland des 19. Jahrhunderts; 5. 'für Volk und Vaterland kräftig zu würken ... '. Zur politischen und gesellschaftlichen Rolle der Turner zwischen 1811 und 1871; 6. Die schwäbische Sängerbewegung in der Gesellschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts - ein Beitrag zur kulturellen Nationsbildung. III. Entstehung von Nationen und Nationalstaaten: 7. Deutschland und Österreich: Nationswerdung und Staatsbildung in Mitteleuropa im 19. Jahrhundert; 8. Reich, Nation und Staat in der jüngeren deutschen Geschichte; 9. Historische Wege nach Europa. (ZPol, NOMOS)

Studies the sources and the potential consequences of political crises. Concentrates on the more external and objective features of the contemporary situation of nation states.

Empires and nation-states are not opposed or distinct forms of polity but closely linked forms. Pre-modern empire existed without any contrasting form of polity we might call a nation-state. Rather, they contrasted with non-national state forms such as city-states, small kingdoms and mobile, nomadic polities. These in turn were in constant interaction with any neighbouring empire or empires, perhaps becoming the core of an empire themselves, perhaps taking over all or part of an existing empire, perhaps maintaining some autonomy by virtue of remoteness or lack of attractiveness, perhaps by balancing opposed empires against each other. Empires did not have a national core, and non-empires were not national. By contrast, modern empires have always had a clearly designated nation-state core and a physically separate set of non-national peripheries. This has been crucial to ensuring that when formal empire is ended, both the imperial core and the former colonies are defined as nation-states. But ex-imperial nation-states and ex-colonial nation-states are really two kinds of states. Much contemporary confusion about the prospect for a world order of nation-states revolves round the failure to make that basic distinction.

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) offers an alternative means of distinguishing the states central to his argument. It is contended that there are different types of states & that nation building assumes different forms. American national culture is described as thin compared to European nation-states, eg, France, which are viewed as having thicker culture. The difference centers on the notion that Anglo-Americans have become minorities in their country, whereas the French will never become so. In this light it is asserted that the thicker the culture the more likely that multiculturalism will take on a more corporatist form where immigrant groups are accommodated as national minorities rather than as "hyphenated nationals." In the US, immigrant groups must work to sustain their own thick culture & cohesion without corporatist arrangements; the most successful are ethnic-religious combinations, eg, Jews, Italian Catholics. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) offers an alternative means of distinguishing the states central to his argument. It is contended that there are different types of states & that nation building assumes different forms. American national culture is described as thin compared to European nation-states, eg, France, which are viewed as having thicker culture. The difference centers on the notion that Anglo-Americans have become minorities in their country, whereas the French will never become so. In this light it is asserted that the thicker the culture the more likely that multiculturalism will take on a more corporatist form where immigrant groups are accommodated as national minorities rather than as "hyphenated nationals." In the US, immigrant groups must work to sustain their own thick culture & cohesion without corporatist arrangements; the most successful are ethnic-religious combinations, eg, Jews, Italian Catholics. J. Zendejas

In his latest collection of essays, Neil Davidson brings his formidable analytical powers to bear on the concept of the capitalist nation-state. Through probing inquiry, Davidson draws out how nationalist ideology and consciousness is used to bind the subordinate classes to "the nation," while simultaneously using "the state" as a means of conducting geopolitical competition for capital

Does globalization mean the end of the nation state? Or are nation states able to respond to processes of global change? This impressively comprehensive book examines the connections and conflicts that exist between global and national processes, institutions and cultures.Debating and explaining controversial and contested understandings of globalization, the second edition has new content on: hot and timely topics, from human rights and migration to new technologies and environmental sustainability connections between globalization and global events, including the rise of

World Cities and Nation States takes a global perspective to show how national governments and states/provinces/regions continue to play a decisive, and often positive, partnership role with world cities. The 16 chapter book? comprised of two introductory chapters, 12 central chapters that draw on case studies, and two summary chapters - draws on over 40 interviews with national ministers, city government officials, business leaders and expert academics.--

The article explores the rationale of the Romanian political community as defined by its successive constitutional layouts, since the first fundamental law of 1866, including the Communist constitutional settings, and concluding with the post-communist constitutional design. This consistency of the political community is tested by means of an analytical distinction between the Nation-State and the National State. The former is understood as the institutional underpinning of a community bearing a political project. The latter is seen as the institutional outcome of an ethnic group and the warrant of its political integrity. Such an examination of the Romanian constitutional production sheds light on the historical and unambiguous predominance of the National State, while the Nation State emerged briefly and warily in the Romanian setting in the form of the socialist nation state. By the same token, this approach questions the adequacy between democracy and this rationale of the Romanian political community. While the socialist Nation State, as it was constitutionally designed, failed to guarantee the effectiveness of popular democracy, the Romanian National State, as it was shaped by the successive constitutional texts, pre-communist and post-communist, was always unable to accommodate completely with democracy.

For four decades the nation-states, above all France and the UK, have resisted the creation of a European political federation. The European Community has been a happy hunting ground for big business. With a European super-state now looming, there is a pressing need for a left-green 'opposition', insisting on democratic institutions and offering alternative policies.

World Cities and Nation States takes a global perspective to show how national governments and states/provinces/regions continue to play a decisive, and often positive, partnership role with world cities. The 16 chapter book? comprised of two introductory chapters, 12 central chapters that draw on case studies, and two summary chapters - draws on over 40 interviews with national ministers, city government officials, business leaders and expert academics.--