Suchergebnisse

Theory says that, in normal circumstances, politicians do not have many incentives to make the policy process more democratic, and that these political dynamics may be embedded into the enactment of technology. This work will try to determine if this holds true in the case of Urna de Cristal, a Colombian e-participation scheme. The nation-wide projects implemented by this programme in 2017 are analysed using three sets of political criteria—inclusion, participation, and deliberation—drawn from an evaluation framework of centralized cross-platform approaches to social media exploitation by government agencies (Ferro et al. 2013). The evidence suggests that the enactment of Urna de Cristal's projects reflected the Colombian government's intention of preventing the policy process from becoming more participatory and deliberative. Some data suggests the government tried to render this process more inclusive. Further research on e-participation should consider the political complexity of technology enactment in the public sector.

Theory says that, in normal circumstances, politicians do not have many incentives to make the policy process more democratic, and that these political dynamics may be embedded into the enactment of technology. This work will try to determine if this holds true in the case of Urna de Cristal, a Colombian e-participation scheme. The nation-wide projects implemented by this programme in 2017 are analysed using three sets of political criteria—inclusion, participation, and deliberation—drawn from an evaluation framework of centralized cross-platform approaches to social media exploitation by government agencies (Ferro et al. 2013). The evidence suggests that the enactment of Urna de Cristal's projects reflected the Colombian government's intention of preventing the policy process from becoming more participatory and deliberative. Some data suggests the government tried to render this process more inclusive. Further research on e-participation should consider the political complexity of technology enactment in the public sector.

This paper sets out to evaluate several common theoretical frameworks employed in critical studies of brownfield redevelopment. Specifically, it analyzes the relevance of governmentality, the post-political, and non-essentialist materialism in that context. To do so, it explores how these theoretical frameworks map on to Bridgeport, Connecticut's BGreen 2020, and its approach to the redevelopment of vacant and underutilized land – and brownfields more specifically. It argues that these frameworks come up short when applied to this empirical case because they put forth untenable ontological claims regarding the constitution of the subject and political agency. Going further, it asserts that these frameworks fail to identify a way forward for those seeking emancipatory political interventions in the context of brownfield redevelopment and urban environmental politics. In closing this paper suggests that Jason W. Moore's recent writing on "capitalism as world-ecology" can provide a way forward where these other frameworks fail.

Nigeria is famous for "419" e-mails asking recipients for bank account information and for scandals involving the disappearance of billions of dollars from government coffers. Corruption permeates even minor official interactions, from traffic control to university admissions. In Moral Economies of Corruption Steven Pierce provides a cultural history of the last 150 years of corruption in Nigeria as a case study for considering how corruption plays an important role in the processes of political change in all states. He suggests that corruption is best understood in Nigeria, as well as in all other nations, as a culturally contingent set of political discourses and historically embedded practices. The best solution to combatting Nigerian government corruption, Pierce contends, is not through attempts to prevent officials from diverting public revenue to self-interested ends, but to ask how public ends can be served by accommodating Nigeria's history of patronage as a fundamental political principle.

AbstractThis article documents a U.S. Cuban foreign policy cycle that operated in tandem with the presidential electoral cycle between 1992 and 2004. During these post–Cold War years, when Cuba posed no threat to U.S. national security, influential, well-organized Cuban Americans leveraged political contributions and votes to tighten the embargo on travel and trade, especially at the personal level. U.S. presidential candidates, most notably incumbent presidents seeking re-election, responded to their demands with discretionary powers of office. When presidential candidates supported policies that made good electoral sense but conflicted with concerns of state, they subsequently reversed or left unimplemented Cuba initiatives. After describing the logic behind an ethnic electoral policy cycle and U.S. personal embargo policy between 1992 and 2004, this article examines Cuban American voter participation, political and policy preferences, lobbying, political contributions, and the relationship between the ethnic policy and presidential election cycles.

A close look at the groups, organisations and social movements among which a terrorist organisation seeks refuge and support, will provide a fundamental and strategic view of its evolution. By means of the concept of a protest cycle, I analyse the relationship between political violence and social movements in the Basque Country. With the help of Tarrow's fundamental variables in the political structure, to which I have added the degree of consciousness‐raising and mobilisation in civil society, I aim to study the protest cycle of ETA's violence from its social origins at the start of the 1960s, through its consolidation in the 1970s, to its decline from the mid‐1980s onwards.The idea I will defend is that political violence should be seen as a form of collective action directed towards a mobilisation of society, and that its vicissitudes depend on the structure of interactions set up between the armed organisation, social movements and civil society.

In this essay it is argued that the Irish political system, although it is usually seen as a deviant case among Western polities, is best viewed in a broader comparative perspective - that of decolonialising political systems. In the central sections o f this paper an examination is made of the development of the Irish party system and it is concluded that the structure of the system tallies well with common descriptions o f the politics of post-colonial states. It is also suggested that the main significant exception to this general statement is afforded by the governmental machine, which has remained intact and centralised rather than becoming decentralised and penetrated by politics in the manner typical of democratic post-colonial countries. In a final section, it is suggested that certain well-known peculiarities of Irish political culture are to be explained with reference to this characteristically Irish divorce between politics and government.

Globally, the importance of managing the oceans in a more sustainable manner has been widely recognised in the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs), the UN Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development and elsewhere. In Europe the increased recognition of the importance of our oceans and seas is seen in the Blue Economy and in the Green Deal initiatives. However, such policies have to be set against the background that the historical state of flux in our oceans and seas is changing owing to global warming. This report focuses on the Europe's future in the Atlantic realm and thus the Atlantic Ocean and the seas along Europe's western coasts (excluding the Mediterranean and Black Seas). The report describes the underlying processes and trends in the Atlantic, and the ways in which the state of the ocean - currents, winds, waves and ocean mixing - impact Europe's climate, marine environment and resources. A dominant influence is the global thermohaline circulation which includes the Atlantic Ocean currents that transport heat and salt into northern latitudes via the Gulf Stream and North Atlantic Drift, with colder and denser waters returning south at depth; this is the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC). Superimposed on this are patterns of variability in both the atmosphere (the North Atlantic Oscillation) and the ocean (the Atlantic Multidecadal Variability). Palaeoclimatic records show that changes in these basic processes may have substantial local and global effects on climate and on marine and coastal ecosystems.

Heller reviews The Church in the Republic: Gallicanism and Political Ideology in Renaissance France by Jotham Parsons.

Mawyer reviews INVENTING POLITICS: A New Political Anthropology of the Hawaiian Kingdom by Juri Mykkanen.

Communication and Political Change: Proceedings of the 2002 International Colloquium on Communication 18th ICC 2002

Young reviews 'Transforming California: A Political History of Land Use and Development' by Stephanie Pincetl.

Political realism dominated the study of international relations during the Cold War and has again in recent years retuned to the centre of scholarly debate in international relations. In this book leading authors analyse various historical and philosophical themes, probing the potential and the pathologies of realist thought. - ;Political realism dominated the field of International Relations during the Cold War. Since then, however, its fortunes have been mixed:. pushed onto the backfoot during 1990s, it has in recent years retuned to the centre of scholarly debate. Despite its prominence in.