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The article is dedicated to analyzing the potential of transformation of parents into a subject of civil society through amplifying their social activities in schools and in big cities. The school and the megalopolis are regarded as social environments that have the potential to create new social trends and movements that are manifested in modified urban community behavior strategies, with such communities including parents of schoolchildren. The results of a survey of parents of schoolchildren (2019, Yekaterinburg, n = 7281) serve as the empirical foundation for the article. The article analyzes the characteristics of parents of schoolchildren in the megalopolis as a social community and as a subject of civil society. The importance of forming and developing this community's social capital in relation to both its "strong" and "weak" connections is emphasized. The features of schoolchildren parents' involvement in public practices at the school and in the megalopolis are shown. The forms of public participation preferred by parents in schools and in megalopolises are determined. Parents are becoming increasingly willing to engage in various practices of social activity in the future. Something else we noticed is the lack of active desire on behalf of the schoolchildren parent community to participate in managing the school, to stage protests or to support public initiatives in big cities. The authors insist that the parent schoolchildren community has the potential to turn into an active subject of state policy by means of increasing social activity and possibly translating it into civic activity under certain conditions.

The end of empires and the rise of nation-states have transformed the way politics and societies operate and the modern sense of these changes, transformations, events, and situations. Language, culture, and memory are essential pillars of the nation-states' projects of creating a new society. The modern form of government, the nation-state, use history not only as a means of transmission but also as a means of building identity and memory. This study examines the case files of three critical names in the Kurdish movement and the history-based debates in their trials. By applying discourse analysis, we have shown how the Turkish state and The Kurdish Workers' Party used history as a tool to "prove" and "disprove" the existence of Kurds, the Kurdish language, and Kurdistan. While the judges imposed an evidence-based approach to history and denied the existence of Kurds, Kurdish and Kurdistan, the PKK members opposed the official thesis of the state and built their arguments more on the day-to-day realities of life. The study's main argument is that the official ideology uses history to prove and convey a message to the rest of society, whereas the defendants used it as a means of protest depending on the historical reality rather than history as a science. This study discusses that by using science to make examples of these members, the judges used history to prove the Kurds' non-existence, whereas the defendants implied history as a way of protesting the ruling authority.

Wheat flour and bread have played a central role in Sudan's political economy throughout the country's post-independence history. In 2019, increasing bread prices precipitated the protests that ousted the government of Omar al-Bashir. How has Sudan's recent political transition and economic circumstances impacted distortions within the wheat value chain? What are the policy preferences of relevant stakeholders for improving the affordability of wheat products and the productivity of domestic wheat farmers? This paper addresses these questions by drawing on key informant interviews in Sudan and utilizing a political settlements approach, which captures the underlying distribution of power among elites and citizens. The post-revolution political settlement contains a much broader distribution of power shared between a civilian alliance movement and the military, each of which has distinct interests in the wheat value chain. The paper elucidates the preferences of different stakeholders to address policy distortions and discusses bottlenecks that need to be overcome for those options to be feasible. In doing so, the analysis reveals that, while the policy of subsidizing bread remains contentious, there are broader coalitions for interventions related to regulatory and monitoring reforms, improvements in domestic wheat procurement, enhanced agricultural investments, and targeted cash transfers to cushion subsidy reductions. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; CRP2; 2 Promoting Healthy Diets and Nutrition for all; 3 Building Inclusive and Efficient Markets, Trade Systems, and Food Industry; SSSP ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

Following the March 1960 Sharpeville massacre, Nigeria's engagements with South Africa took on a deeply hostile posture for the next decades, intensifying after the 1976 Soweto uprising. Through an indignant 'Afrocentric' foreign policy, the Nigerian state and Nigerians began to contest the apartheid regime at different levels. Among the group of Nigerians involved in this endeavour were four celebrity music artists – Sonny Okosun, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, Onyeka Owenu and Majek Fashek. These music artists released anti-apartheid songs specifically between 1978 and 1990, four of which have been selected in this article — Fire in Soweto, Beasts of No Nation, Winnie Mandela and Free Africa, Free Mandela, to galvanise national and global condemnation of apartheid. This article examines the role and musical concerns of these four music artists as part of a global antiapartheid movement. Drawing primarily on secondary sources, newspaper articles and album covers, the article demonstrates that these concerns were mostly connected to two defining and interconnected currents — the unifying militant resistance in most parts of Africa against white-minority rule and the contribution of governments in the West to the sustenance of the apartheid regime despite global condemnation. In this article I put forward three themes which shaped the songs of Nigerian celebrity artists protesting apartheid: protest, solidarity and advocacy. With its lens on four Nigerian musicians, and their connections to both the domestic and the international arena, this article provides new perpectives on the artistic interventions driven by African artists in the struggle against South African apartheid on the African continent.

Following the death of George Floyd, Facebook posts about the Black Lives Matter movement (BLM) surged, creating the opportunity to examine reactions by race and sex. This study employed a two-part mixed methods approach beginning with an analysis of posts from a single college student's Facebook newsfeed over a 12-week period, commencing on the date of George Floyd's death (25 May 2020). A triangulation protocol enhanced exploratory observational–archival Facebook posts with qualitative data from 24 Black and White college students queried about their views of BLM and policing. The Facebook data revealed that White males, who were the least active in posting about BLM, were most likely to criticize BLM protests. They also believed incidents of police brutality were exceptions that tainted an otherwise commendable profession. In contrast, Black individuals commonly saw the case of George Floyd as consistent with a longstanding pattern of injustice that takes an emotional toll, and as an egregious exemplification of racism that calls for indictment of the status quo. The exploratory data in this article also illustrate how even for a cause célèbre, attention on Facebook ebbs over time. This phenomenon obscures the urgency of effecting change, especially for persons whose understanding of racism is influenced by its coverage on social media. The need to recognize the divergence of views—how they vary by sex and race and their connection to social media—remains critical for progress in determining the best steps forward in race relations and police reform.

Abstract
This article offers a new way of exploring African American protest in Los Angeles in the 1980s and 1990s. It moves beyond reductive explanations of an inevitable economic and cultural conflict between African Americans and Koreans to examine the role of urban space and understanding of "spatial justice" in fostering anger and resentment. Activists in Black Los Angeles had for a long time targeted liquor stores as a form of neighborhood blight in South Central. The article considers three organizational approaches to protesting liquor stores: 1) The South Central Organizing Committee, a coalition of local Black churches, whose morality politics understood liquor stores as representing neighborhood blight and enabling local crime; 2) The Brotherhood Crusade, an organization steeped in Black nationalist thinking, which emphasized economic independence and community ownership in conjunction with xenophobic leanings toward Korean shopkeepers; 3) The Community Coalition for Substance Abuse Prevention and Treatment, which looked to deescalate racial tensions by refocusing the "problem" of liquor stores and their damaging effects on local quality of life as a public-health issue. Rethinking the controversy and tragedy caused by the death of Latasha Harlins as a conflict over contested spaces, rather than interracial hostility, helps us to understand the ways African Americans claimed space and connected social justice to physical spaces in the post-civil rights era despite differing tactics and objectives. Exploring these organizations leads to the conclusion that scholars need to take greater care to consider the role of space and the built environment when examining urban social movements.

The recurring, horrific deaths of minority residents at the hands of police officers and vigilantes have led social movements and international protests to amplify the charge that whereas the loss of White lives is seen as tragic, the loss of Black and Hispanic lives is treated as normal, acceptable, and even inevitable. Building on and advancing theories of "color-blind racism," the authors examine the process by which the news media uphold and reify the devaluation of Black and Hispanic lives through ostensibly race-neutral language, story lines, and cultural narratives. Drawing on an original data set containing all news articles ( n = 2,245) written about every homicide victim ( n = 762) in Chicago, Illinois, during 2016, the authors use multilevel models to assess the extent to which victims' race and neighborhood racial composition are associated with the level of attention, or "newsworthiness," devoted to their deaths. Using two measures of newsworthiness—the amount of coverage and recognition of "complex personhood"—the authors find that victims killed in predominantly Black neighborhoods receive less news coverage than those killed in non-Hispanic White neighborhoods. Those killed in predominantly Black or Hispanic neighborhoods are also less likely to be discussed as multifaceted, complex people. Our analyses underscore the importance of place, especially the racialization of place, in determining which victims are treated as newsworthy. These findings carry important implications for understanding and addressing color-blind racism, news-reporting practices, and territorial stigma in the reproduction of racist ideologies.

Partha Chatterjee's work on postcolonial politics articulates the limits of participation and governance in contexts of stark inequality. Chatterjee's argument can be stretched within the South African context of protest and political contestation as it demonstrates that civil and political societies are fluid, political categories. From student to shack dweller movements, political society in South Africa disrupts top-down, dichotomous notions of 'administration' or 'governance'. I outline that the interactions between Chatterjee's political and civil society overlap with one another, but importantly, that this overlap determines the broader, shifting continuum of popular sovereignty that these two fields act within. Ordinary 'populations' of political society are able to infiltrate the 'sanitized walls' of civil society, contexts in which 'political society' sometimes draws on the language of rights and institutions such as the courts as well as practices of mobilization and disruption. South African mobilization illustrates the usefulness of engaging with the inequalities of governance via categories of civil and political society, but also shows that these are complicated and contested fields within the country's political and democratic framework. We cannot understand the notions of either political or civil society without contextualizing these processes within a framework that allows for the shifting continuum, and acknowledgement of the possibility of the existence of popular sovereignty. It is this broader, structural categorization, within which the forces of political and civil society fluidly interact that we need to conceptualize popular sovereignty in Chatterjee's description of 'most of the world.'

Abstract
Much has been written about the increasing influence of the Catholic Church in post-socialist Poland and its role in shaping the Polish national identity. As a result, the ways in which many Polish radical right groups have built their ideologies on Catholicism has also been studied. However, despite evidence of personal contact between clergymen and radical right figures over the past few decades, little is known about the intensity of these relationships and the advantages that right-wing groups might obtain from association with churches. This study aims to contribute to filling this knowledge gap by examining the relationship between churches and clergymen with the radical right in Poland by performing a case study of the group Młodzież Wszechpolska (MW, All-Polish Youth). By drawing on Social movement theory and borrowing from methods such as social network and protest event analysis, the paper uses joint events as an indicator of links and analyzes Facebook announcements posted by MW. The detected events (N = 170) primarily centered around cultural or historical issues and indicated that MW benefited from material resources and personal relationships facilitated by churches. Collaboration manifested not only as religious action but also in the involvement of clergymen as discussion participants at public events and churches as venues where MW could hold meetings. Therefore, churches can be used as a base for spreading ideology and approaching potential supporters. In addition, the presence of ecclesiastical actors can function as a legitimizing factor for increasing acceptance of MW and, ultimately, deradicalizing the group's image.

El presente Trabajo Fin de Grado ha sido realizado con el fin de incorporar el tratamiento de la memoria histórica y la historia reciente en el aula de Educación Primaria desde un enfoque interdisciplinar. Para ello, presentamos una propuesta didáctica dirigida al tercer ciclo de esta etapa, en la que abordaremos la cuestión que nos ocupa a través de la canción protesta en España. Utilizando como eje vertebrador tres grandes canciones representantes de este movimiento desarrollaremos una propuesta didáctica interdisciplinar basada en el desarrollo de las competencias clave -competencia social y ciudadana, conciencia y expresiones culturales, comunicación lingüística- con el fin de que el alumnado adquiera un aprendizaje significativo que le permita aplicar los conocimientos aprendidos en su entorno más próximo. Abstract: This Final Degree Project has been carried out with the aim of incorporating the treatment of historical memory and recent history in the Primary Education classroom from an interdisciplinary focus. For it, we present a didactic proposal in the third level of this stage, in which we tackle the question that we are dealing with through protest songs in Spain. Using three big songs representative of this movement as the main idea, we will develop an interdisciplinary didactic proposal based on the development of the key abilities – social and civic abilities, awareness and cultural expressions, linguistic communication – with the aim that the pupils acquire a significant amount of knowledge which allows them to apply this learning in their nearest environment.

Since the arrival of the Portuguese to Indonesia, many missionaries have spread Catholicism in Indonesia. The Maluku region became the beginning of the Catholicsm process in Indonesia, when a Portuguese missionary Francis Xavier came to the largest spice producing region in the world at that time. Previously, the arrival of the Portuguese in Indonesia in addition to their trade also brought religious interests in it. In 1546-1547 when he arrived in Maluku, he had succeeded in baptizing thousands of people also building schools for the indigenous population. When the VOC, which incidentally was a follower of Protestantism, tried to protest the population in the archipelago. They also sought to monopolize religion by mastering Catholic churches from Portuguese Spanish heritage, bearing in mind that in Europe there had been a strong push by Protestants against Catholics so that the impact of the Protestant-Catholic feud reached the Archipelago. Apparently, the era of Colonial Government began to be implemented after the fall of the VOC has had a tremendous impact on the development of Catholicism in Indonesia with the emergence of a spirit ''Catholic Awakening Indonesia'' in line with the period of the emergence of Indonesian movement organizations in achieving Free Indonesia. This is inseparable from the role and emergence of several Indonesian Catholic figures in the political field including Ignasius Kasimo, and M.G.R Soegijapranata, even military fields such as Adi Sucipto and Slamet Riyadi who are among the leaders among Indonesian Catholics who defend for the sake of the nation and state of Indonesia.

Geographical analyses on protests against austerity politics using the framework of post-politics have proliferated in recent years, mostly building on the work of Jacques Rancière and his conceptualisation of the political and the police order. The paper continues this tradition but seeks to move beyond those analyses reducing the political gesture to a 'rare' and 'heroic' act. It does so by bridging the work of Rancière with the work of Jean-Luc Nancy, developing two main arguments. The first one concerns the local and situated dimension of the political moment; the second concerns the dialectical relation between the police order and its disruption, while at the same time viewing insurgent acts as part of a chain of perpetual acts that destabilise the police order, which moreover are the inevitable outcome of its excess. These theoretical arguments are developed in relation to the analysis of the trajectory of disruptive politics around vacant property in Dublin and Rome. In both cities, several contentious political initiatives around property emerged as a response to the crisis and austerity politics, but they were unable to translate into bigger movements. To account for this, the paper identifies two main factors: the limited violence of the crisis in terms of evictions and foreclosures, and the instrumental use of 'legality' and 'rules' by the police order. Nevertheless, we argue, activist engagements with vacant property can be considered as examples of 'world forming' that create the possibilities for further disruptive politics.

Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu MdM-2015-0552 ; The extractive sector is increasingly important in the GDP and export basket of the four Andean countries under study (ACs) (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia). The analysis of an updated inventory of 296 environmental conflicts in the EJAtlas for these four countries reaches the following conclusions: extractivism causes environmental conflicts related to mining, fossil fuels, hydropower and biomass; indigenous, Afro-descendant and peasant communities are the most affected; behind the conflicts, there are not only environmental impacts but also social impacts that concern livelihoods, land deprivation and work insecurity, and also loss of cultural practices and cultural identity; most of the forms of collective action used in protests are peaceful, most notably petitions, street marches, media activism, lawsuits, while States and companies criminalize activists and are often violent (with about 75 cases in which there are deaths or disappearance of environmental defenders); socio-environmental movements (that sometimes include environmental NGOs) have achieved relative success, stopping 59 of the 296 conflict-generating projects and giving birth to new forms of resistance. While successfully stopping single projects cannot be construed as a general critique of economic growth, such attempts are congruent with post-development, community-centric, ecologically-balanced and culturally-sensitive Andean visions such as buen vivir or sumak kawsay. They are also congruent with policy proposals put forward from a post-economic growth perspective such as "leaving unburnable fuels in the ground" and "resource extraction caps".

This article proposes an analysis regarding Valparaí­so's college students movement between 2006 and 2016, and its relation with the emergence of a new left-wing in Chile. Research is based on qualitative methodology, from data collected through interviews to former college student leaders from the period mentioned before. From the above, this movement's path of organization and struggles is examined, dating its outbreak in 2006, given the historical relevance of the high school student's protests that took place that year. Also, the idea of a "new left-wing politic" is problematized, as are the characteristics adopted by it on the new chilean political cycle. The analysis is restrained to 2016, when this left-wing organizations started assuming positions of institutional representation. ; El presente artí­culo propone un análisis de la trayectoria del movimiento estudiantil universitario de Valparaí­so en el periodo 2006- 2016, y su relación con la emergencia de una nueva izquierda en Chile. La investigación se construyó bajo una metodologí­a cualitativa, a partir de entrevistas a exdirigentes/as universitarios en el periodo antes señalado. A partir de lo anterior, revisamos la trayectoria de luchas y organización del movimiento universitario, fijando como hito de inicio el 2006, dada la importancia histórica de dicha movilización secundaria. Se problematiza respecto del concepto de "nueva izquierda" y las caracterí­sticas que ésta ha adoptado en el nuevo ciclo polí­tico chileno, fijando como lí­mite de análisis el año 2016, fecha en que estas izquierdas asumen cargos de representación institucional.

AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of 'long-distance' anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as 'smugglers of truth'—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more 'successful' diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.