Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Deonar's slaughterhouse employs 1500 persons and supplies the local and international market with meat and with skins. The slaughter of the cattle – beef, hip and goat, pig- is a priori made according to an industrial and commercial logic. However, the spatial and functional organization of the slaughter house reveals an religious dimension. A meticulous division of the space and the tasks separates the employees according to their community of membership, Hindu, Muslim and Jew, and according to their hierarchical status. Most of the Hindu employees are untouchables. The techniques of slaughter respect the rites which reveal their sacred character. The link between the death of the animal and its consumption is the object of r codifications and religious prohibitions, which shows the complex representation of the animals. For the Hindus, these get organized according to he division of the pure and the impure, for the Muslims according to the notion of the licit and the illicit, for the Jews according to the notion of what is kosher. These representations and codifications seem to persist in the modern frame of the industrial slaughterhouse. However, to consider the practice of slaughter and consumption, the political dimension seems as determining as the religious dynamic: the ritual slaughter seems more and more as a marker pen for identity ensuring the cohesion of the group. The fashion of vegetarianism and the worship of the sacred cow revives the antagonism between the communities. A strong symbolic content surrounds the slaughter, and it explains why Deonar is place privileged by the political campaigns of the Hindu nationalist for the protection of the cow. The organization of the slaughterhouse reveals all the sensitive issues raised by the cohabitation of the Hindu community with the Muslim and Jewish religions today on the Indian subcontinent. ; L'abattoir municipal de Mumbai emploie 1500 personnes pour abattre bœufs, porcs, moutons et chèvres, pour la consommation ou l'usage industriel local et international.Pourtant, dans l'organisation de cet abattoir, des logiques religieuses semblent prévaloir parfois sur les impératifs économiques de production. Cette étude porte sur la ritualisation de l'abattage, c'est-à-dire sur autant d'éléments - agencement de l'espace, affectation des travailleurs et surtout techniques de mise à mort - qui témoignent des représentations religieuses dont fait l'objet l'animal de boucherie. Cela nous amène à interroger les codifications des aliments d'origine animale dans les religions hindoue, musulmane et juive, les trois religions référencées dans l'abattoir. Dans un deuxième temps, on se demandera ce que signifie la permanence de certaines pratiques « ritualisées » d'abattage pour les communautés en présence. Outre le fait de réaffirmer la dimension symbolique de certains animaux, l'organisation et les techniques d'abattage sont des moyens pour ces dernières d'affirmer leur appartenance identitaire, ethnique et religieuse. Ainsi, l'organisation de l'abattoir est un fil qui, tiré de la complexité des logiques communautaires, met en lumière l'ensemble des questions sensibles que pose l'étude de l'hindouisme et de sa cohabitation avec les religions musulmanes et juives dans le sous-continent indien.

In November 2007, Oregonians defeated Measure 50, an 84.5-cent cigarette tax increase to fund children's health insurance, by a vote of 59% no to 41% yes. This ballot measure would have established the Healthy Kids Program for otherwise uninsured children. Measure 50 revenues would also expand the Oregon Health Plan (Oregon's health care coverage for low-income residents) and provide additional funding for rural health and safety net clinics. Only 5% of the new revenues were dedicated to tobacco control. Measure 50 was a legislative referral of a bill that failed to pass as a statute during the regular legislative session. The Governor's Office and health and labor advocates tried several times to secure the three-fifths majority vote needed to pass a revenue-raising measure. Deprived of crucial votes with a Republican lockdown in the House, the Governor's Office and local contract lobbyist for the American Cancer Society (ACS) decided to support a legislative referral of the Healthy Kids Plan as a constitutional amendment, which only required the approval of a simple majority in the Legislature, to the ballot in the 2007 special election. Campaign spending for Measure 50 was the costliest in Oregon's history. The Yes on Healthy Kids PAC spent $3.7 million. The tobacco industry spent $12.1 million opposing the measure ($7.1 million from Philip Morris' Stop the Measure 50 Tax Hike PAC and $5.0 million from RJR's Oregonians Against the Blank Check PAC). From the outset, the Yes campaign faced several issues that put them at a disadvantage: the short timeline of less than five months from referral to election for a public education and media campaign, the unfavorable recourse of amending the constitution, and relatively low initial levels of public support (59% in March, falling to 53% in August). During the campaign, leadership was concentrated among three individuals who had experience in Oregon initiatives and politics, but who lacked the ability to effectively communicate and mobilize other advocates and volunteers involved in the campaign. RJ Reynolds and Philip Morris ran separate campaigns against Measure 50. Their combined $12 million directed at defeating the measure went to paid media and continuous polling that allowed the tobacco companies to define messages and hone in on issues that resonated most with voters throughout the state. The RJ Reynolds campaign had an effective spokesperson who was visible and stayed on message, unlike the Yes on Healthy Kids campaign, which lacked a strong identity with several speakers and changing messages. Measure 50 supporters blamed massive tobacco industry spending for their loss. This conclusion ignored flaws in the legislation itself; its small allocation to tobacco control and amendment to the constitution made it susceptible to attack from the tobacco industry. The Yes campaign also suffered from a lack of communication and cooperation within the campaign and did not learn lessons from other cigarette tax increase initiatives throughout the United States. The tobacco control community will continue to be disappointed with their campaign efforts to increase tobacco taxes until they begin to learn from these repeated past mistakes.

This work aims to analyze partnerships between communities and businesses in the forestry sector in Brazil. The question to be answered is whether business-community partnerships can be considered a governance mode in the forestry sector in Brazil. Conclusions shall be drawn on the case of the "Forestry Partners" program of the firm Aracruz Cellulose, in the state of Espírito Santo. The methodology is theoretically based on studies of governance in general and environmental governance in particular within the analytical framework of the neo-institutional rational choice approach. Using these theoretical and analytical glasses, I attempt to analyze the development of governance and interaction between state and non-state actors at national level and at local/case study level. While the theoretical framework for the present analysis relies on recent political science literature on governance and policy implementation, the analytical framework is based on a neo-institutional approach to the interaction between the partners. The model of analysis, drawing on rational choice and game theory literature, identifies the main actors in the partnership, aims to analyze the fulfillment of socio-economic demands by looking into the contractual agreement between these parties and examining the partners' perception of the agreement itself, touching the role of the state and its agencies as mediators and issues such as culture and identity. The puzzle to be solved is whether, given the economic benefits out of the contractual agreement between partners in this specific partnership program and the actors´ opinion about the partnership, such partnerships can be considered a durable win-win situation. The hypotheses raised are: The partnership can be a win-win situation for both partners (1) if the economic demands of both partners are sufficiently met in their own view; and (2) if other social needs that should be equally important for participants are met as well. The first hypothesis aims at identifying overall governance patterns. The second aims at identifying durable governance patterns. According to the findings systematized under the aggregate variables analyzed, the relationship between the company and the indigenous communities show the potential conflicts between actors when these do not share the same rationality. Different preferences influence channels of communication between actors. Further, though the institutional framework (in this case forestry policies and the contractual agreement) allows a number of actions, different rationalities based on different preferences will lead to different handling options. Unless those are negotiated in a sufficient manner by partners, mechanisms of social regulation tend to of limited durability. I suggest that the weight of important social, political, cultural, and identitarian rights linked to environmental issues should influence the ultimate choice of communities to cooperate with companies or not. Generalizations based on the results of this thesis are therefore possible at theoretical level and point to reflections on further interdisciplinary research regarding the durability and quality of relationships between forestry sector's stakeholders with different interests. Rationalities´ conflicts, which are strategic and political in their nature, go beyond the borders of Brazilian reality.

International audience ; Europe and sovereignty : The Idea of State, from the Classicalsto the Actual Realities. Across the political spectrum, the prevalence of discourses denying Turkey any European character may logically lead to surmise the existence of a consensus on the defining features of European Union identity. However, as the recent debate over the European constitutional treaty demonstrated, there is no such consensus. It is therefore necessary to enlighten this paradox in order to define both the European political integration process and the principles of supranational legitimacy. The classic debate between Liberals and Sovereignists is now familiar. The former adopt a universalist and formalistic perspective to posit that functional integration, born out of rational deliberation, would give rise to a genuine Europe. Meanwhile, the latter emphasize a sense of belonging as a prerequisite to the emergence of, and engagement with, the community; a characteristic they deem inseparable from the nations. In this now dominant perspective adhesions should only and merely be rooted into - and thus sanction - a common history and collective past. It consequently rebuts the very principle of a European political entity. Therefore the European Union would not be suffering from a legitimacy deficit but rather from a lack of credibility and identification. However, some scholars have in the last few years propounded a postnational paradigm which in turn prompted much debate over "constitutional patriotism". Can Sovereignty be thus rethought on a European scale? Such questioning demands a regressive appraisal of existing theories of Sovereignty to confront them to the present European debate. ; À entendre les discours de gauche comme de droite qui s'accordent pour refuser la personnalité européenne à la Turquie, on peut s'attendre à ce que tous se retrouvent sur la définition d'une identité propre à l'Union européenne. Or, on sait qu'il n'en est rien, comme l'a récemment démontré le débat autour du Traité constitutionnel européen. Il faut tenter d'éclairer ce paradoxe, et par là même de définir l'intégration politique européenne et les principes d'une légitimité autre que nationale. On connaît le débat déjà ancien entre les libéraux et les souverainistes, les premiers partant d'un postulat universaliste et formaliste, par lequel l'intégration fonctionnelle, fille de la raison, permettrait d'aboutir à une Europe véritable, les seconds estimant nécessaire qu'il existe au préalable un sentiment d'appartenance à une communauté et un engagement au sein de celle-ci, qu'ils ne voient s'exprimer qu'à l'échelle des nations. Cette dernière tendance, qui ne pousse pas aux adhésions autres que celles sanctifiées par l'enracinement collectif et l'histoire, et donc réfute par principe l'idée d'une entité politique européenne, est aujourd'hui majoritaire : l'Union européenne souffrirait avant tout non pas d'un déficit de légitimité, mais de crédibilité ou d'identification. Pourtant, certains penseurs avancent depuis quelques années le paradigme postnational, qui débouche sur l'idée tant discutée du " patriotisme constitutionnel ". La souveraineté peut-elle ainsi être repensée à l'échelle européenne ? La question exige un rappel des différentes théories qui tentent de la définir, et de partir de cette première analyse pour la confronter à la réalité de l'Europe aujourd'hui. Mots-clés

Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan korkeakoulutuksen kansainvälistymistä ja yliopiston rooleja kuvaavia suomalaisia ja eurooppalaisia diskursseja. Diskurssien kautta pyritään ymmärtämään yliopiston roolien ja tehtävien rakentumista laajemmassa kilpailullisessa tietoyhteiskunnassa suomalaisella ja eurooppalaisella korkeakoulutusareenalla. Kilpailullinen tietoyhteiskunta nähdään vallitsevana poliittisena rationaliteettina jonka viitekehyksessä yliopiston muutosta sosiaalisena instituutiona voidaan tarkastella. Tutkimuksen lähtökohtana on usein esitetty ajatus kansainvälistymisestä yliopiston muutoksena ja sopeutumisena muuttuviin toimintaympäristöihin. Empiirisen aineiston analyysin perusteella tunnistetaan ja muotoilaan kuusi diskurssia, joista kolme kuvaavat kansainvälistymistä ja toiset kolme yleisemmin niitä ideoita jotka legitimoivat yliopiston roolia yhteiskunnassa. Kansainvälistymisdiskurssit vastaavat kysymykseen, mitä korkeakoulutuksen kansainvälistyminen on, ja mitkä sen seuraukset yksilön, yliopiston ja maan kannalta ovat. Yliopistodiskurssit perustelevat miksi yliopistoa tarvitaan yhteiskunnassa, millainen oikea yliopisto on ja mihin yliopiston panos yhteiskunnassa perustuu. Kansainvälisyyden esitystavat, yliopiston roolit ja tehtävät, sekä sen identiteetti sosiaalisena instituutiona kilpailullisessa tietoyhteiskunnassa eivät ole homogeenisia, vaan rakentuvat useista diskursseista. Nämä eivät näytä kilpailevan keskenään vaan pikemminkin täydentävät toisiaan. Yliopiston rooli yhteiskunnassa määrittyy useiden roolien ja tehtävien kautta ja siltä odotetaan moninaista panosta yhteiskunnan toimintaan. ; This doctoral thesis discusses the Finnish and European discourses on the internationalisation of higher education and the roles of the University. The thesis aims to understand the ways in which the roles and tasks of the University are played out in the competitive knowledge society in Finland and the European Higher Education Arena. The competitive knowledge society is seen as a dominant political rationality within which changes in the University as a social institution can be evaluated and discussed. The research s starting point is the representation of internationalisation as a change in the University and as an indication of its responsiveness. Discourse analytical strategies were used to analyse the empirical data used in the research. Institutional theory and governmentality theory were utilised to make sense of the University as a social institution and the competitive knowledge society as a dominant political rationality, and the way these two framework conditions relate to the discourses. Six discourses were identified in the empirical analysis. The three Internationalisation discourses were named the internationalisation as individual growth ­discourse, the internationalisation as rethinking the university ­discourse and the internationalisation as opening up the country ­discourse. They provided answers to the questions about what higher education internationalisation is and what its consequences are, from the perspective of the individual, the university and the nation. The three University discourses were named the science and knowledge -discourse, the civilisation and wellbeing -discourse and the competition and competitiveness -discourse. The University discourses represent legitimations of the University in the knowledge society. They describe the reasons why the University is needed in society, what the University contributes to it, and what a true University is like. The representations of internationalisation, or the roles and tasks of the University and its identity as an institution in a competitive knowledge society, are not singular or homogenous. Instead they are constructed of several different co-existing and complementary discourses. Although the University contribution to competition and competitiveness makes a strong constitutive and legitimating discourse, other discourses and other legitimations live side by side with it.

THE INVESTIGATION OF CRIMES REFERING TO FORGERY OF DOCUMENTS AND POSSESSION OF FORGED DOCUMENTS Constantly improving informational technologies more and more get into our daily routine: nowadays it is widely spread internet payments, purchases, signing on-line agreements using electronic signatures. However, paper documents or other made of appropriate materials, which have material evidence, still have a very significant impact on our life. Its convey different aspects of states' public works, which are inevitably in our everyday cares (money banknotes, identity cards, civil acts certificate and etc.). While such significant impact of documents on our life exists, there always be a need to change something in those documents seeking selfish interests, trying to hide mistakes, get rich, therefore different documents are being forged. Document – contains fixed information, do not matter what are the fixing methods and information storages (information was applied using ink, either by hand (to make a hand-written document) or by a mechanical process (such as a printing press, more recently, a printer), it was audio or video recorded, stored in computer, photographed and etc.), as well all the document copies made using any of named above ways. Although laws of penal code of Lithuanian Republic consolidate two main forms of documents, which can be used as a proof: a) documents, as a self-independent form of evidence and b) documents, as an object, which has an importance for investigation, however more often documents are related to written forms (protocols, act of revision and etc.). According to nowadays point of view also estimating the technical progress, it is obviously too narrow to interpret the documents only as written acts, formulating the legal and criminalistic document meaning. In this paper work will be revealed not only single definition of "document", its indications and types, but also using the method of comparison analyze will be compared the ways how legislator defines concept of the document in criminal process law, criminal law, and in criminalistics. The object and subject of the research. The research object – relations governed by law, which appear investigating the crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents by criminal policy officers, public procurators, judges, specialists, experts, counsel for the defense, witness, accused and other persons who involved into investigation. The research subject is crime investigation practice: the joint investigation practice of those crimes and the investigation practice of the expertise, and other processing and non-processing acts separately. The aim of the work. The main aim of the work is to make and to ground a common model for investigation of crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents (to give versions, check them, to prepare the activity plan). The method and sources of research. This paper work is based on laws and acts of Lithuanian Republic, criminal justice, the analyze of work of Forensic Science Center of Lithuania (ex governmental institution of legal system of the Republic of Lithuania), used law experience of different governments, criminalistics, criminal law and process, literature on statistics.

THE INVESTIGATION OF CRIMES REFERING TO FORGERY OF DOCUMENTS AND POSSESSION OF FORGED DOCUMENTS Constantly improving informational technologies more and more get into our daily routine: nowadays it is widely spread internet payments, purchases, signing on-line agreements using electronic signatures. However, paper documents or other made of appropriate materials, which have material evidence, still have a very significant impact on our life. Its convey different aspects of states' public works, which are inevitably in our everyday cares (money banknotes, identity cards, civil acts certificate and etc.). While such significant impact of documents on our life exists, there always be a need to change something in those documents seeking selfish interests, trying to hide mistakes, get rich, therefore different documents are being forged. Document – contains fixed information, do not matter what are the fixing methods and information storages (information was applied using ink, either by hand (to make a hand-written document) or by a mechanical process (such as a printing press, more recently, a printer), it was audio or video recorded, stored in computer, photographed and etc.), as well all the document copies made using any of named above ways. Although laws of penal code of Lithuanian Republic consolidate two main forms of documents, which can be used as a proof: a) documents, as a self-independent form of evidence and b) documents, as an object, which has an importance for investigation, however more often documents are related to written forms (protocols, act of revision and etc.). According to nowadays point of view also estimating the technical progress, it is obviously too narrow to interpret the documents only as written acts, formulating the legal and criminalistic document meaning. In this paper work will be revealed not only single definition of "document", its indications and types, but also using the method of comparison analyze will be compared the ways how legislator defines concept of the document in criminal process law, criminal law, and in criminalistics. The object and subject of the research. The research object – relations governed by law, which appear investigating the crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents by criminal policy officers, public procurators, judges, specialists, experts, counsel for the defense, witness, accused and other persons who involved into investigation. The research subject is crime investigation practice: the joint investigation practice of those crimes and the investigation practice of the expertise, and other processing and non-processing acts separately. The aim of the work. The main aim of the work is to make and to ground a common model for investigation of crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents (to give versions, check them, to prepare the activity plan). The method and sources of research. This paper work is based on laws and acts of Lithuanian Republic, criminal justice, the analyze of work of Forensic Science Center of Lithuania (ex governmental institution of legal system of the Republic of Lithuania), used law experience of different governments, criminalistics, criminal law and process, literature on statistics.

Film and Modern Life in Limburg. Cinema Exhibition between Commerce and Catholic Cultural Politics (1909-1929) The aim of this book is to provide a deeper understanding of the development of a local and regional infrastructure of cinema exhibition as an element in a larger process of modernization that at the same time stimulated that modernization process. The main focus of the book is on the dynamics of cultural adaptation and resistance accompanying the rise of the cinema exhibition industry in the Dutch province Limburg. How did the cinema integrate into the everyday life of the - predominantly Roman Catholic - inhabitants of this region? The empirical basis for this study stems from painstaking historical research of municipal and other archives, newspapers and magazines, surviving business records, etcetera. For this research I have made use of the concept of the cultural intermediary or broker. In brief, cultural brokers negotiate the appropriation of meaning. More concrete, in this research the most prominent intermediary is the cinema owner. He acted as a gatekeeper deciding in what manner and circumstances and in what dosage his audiences were exposed to an international film culture consisting predominantly of foreign products. The exhibitor chose marketing strategies and constructed the social image of his theatre. He balanced the demands of his audiences against for instance the interests of his suppliers, the distributors, or the pressures of government and church authorities. Besides the entrepeneurs, another category of intermediaries that played a major role in the integration of cinema in Limburg were the local and regional government and officials and religious leaders. The Catholic authorities responded cautious to the growing consumption of commercial entertainment in which the cinema appeared as a pivotal institution during the 1910s. Shortly after World War I the Netherlands Cinema League (Nederlandsche Bioscoopbond), a newly founded professional organization for entrepeneurs in the national cinema industry, succesfully blocked the aspirations for independent Catholic film exhibition. A key struggle took place in the so-called Venlo Cinema War of 1921-1922, during which all cinemas remained closed for almost a year. After that, Catholic authorities shifted their attention to the distribution instead of the exhibition branch of the industry, by setting up a regional, Catholic film censorship organization. This organization regularly came into conflict with the Netherlands Cinema League, culminating in a regional clash in 1929, when the cinemas in numerous cities in the Catholic South of the Netherlands closed for months. Both parties were forced to a settlement by personal interference of the Prime Minister. After this agreement, the relations between the cinema industry and the Catholic authorities gradually became less strained. The regional censorship arrangement safeguarded a sense of regional Catholic identity, guaranteeing at least a degree of control over cinema culture. Simultaneously, the vast majority of films passed the censors, and were as a result implicitly sanctioned by the Catholic authorities. In spite of the repeated reassurance that films were only 'admitted', not 'approved', in this way the censorship stimulated the integration of film culture into Limburg society.

Devolution, constitutional reform initiated in 1997 by the Blair government, shocked the British unitary model. Indeed, this decentralization policy, including the delegation of legislative power entrusted to the component nations of Britain, introduced elements federalizing the state structure and threatening the institutional identity of the Anglo-British state. This differentiation and diversification statutory territorial entities, Scottish and Welsh, then pose the question of maintaining state unity, its abandonment, or redefine it. If devolution seems to respond to a crisis of state legitimacy, it is also indicative of a transformation of state structures and relations of it with civil society. A new definition of the system of government, integrating the concept of "governance", allows the state to offload some of its responsibilities to entrust them to new partners or to exercise them in cooperation with the private sphere. Devolution is therefore both a factor in the modernization of the British constitution and evolution of the state. Devolution should not however be isolated from the overall reform to modernize the constitution as it can be studied without comparison with other European models. The affirmation of the subsidiarity at European level, as a principle governing the relations of state and local governments, suggesting a common regional process and encourégé. If devolution is primarily a process allowing to consider other developments, including the Scottish nationalists win elections in May 2007, its evolution, its viability or spend its actors and their ability to adapt. ; La dévolution, réforme constitutionnelle initiée en 1997 par le gouvernement de Tony Blair, a bouleversé le modèle unitaire britannique. En effet, cette décentralisation politique, et notamment la délégation du pouvoir législatif confié aux nations composant la Grande-Bretagne, a introduit des éléments fédéralisant la structure étatique et menaçant l'identité institutionnelle de l'Etat anglo-britannique. Cette différenciation et cette diversification statutaire des entités territoriales, écossaise et galloise, posent alors la question du maintien de l'unité étatique, de son abandon, ou de sa redéfinition. Si la dévolution semble répondre à une crise de légitimité de l'Etat, elle est aussi révélatrice d'une transformation des structures de l'Etat et des relations de celui-ci avec la société civile. Une nouvelle définition du système de gouvernement, intégrant le concept de "gouvernance", permet à l'Etat de se décharger de certaines de ses responsabilités pour les confier à des nouveaux partenaires voire de les exercer en collaboration avec la sphère privée. La dévolution est alors à la fois un facteur de modernisation de la Constitution britannique et d'évolution de l'Etat. La dévolution ne doit pas cependant être isolée de la réforme globale de modernisation de la constitution comme elle ne peut être étudiée sans comparaison avec les autres modèles européens. L'affirmation de la subsidiarité au niveau européen, comme principe régissant les rapports de l'Etat et des collectivités locales, laisse entrevoir un processus régional commun et encourégé. Si la dévolution reste avant tout un processus laissant envisager d'autres développements, avec notamment la victoire des nationalistes écossais aux élections de mai 2007, son évolution, voire sa viabilité dépensent de ses acteurs et de leur capacité à s'adapter.

THE INVESTIGATION OF CRIMES REFERING TO FORGERY OF DOCUMENTS AND POSSESSION OF FORGED DOCUMENTS Constantly improving informational technologies more and more get into our daily routine: nowadays it is widely spread internet payments, purchases, signing on-line agreements using electronic signatures. However, paper documents or other made of appropriate materials, which have material evidence, still have a very significant impact on our life. Its convey different aspects of states' public works, which are inevitably in our everyday cares (money banknotes, identity cards, civil acts certificate and etc.). While such significant impact of documents on our life exists, there always be a need to change something in those documents seeking selfish interests, trying to hide mistakes, get rich, therefore different documents are being forged. Document – contains fixed information, do not matter what are the fixing methods and information storages (information was applied using ink, either by hand (to make a hand-written document) or by a mechanical process (such as a printing press, more recently, a printer), it was audio or video recorded, stored in computer, photographed and etc.), as well all the document copies made using any of named above ways. Although laws of penal code of Lithuanian Republic consolidate two main forms of documents, which can be used as a proof: a) documents, as a self-independent form of evidence and b) documents, as an object, which has an importance for investigation, however more often documents are related to written forms (protocols, act of revision and etc.). According to nowadays point of view also estimating the technical progress, it is obviously too narrow to interpret the documents only as written acts, formulating the legal and criminalistic document meaning. In this paper work will be revealed not only single definition of "document", its indications and types, but also using the method of comparison analyze will be compared the ways how legislator defines concept of the document in criminal process law, criminal law, and in criminalistics. The object and subject of the research. The research object – relations governed by law, which appear investigating the crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents by criminal policy officers, public procurators, judges, specialists, experts, counsel for the defense, witness, accused and other persons who involved into investigation. The research subject is crime investigation practice: the joint investigation practice of those crimes and the investigation practice of the expertise, and other processing and non-processing acts separately. The aim of the work. The main aim of the work is to make and to ground a common model for investigation of crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents (to give versions, check them, to prepare the activity plan). The method and sources of research. This paper work is based on laws and acts of Lithuanian Republic, criminal justice, the analyze of work of Forensic Science Center of Lithuania (ex governmental institution of legal system of the Republic of Lithuania), used law experience of different governments, criminalistics, criminal law and process, literature on statistics.

The topic of the paper is the principle of self-determination of peoples in international law and the limits of its implementation. The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate theoretical and practical aspects of regulation and implementation of the principle of self-determination of peoples. In the first part of the paper we examine the evolution of the principle in international law. The origin of the principle of self-determination of peoples is connected with the American and French revolutions in late XVIII century and the idea that government derives from the will of people. After the First World War the principle became the ideal of USA president Woodrow Wilson and it was used in redrawing the map of Europe, its practical application was inconsistent though. Since the dismemberment of European empires and the creation of the new national states were based on economic interests, historical claims and strategic calculations we can think of the principle of self-determination of peoples till the Second World War as the political declaration only. The principle of self-determination of peoples got the status of the right of international law under the regime of United Nations in the context of decolonization. Though the formulation of the principle in the Charter of United Nations is abstract, its content is clarified by the resolutions of the General Assembly. The scope of the principle was revised after the Cold War. It became obviously that the right of self-determination overstep the limits of decolonization and the questions about the holders of the right and the right of unilateral secession were raised. In the second part of the paper we analyze the scope of the principle of self-determination of peoples. The principle can be divided into "internal" and "external" self-determination. The former means the right of people to determine its political and economical regime. Civil and political rights claimed by international instruments are the guarantees of the "internal" self-determination. The "external" self-determination means the right of the people to determine its international status and is connected with the problem of the claim to secede. The right of secession does not exist in the instruments of international law, but it is not forbidden either. That is why in some cases it can be justified. The restriction of the right of self-determination is directly connected with the principle of territorial integrity. "External" self-determination, which influences the boundaries of a territory, does not contradict the principle of the territorial integrity if it is implemented by the people, which is the holder of the right of self-determination. In the context of the principle of self-determination a people means an entire population of particular territorial union. It is questionable whether the recognition of the right to unilateral secession would eliminate the ethnic conflicts; the respect to human rights and the preservation of identity of peoples should be a key to the future peace of multinational states.

In this collection, some of South Africa's most distinguished historians and social scientists present their views on the importance of history and heritage for the transformation of the South African society. Although popular use of history helped remove apartheid, the study of history lost status during the transition process. Some of the reasons for this, like the nature of the negotiated revolution, social demobilisation, and individualisation, are analysed in this book. The combination of scholarly work with an active role in changing society has been a central concern in South African history writing. This book warns against the danger of history being caught between reconciliation, commercialisation, and political correctness. Some of the articles critically examine the role of historians in ideological debates on gender, African agency, Afrikaner anti-communism, early South African socialism, and the role of the business world during late apartheid. Other contributions explore continuing controversies on the politics of public history in post-apartheid South Africa, describe the implementation of new policies for history education, or investigate the use of applied history in the land restitution process and in the TRC. The authors also examine a range of new government and private initiatives in the practical use of history, including the establishment of new historical entertainment parks and the conversion of museums and heritage sites. For readers interested in nation building processes and identity politics, this book provides valuable insight. ; CONTENTS -- History in the new South Africa: An introduction/Hans Erik Stolten -- PART I: THE ROLE OF HISTORY IN THE CREATION OF A NEW SOUTH AFRICA -- Thoughts on South Africa: Some preliminary ideas/Saul Dubow -- New nation, new history? Constructing the past in post-apartheid South Africa/Colin Bundy -- Truth rather than justice? Historical narratives, gender, and public education in South Africa/Elaine Unterhalter -- Claiming land and making memory: Engaging with the past in land restitution/Anna Bohlin -- Reflections on practising applied history in South Africa, 1994–2002: From skeletons to schools/Martin Legassick -- From apartheid to democracy in South Africa: A reading of dominant discourses of democratic transition/Thiven Reddy -- PART II: THE HANDLING OF HERITAGE AND THE POPULARISING OF MEMORY -- The politics of public history in post-apartheid South Africa/Gary Baines -- The transformation of heritage in the new South Africa/Christopher Saunders -- Reframing remembrance: The politics of the centenary commemoration of the South African War of 1899–1902/Albert Grundlingh -- Structure of memory: Apartheid in the museum/Georgi Verbeeck -- Building the "new South Africa": Urban space, architectural design, and the disruption of historical memory/Martin Murray -- PART III: INTERPRETATIONS OF SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY -- Whose memory – whose history? The illusion of liberal and radical historical debates/Bernhard Makhosezwe Magubane -- Four decades of South African academic historical writing: A personal perspective/Christopher Saunders -- The role of business under apartheid: Revisiting the debate/Merle Lipton -- Afrikaner anti-communist history production in South African historiography/Wessel Visser -- "1922 and all that": Facts and the writing of South African political history/Allison Drew -- A useable past: The search for "history in chords"/Catherine Burns

The Zapara Indians in the Upper Amazon are on the verge of disappearing from the linguistic map. This is a fact. And yet, their emergence within the political landscape in Ecuador (but not yet in Peru), has provided them with a greater international visibility as an indigenous group. Most unusually, the accounts of dreams become one of the key elements of new forms of identity practices and identification processes – as those narrated here by two Zapara political leaders will attest. In search of their material and immaterial heritage, these leaders make use of the realm of dreams, using occurred dreams to orient their choices in the reconstruction of a collective memory. The dream, as a tool for engaging in a regredient process or in the return into the past, provides the historical elements that the Indians will then re-inject into their present in order to construct new "traditions". In this dissertation, I will be describing the mechanisms, the learning of, and the local theories concerning the experience of dreams. In order to be understood, the dream must first circulate, and must have an issuer as a point of departure. Dreaming is also the means for a privileged relationship between human and non- human beings. Throughout this thesis, various systems of memory will be examined based upon empirical data revealing of the dreamt experience, but also of daily life, such as new teaching methods, or the creation of artefacts, produced both by ancestors or contemporaries. These accounts will help us to understand this new process of "Zaparaisation", which depends as much on a process of ethno-archiving than on ethno-museography, and which awakens the immaterial. ; Les Indiens Zápara de haute Amazonie sont en train de disparaître de la carte linguistique. C'est un fait. Et pourtant, leur émergence politique en Équateur (mais non encore au Pérou), contribue à les placer sur le devant de la scène indigène internationale. Le plus insolite est que les récits de rêves – comme en témoignent plus spécifiquement ceux narrés ici par deux leaders politiques zápara – deviennent un des éléments clés d'une genèse identitaire retrouvée. En quête de leur patrimoine matériel et immatériel, ces leaders instrumentalisent le champ onirique, y puisant les récits qui orienteront leurs choix dans la reconstruction d'une mémoire collective. Le rêve, truchement d'un processus régrédient, de remontée dans le passé, fournit des éléments d'histoire que les Indiens réinjectent dans le présent pour constituer une nouvelle « tradition ». Dans cet essai seront décrits les mécanismes, les apprentissages et les théories locales concernant les expériences oniriques. Pour être compris, le rêve doit avant tout circuler, et avoir un émetteur comme point de départ. Aussi est-il le mode de relation privilégié entre les personnes humaines et non humaines. Dans la thèse, plusieurs régimes de mémoire seront étudiés à partir des données relevant de la vie onirique, mais aussi de la vie quotidienne, telles que les nouvelles expériences éducatives, ou la production d'artefacts, ceux produits par les ancêtres ou nos contemporains. Elles nous aideront à comprendre ce nouveau processus de « zaparaïsation », qui s'appuie tant sur l'ethnoarchivage que sur une ethnomuséographie, et qui sonne le réveil de l'immatériel.

This study is a fruit of joined intercultural research. The authors, an Asian and a European, look at the encounter between Christianity and the realm of the indigenous people of Nias and the Batu Islands (the Ono Niha) and their culture. During the course of one century (1865-1965), two missionary societies, the Rhenish Mission and the Dutch Lutheran Mission, were each propagating a certain type of Protestantism among the Ono Niha. The course of Christianization transformed the Niasan culture. In its turn, the Niasan culture shaped a unique type of Christianity. The two entities involved, however, were not equal. The stronger Christianity grew, the more uncompromising it became towards the indigenous culture, particularly primal religion. Around the turn of the century, the cooperation between the mission and the colonial government increased significantly. The introduction of Ethical Politics in 1901 strengthened the position of the missions. The year 1908 marked the beginning of the complete surrender of the Ono Niha to Western dominance, both physically and spiritually. The foundations of the primal religion had by now been seriously shaken. This, in addition to the yoke of colonialism, resulted in a spiritual vacuum in the communal psyche of the Ono Niha. The experience of total powerlessness triggered a crisis of identity. While not denying its religious factors, the outbreak of the Great Awakening at the end of 1915, must therefore be understood from a sociological perspective as a survival strategy. As well as being a spiritual revival, the Great Awakening was also an indigenous missionary movement. The Ono Niha ardently carried Christianity to the remotest of villages, while the missionaries anxiously tried to regulate and limit the scope of this dynamic movement. In this context, mention must be made of the key role played by the 'new' Niasan ministries, the sinenge and pandita, as well as that of women. Both the missionaries and the guru, who were paid by the government, were not very supportive of the Great Awakening. The most significant result of the awakening was that the primal religion, as an institutional system of beliefs, was shattered. Many Ono Niha experienced this as the birth of a new eschatological awareness. The conversion from belief in the ancestors (adu) to faith in Jesus Christ transformed the view of time and history from the traditional, cyclical world view with its golden era in the past to a linear view, with the Kingdom of God in the future. Nevertheless, the indigenous culture did strongly influence the form Christianity assumed among the Ono Niha. Clandestinely, under the cover of nominal Christianity, the values, worldview, and certain shamanistic practices of the primal religion continue to play a significant role in the lives of the Ono Niha. Today, as Christians all over Indonesia are struggling to relate the Gospel to their rapidly changing contexts, this study wants to offer a critical analysis of the missionary and ecclesiastical heritages on Nias and the Batu Islands, and suggest some steps towards a contextual theology for the Ono Niha.

THE INVESTIGATION OF CRIMES REFERING TO FORGERY OF DOCUMENTS AND POSSESSION OF FORGED DOCUMENTS Constantly improving informational technologies more and more get into our daily routine: nowadays it is widely spread internet payments, purchases, signing on-line agreements using electronic signatures. However, paper documents or other made of appropriate materials, which have material evidence, still have a very significant impact on our life. Its convey different aspects of states' public works, which are inevitably in our everyday cares (money banknotes, identity cards, civil acts certificate and etc.). While such significant impact of documents on our life exists, there always be a need to change something in those documents seeking selfish interests, trying to hide mistakes, get rich, therefore different documents are being forged. Document – contains fixed information, do not matter what are the fixing methods and information storages (information was applied using ink, either by hand (to make a hand-written document) or by a mechanical process (such as a printing press, more recently, a printer), it was audio or video recorded, stored in computer, photographed and etc.), as well all the document copies made using any of named above ways. Although laws of penal code of Lithuanian Republic consolidate two main forms of documents, which can be used as a proof: a) documents, as a self-independent form of evidence and b) documents, as an object, which has an importance for investigation, however more often documents are related to written forms (protocols, act of revision and etc.). According to nowadays point of view also estimating the technical progress, it is obviously too narrow to interpret the documents only as written acts, formulating the legal and criminalistic document meaning. In this paper work will be revealed not only single definition of "document", its indications and types, but also using the method of comparison analyze will be compared the ways how legislator defines concept of the document in criminal process law, criminal law, and in criminalistics. The object and subject of the research. The research object – relations governed by law, which appear investigating the crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents by criminal policy officers, public procurators, judges, specialists, experts, counsel for the defense, witness, accused and other persons who involved into investigation. The research subject is crime investigation practice: the joint investigation practice of those crimes and the investigation practice of the expertise, and other processing and non-processing acts separately. The aim of the work. The main aim of the work is to make and to ground a common model for investigation of crimes referring to forgery of documents and possession of forged documents (to give versions, check them, to prepare the activity plan). The method and sources of research. This paper work is based on laws and acts of Lithuanian Republic, criminal justice, the analyze of work of Forensic Science Center of Lithuania (ex governmental institution of legal system of the Republic of Lithuania), used law experience of different governments, criminalistics, criminal law and process, literature on statistics.